MHMM 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 



REFORM MINISTERS; 



HISTORY OF THE PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS, 



AND A VIEW OF 



THE STATE OF EUROPE FROM THE CLOSE OF 1831. 



FORMING A 



Continuation of " The Life and Times of William the Fourth " 



BY WILLIAM JONES, M. A. 

author of the history of the waldenses— continuation of hum1 
and smollett's England — also, of dr. russell's 

MODERN EUROPE, ETC. 



LONDON : 

H. FISHER, R. FISHER, AND P. JACKSON, 

/ 1832. 



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PREFACE. 



This Volume is intended to furnish posterity with an 
authentic record of the various extraordinary occurrences 
which have lately transpired, and which may be fairly 
said to constitute the present era the most eventful period 
in our history. 

The British constitution has long been the boast of 
Englishmen, and the envy of surrounding nations ; yet, 
it is impossible to deny that its vaunted excellence has 
hitherto been more in theory than in practice. It is 
evident, that, under the outward show of free institutions, 
we have been governed, since the Revolution in 1688, by 
an oligarchy, limited indeed in number, but selfish in 
character ; and its selfishness has increased as length of 
years has rendered it more familiarized to the ways of 
oppression and misrule. Referring to this anomaly, it was 
long ago remarked by Dr. Paley, that "there is nothing 
in the British constitution so remarkable as the irregu- 
larity of the popular representation. The House of Com- 
mons consists of 558 members, (the number in 1785,) of 
whom 200 are elected by 7000 constituents ; so that a 
majority of these J0OO, without any reasonable title to 
superior weight or influence in the state, may, under 
certain circumstances, decide a question against as many 
millions. " — " Or, to describe the state of national repre- 



IV PREFACE. 

sentation as it exists in reality, it may with truth be 
affirmed, that about one half of the House of Commons 
obtain their seats in that assembly, by the election of 
the people ; the other half by purchase, or by the nomi- 
nation of single proprietors of great estates."* 

This fact, in the opinion of many, sufficiently explains 
the sympathy which our rulers have generally shewn for 
the despotic monarchs of the Continent. Their cause 
has been too much identified. It was this that prompted 
our accession to the first unholy league that was entered 
into for the purpose of crushing the infantine liberties 
of France. Hence our incessant intrigues on the Conti- 
nent, until the restoration of the Bourbons was achieved. 
Hence our profuse expenditure in hiring nations and 
dynasties to fight in their own defence. Hence our 
coquetting with the holy alliance ; and hence the lamen- 
tations of a noble Duke and exalted Earl over our seces- 
sion from that association. The whole of these proceed- 
ings, in which the resources of the country have been 
wantonly squandered and its character compromised, appear 
to have taken their rise from a conviction that the poten- 
tates of Europe, and the oligarchy of England, stand in 
the same relation to their respective nations, and that 
their own safety was to be sought in a compact mutually 
to defend each other against every attempt of those who 
were subject to their control, to throw off the yoke. 

From a system of misrule, under which the fancied 
interests of the governors have, for a century and half, 
been systematically preferred to those of the governed — 
a system under which every amelioration of our social 
organization has been scornfully and contumeliously rejected 
— under which the people have been plundered, run into 
debt, and their wealth squandered upon projects which 
were either indifferent or prejudicial to their true interests 
— from such a system, the people of England have, at 
length, by a bold and vigorous effort, happily emanci- 
* Paley, on the British Constitution, in his Moral and Political Philosophy. 



PREFACE. V 

pated themselves, and an entire new order of things must 
be the result. Those who manage the affairs of the nation 
must henceforth be the nation's choice — identified with 
its interests — and of approved integrity and skill. National 
prosperity and happiness must now become the great con- 
cern of government, and neither the king nor the people 
sacrificed to party. 

The destinies of the empire are now, under Providence, 
in its own hands ; and it will require the utmost exertion 
of the nation's patient courage, intelligence, and wariness, 
to rescue it from the perilous situation into which it has 
been brought by the folly or incapacity of its former 
rulers. The past we know to our cost — the future is a 
page which admits of being but dimly scanned. One 
thing, however, is certain — a thorough reform in many 
of our institutions, connected with an unflinching retrench- 
ment, must be instantly commenced, and systematically 
persevered in, if Great Britain is to continue to maintain 
her rank and superiority among the nations of Europe. 
A great point has unquestionably been gained, in the 
defeat of a faction which sat as an incubus on the nation's 
energies, and , grew rich in the same proportion as the 
country grew poor. 

To preserve a faithful record of the means by which this 
triumph has been obtained, is the design of the following 
pages ; and it is hoped that the narrative will be found 
sufficiently circumstantial to answer every useful purpose, 
and furnish the most interesting National Register ever 
presented to the public. The Biographical Sketches which 
comprise the former part of the volume, and which have 
been studiously drawn up with a due regard to impar- 
tiality, will enable the reader to form a tolerably correct 
estimate of the character and competency of the present 
servants of the crown — the men who have lately fought 
their country's battles, and fought them with such glorious 
success. While from their speeches on various consti- 
tutional questions, an estimate may be formed of their 



VI PREFACE. 

general principles and competency in debate, theirs is 
the rare felicity of a cabinet which can at once transfer 
the appeal from words to actions — which can call upon 
their country to judge them, not merely by what they 
have said, but by what they have done. The promptness 
with which, as a body, they could consent to resign their 
offices, and forego their emoluments, rather than com- 
promise their principles, is such a test of character and 
integrity, as must speak to the dullest understanding. 

Upon the whole, the publishers would fain persuade 
themselves, that in the work now offered to their country- 
men, they shall be found not to have disappointed the 
reasonable expectations which were held out in their pros- 
pectus. The engravings which accompany the volume will 
speak for themselves, and serve, it may be presumed, to 
satisfy their friends that neither labour nor expense has 
been spared, to render the publication deserving of an 
extensive patronage. 

London, Oct. 1832. 



CONTENTS. 



Biographical Sketches of Earl Grey 1 

Lord Brougham 38 

Lord John Russell 74 

....... Lord Althorp 113 

LordHolland 155 

Lord Goderich 233 

Marquis of Lansdown 289 

Mr. Charles Grant 371 

Lord Durham 398 

. Lord Viscount Palmerston 451 

Sir John Cam Hobhouse, Bart 483 

Duke of Richmond 523 

Earl of Carlisle 537 

Sir James Graham, Bart 545 

Mr. E. G. Stanley 553 

Lord Auckland 563 

....... Lord Viscount Melbourne 569 

Lord Plunkett 579 

Sir Thomas Denman 612 



Historical Register. 

Introductory Remarks 635 

Section I. The American Revolution 637 

II. The French Revolution of 1 789 640 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

Section III. The Affairs of Poland 646 

tV. Belgium 655 

V. Italy, and the German States . . 658 

VI. Spain and Portugal 675 

VII. State of France, since the return of the Bourbons 697 

VIII. State of the British Colonies in the West Indies 723 

IX. History of the Passing of the Reform Bills . . 738 
X. Second defeat of Ministers in the Upper House, 

followed by their resignation 761 

XI. Recall of the Ministers to Office, and the Re- 
form Bills carried 770 

XII. State of Ireland in 1832, and laws for its relief 
— State of England — Cholera — Prorogation 

of Parliament — Appendix 837 



Embellishments. 

Interior View of the House of Commons, to front the Title. 

Portraits of Lords Holland, Goderich, Lansdown, Althorp, 
Palmerston, Melbourne, Durham, Plunkett, and the Duke of 
Richmond, to be prefixed to their respective biographies. 



* # * To those Subscribers who are not in possession of the " Life 
and Times of William the Fourth," we beg to recommend an addi- 
tional Part, (of Plates only,) price Is. 6d.; comprising an Interior 
View of the House of Lords ; with Portraits of the King and 
Queen, Earl Grey, Lord Brougham, and Lord John Russell : by 
which supplement, the Volume will be made still more complete. — 
In which case, the View in the House of Lords may be placed 
with that of the House of Commons — the Portraits of the King 
and Queen, at p. 635, — and those of the three Ministers, before 
their respective memoirs. 




CHARLES GREY, EARL GREY. 




: 



I 



THE 



REFORM MINISTERS. 



THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

CHARLES, EARL GREY DE HOWICK, K.G. 

First Lord of the Treasury. 

This justly venerated statesman, the pride and hope of his 
country, derives his descent from an ancient family of great 
respectability, in the county of Northumberland — the Greys 
of Werke — the original of which is lost in the clouds of 
antiquity. The family is said to be of Saxon origin, and, 
as may naturally be supposed, has undergone numerous 
changes, and given rise to various ramifications. The direct 
ancestor of the nobleman before us, was Baron Grey, of 
Werke, who was elevated to the peerage in the reign of 
James I. ; but the title then conferred became dormant, and 
was revived by a fresh patent, in the person of Sir Charles 
Grey, a general in the army, about the middle of the last 
century. He was an officer of great experience, and served 
under Prince Ferdinand at the battle of Minden, having 
entered the army as a subaltern at the age of nineteen, and 
became a field-officer at thirty- two. For the eminent ser- 
vices which he rendered to his country, he was created 
Knight of the Bath, and appointed Governor of the island 
of Guernsey. 

n 



2 EARL GREY. 

After several years of peace, he was called forth from his 
retirement, to command the British army in the war with 
the American colonies, during which he served under Sir 
William Howe, and was rewarded for his able exertions by 
being raised to the rank of lieutenant-general, appointed 
commander-in-chief of the forces there, and honoured with 
the red riband. At the commencement of the late conti- 
nental war, Sir Charles Grey distinguished himself for a 
short time in Flanders, chiefly in the relief of Ostend and 
the capture of Nieuport. From thence he proceeded to the 
West Indies, where, in conjunction with Admiral Sir John 
Jervis, he succeeded in the capture of the French islands 
of Martinique, St. Lucie, and Guadaloupe, in the year 
1/94. In 1801 or 1802, he was created Baron Grey de 
Howick, and in 1806 raised to the dignity of an Earl — a 
dignity which he did not long enjoy, as he died at Fallow- 
den House, near Alnwick, on the 14th of November, 1807, 
in the eightieth year of his age. 

Of the gallant officer now mentioned, the present Earl Grey 
was the eldest son ; consequently the heir of his titles and 
estates. He was born at the family seat of Fallowden, 
March 1 3, 1 764 ; and received his education, first at Eton 
school, and subsequently at King's College, Cambridge, 
where he acquired as much sound learning as usually falls 
to the lot of the eldest sons of wealthy noblemen. On quit- 
ting the University, at the age of eighteen, he went over to 
the Continent, with the view of making the tour of Europe, 
where he visited the principal cities of France, Spain, and 
Italy. In the course of his tour, he fell in with the late 
Duke and Duchess of Cumberland, with whom he some 
time travelled, and so much ingratiated himself, as to ob- 
tain a distinguished appointment from the royal Duke, 
which procured Mr. Grey's introduction to the first per- 
sonages on the continent. Their acquaintance also ripened 
into an intimacy, which strengthened on the return of the 
parties to England, and terminated only with the death of 
the royal pair. Mr. Grey was in the suites of their Royal 



KARL GREY. 3 

Highnesses, when they were admitted to an interview with 
the Sovereign Pontiff, Pius VI, at Rome, in the year ]786. 

Soon after Mr. Grey's return to England, a vacancy in 
the representation of his native county occurred, in con- 
sequence of Lord Lovaine having succeeded to the dignity 
of Duke of Northumberland, by the death of his father; 
and being invited by the principal gentlemen of the county, 
to offer himself, supported too by the ducal interest, he con- 
sented, and was returned without opposition, though he had 
not then attained his twentieth year. 

Though elected, Mr. Grey did not take his seat in par- 
liament until he became of age ; but he had not long 
entered the house, before he gave proof of his ability and 
disposition to take a conspicuous part in its debates. His 
first speech was delivered on Wednesday, Feb. 21st, 1787> 
on the subject of Mr. Pitt's commercial treaty with France. 
It is well known that it was this celebrated measure which 
established the minister's fame, and to which he was 
indebted for a large share of the popularity that followed 
him till the commencement of hostilities with France. The 
circumstance of this being Mr. Grey's maiden speech, 
together with the eloquence displayed by him on the occa- 
sion, seem to entitle it to somewhat more than an inci- 
dental mention, and may probably justify us in giving 
some account of it in this place : it stamped him as a de- 
bater of no common talent ; and from this time, he never 
rose without exciting attention, nor ended without making 
a strong impression on his hearers. 

He rose first in the debate, to declare his disapprobation 
of the treaty. He insisted particularly on the comparative 
situation of this country and France, in reference to the 
trade with America. In his opinion, this was a favourite, 
he believed he might say, the principal object of the court 
of France in the negociation of this treaty, and it had already 
been attended with the most flattering success. In proof 
of this, Mr. Grey read a letter of the 22nd of October, 1786, 
from M. de Calonne to Mr. Jefferson, the minister pleni- 



EARL GREY. 



potentiary of the United States, which, he observed, was 
nothing but a long string of concessions on the part of 
France, without the stipulation of a single act of reciprocity 
from America, in return. The internal duties upon her 
oils were taken off in a manner that was indulged to no 
European nation, and she was allowed to purchase arms, 
ammunition, and warlike stores. Did France, he asked, 
expect no equivalent ? Yes, she expected an equivalent in 
a monopoly of that trade which we once enjoyed, and 
which had supplied us with two-thirds of our commercial 
marine : she expected an equivalent in the augmentation 
of her own navy, and the ruin of that of Great Britain. 
Mr. Grey asked what it was that prevented us from forming 
such a connection with America, as would, at least, give 
us a share in the advantages of her commerce ? Was it, 
that it would be inconsistent with the political interests of 
this kingdom ? On the contrary, there was no connection 
that could be devised, so eligible to Great Britain, or so 
consistent with the views of sound policy. Was it, that 
America was averse to any treaty with this country ? He 
had the best reasons for believing that she was both willing 
and eager to enter into any negociation with us on fair and 
equitable terms. Here then was a glorious instance of the 
pacific disposition of the court of France ! She negociated 
with us a treaty — a tempting treaty, it had been called — by 
which she cut us off from the rest of Europe, precluded 
the possibility of our fortifying ourselves by new alliances, 
obtained an absolute ratification of the Family-Compact, 
and laid the foundation of her future greatness in her trade 
with America. He trusted the house would no longer be 
blind to French perfidy; to all which the experience of 
past times had taught us, to all which our sufferings at the 
moment demonstrated : and he concluded with expressing 
a hope, that he should not be suspected of opposing the 
address, from any want of personal attachment to the sove- 
reign ; he should always be one of the first, and the most 
eager, to approach the throne with sentiments of loyalty. 



EARL GREY. D 

The minister, he hoped, would not imagine that he acted 
from any personal prejudice towards him, or from any 
party view. He believed the good of the country was what 
Mr. Pitt had most at heart, and he trusted that he would 
render him the same justice, by believing that his conduct, 
in this instance, was not influenced by any sinister motive. 

In the speech, of which this is a meagre outline, we 
descry the infant Hercules. Mr. Grey was then a mere 
stripling ; but in knowledge of our foreign mercantile 
relations, which he had carefully studied during his recent 
tour on the continent, and in ability to describe and reason 
from them, it was easy to discover the germ of the practical 
statesman. 

In the same session of parliament, we find Mr. Grey in 
a warm personal altercation with Mr. Pitt, on the subject 
of certain abuses in the post-office department, which is 
worthy of a passing remark. On the 15th of May, he 
brought a complaint against the government, on the ground 
of their having dismissed the Earl of Tankerville, to whom 
Mr. Grey was related, from the office of postmaster- 
general, without a justifiable cause. This nobleman, who 
was joint postmaster with Lord Carteret, had taken con- 
siderable pains to correct the defects in his department, 
and with that view had suggested several plans of preven- 
tion, and communicated them to the minister. The latter 
bestowed his commendation on that nobleman, and promised 
him his support in rectifying the abuses ; but as Lord 
Carteret could not be made sensible of the abuses, nor 
brought to exert the same industry for their- cure, the two 
noblemen were at issue, and could no longer continue to 
act together. In these circumstances, it seemed natural to 
expect that the minister would not have dismissed the 
postmaster-general who had shewn himself anxious for 
reform, but his colleague, who was a protector of the 
abuses in question. Lord Tankerville, however, had been 
dismissed, and that on a sudden, and in a manner the most 
unexampled and extraordinary. Mr. Grey reasoned upon 



D EARL GREY. 

these circumstances, and contended that there could be no 
other motive for the dismission, than that Lord Tanker- 
ville had preferred his duty to every other consideration. 
He, therefore, conceived that Mr. Pitt had acted in a man- 
ner deserving of censure ; and in order to bring home his 
accusations to him and Lord Carteret, he moved, in the 
House of Commons, that a committee should be appointed 
to inquire into certain abuses in the post-office. 

This bold conduct was evidently throwing down the 
gauntlet, and the minister had too much pride not to take 
it up. He declared, that he had no intention to oppose 
Mr. Grey's motion j on the contrary, he should at all times 
feel disposed to allow inquiries of this sort, when there 
was no palpable impropriety in granting them. As to the 
present charge, he declared it to be wholly unwarranted in 
fact, and unfounded in any reasonable presumption. But 
though he granted the inquiry, he seems to have done it, 
as was remarked by Mr. Fox, under an impression of mind 
that Mr. Grey would fail in proving his facts, and that the 
whole would end in his disappointment and disgrace. In 
this, however, the minister was disappointed, and he shewed 
considerable testiness of temper. Speaking of the dis- 
mission of Lord Tankerville, Mr. Grey said, that he had 
been sacrificed in favour of a nobleman, (meaning Lord 
Hawkesbury) who had seated Mr. Pitt in his present situa- 
ation, and against whose interest the dismission of a whole 
administration did not weigh a feather. He, therefore, 
moved, that it appeared to the house "that great abuses 
had prevailed in the post-office; and that having been made 
known to his Majesty's ministers, it was their duty, with- 
out loss of time, to make use of such measures as were 
proper to reform them." The motion was seconded by 
Sir John Aubrey, one of the lords of the treasury. 

Mr. Pitt began by remarking on what he was pleased to 
style, the singularity of Mr. Grey's conduct, who had com- 
menced his political career with an opposition to a par- 
ticular measure of government, though accompanying it 



KARL GREY. , / 

with professions of great personal regard to himself, and 
of a desire, as far as he could do it consistently with his 
duty as a member of parliament, to give his general sup- 
port to administration. Notwithstanding this, Mr. Pitt 
could not but say, that he thought the present a wanton 
attack upon government ; an attack, conducted in a man- 
ner highly disrespectful and personal to him, and which 
savoured of the utmost asperity of party. 

Mr. Grey defended himself with great spirit and manli- 
ness ; he denied that the motion under consideration had 
sprung from motives of personal pique, or the spirit of 
party — an idea which he thought unwarrantable, and in- 
jurious to his honour ; adding, that no man should dare 
to question the purity of the principles on which he acted ! 
Mr. Pitt answered, that Mr. Grey arrogated too much to 
himself, if he conceived that he should not take the liberty 
of calling his motives in question, as often as his conduct 
warranted such a freedom — if he chose not to have his 
motives questioned, he must take care that his conduct was 
such as not to make it necessary. Mr. Grey replied, that 
he should never act in that house upon any principle which 
did not appear to him to be honourable ; and while he was 
conscious of the rectitude of his conduct, if any person 
chose to impute dishonourable motives to him, he had 
the means in his power, to which it would then be proper 
to resort. 

Mr. Pitt rose again, with much apparent heat ; but Mr. 
Sheridan interfered, in defence of Mr. Grey, remarking, 
that the minister evidently felt, and felt severely too, the 
reprehension that had been given him. He denied that 
Mr. Grey had professed any personal respect for Mr. Pitt, 
but had merely given him credit for the goodness of his 
intention, and had asked the same credit in return. If 
Mr. Grey had said any thing improper, though he were a 
young member, yet, considering the talents and ability he 
had displayed he would agree, that such a young member 
was as little pardonable for any error, as the oldest mem- 



8 EARL GREY. 

ber of the house. On the present occasion, however, he 
must assert, that he had not merited the reproof which the 
minister, the veteran statesman of four years' experience, 
the Nestor of twenty-five, had been pleased to bestow upon 
him ! In conclusion, Mr. Fox replied to what Mr. Pitt had 
said of Mr. Grey's being a party man, affirming that he was 
not of that description, but he hoped that by degrees he 
might become so. As long as there were great constitu- 
tional questions, respecting which men differed in opinion — 
to be a party man, was to act most honourably. 

From this time, there could no longer be any reasonable 
doubt, as to which of the great parties in the state Mr. 
Grey would attach himself : but, had his speeches in par- 
liament left that point doubtful, the uncertainty must soon 
have been removed by his becoming a member of the Whig 
Club ; and shortly after that, joining the society known 
by the name of "The Friends of the People." The avowed 
object of this last mentioned association was that of fur- 
thering the cause of parliamentary reform. It was insti- 
tuted in the month of April, 1792 ; and at the head of it 
appeared the names of Mr. Baker, Mr. Grey, Mr. Whit- 
bread, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Lambton, Mr. Erskine, Mr. Mac- 
kintosh, (now Sir James,) and several other members of 
parliament. Mr. Fox declined having his name enrolled 
among them — not because he was unfriendly to the cause 
of reform, but because, as he said, " though I perceive great 
and enormous grievances, I do not see the remedy." In a 
very short space of time, however, the society comprised 
a number of the most respectable characters, both in the 
commercial and literary world ; and its existence inspired 
ministers with the most serious apprehensions. After pub- 
lishing a series of resolutions, and a declaration of their 
sentiments, it was determined in the society, that early in 
the next session, a motion should be brought forward for 
the reform in parliament, and that the conduct of the busi- 
ness be committed to Mr. Grey and Mr. Erskine. 

In conformity with the views of the association, on the 



EARL GREY. 



30th of April, Mr, Grey rose iii the House of Commons to 
give notice of a motion, which, in the course of the next 
session, he should submit to the consideration of the house; 
the object of which was, a reform in the representation of 
the people. As this motion has an intimate and most 
important connection with the great measure of reform 
now in progress, under the auspices of the noble Earl, it 
may be allowed us to go a little into a detail of the proceedings 
on this occasion. It is pleasing to look back to the com- 
mencement of an undertaking, forty years ago, and trace 
its progress to its final consummation, which, we trust, is 
now at hand. 

Mr. Grey, in introducing his motion, observed, that the 
necessity of such a reform, as that which the cc Society of 
the Friends of the People" contemplated, had been allowed 
and maintained by the most eminent men in both houses 
of parliament. It had been acknowledged both by Mr. 
Pitt and Mr. Fox ; and he was now convinced, that such 
was the sentiment of the great majority of the people. 
The times indeed, he admitted, were critical, and the 
minds of the people agitated. It was to remove every cause 
of complaint, and to tranquillize the nation, that he meant 
to bring forward his motion. He trusted, therefore, that 
between the present day, and that on which he should bring 
forward the proposition, gentlemen would well weigh the 
question, and give it their most deliberate attention; and 
in that interval, he hoped the sentiments of the people on 
the subject would be fully ascertained. 

Scarcely had Mr. Grey concluded, when Mr. Pitt rose, 
with unusual vehemence. Apologizing for what was irre- 
gular on his part, in entering into any observation on a 
mere notice of motion, he proceeded to remark, that if ever 
there was an occasion in which the mind of every man, 
who had any feeling for the present, or regard for the 
future happiness of the nation, should be interested, the 
present was the time when form should be disregarded, and 
the substance of the debate kept purely in view. Nothing 

c 



10 EARL GRRY. 

could be said, nothing could be whispered, on this subject, 
which did not involve questions of the most extensive, the 
most serious, the most lasting importance to the people 
of this country — in fact, to the very being of the state. 

Mr. Pitt did not mean to deny that he himself had, at 
one time, been the advocate for parliamentary reform, and 
had made some efforts to accomplish it — but at what time 
was that done ? Why, at the conclusion of the American 
war, when there was a general apprehension that the country 
was upon the verge of a public national bankruptcy, and a 
strong sense was entertained of political grievances — a pe- 
riod, too, when the influence of the crown was declared 
"to have increased, to be increasing, and ought to be 
diminished." Many thought at that time, and he among 
the rest, that, unless there was a better connection between 
the parliament and the people, the safety of the country 
might be endangered. But the present was not the time 
to make hazardous experiments. Could we forget what 
lessons had been given to the world within a few years ! 
He then noticed the Association, and the advertisements in 
newspapers, inviting the public to join the standard of 
reform. He saw with concern, the gentlemen to whom he 
alluded, united with others who professed not reform only, 
but direct hostility to the very form of our government — 
who threatened an extinction to monarchical government, 
hereditary succession, and every thing which promoted order 
and subordination in the state. To his last hour, he would 
resist every attempt of this nature ; and if he were called 
upon either to hazard this, or for ever abandon all hopes 
of reform, he would say he had no hesitation in preferring 
the latter alternative. 

Mr. Fox then rose, with a moderation and coolness which 
formed a striking contrast to the vehemence of the minister, 
and reminded the house, that he had never professed to be 
so sanguine on the subject as the gentleman who had last 
addressed them ; but, although less sanguine, he happened 
to be a little more consistent ! He had early in life formed 



EARL GREV. 11 

an opinion of parliamentary reform, and to this hour he 
remained convinced of that necessity ; and the obvious 
reason was, that the proceedings of the house were some- 
times at variance with the opinions of the public — of which 
he adduced various instances. Referring to that part of 
the minister's speech, in which he had taunted Mr. Grey 
about his allies, Mr. Fox thought he might answer it com- 
pletely by asking Mr. Pitt, 'Who will you have for yours ?' 
On our part, said he, there are infuriated republicans — on 
yours, there are the slaves of despotism : both of them 
unfriendly, perhaps, to the constitution ; but there was no 
comparison between them, in point of real hostility to the 
spirit of freedom. The one, by having too ardent a zeal 
for liberty, lost sight of the true medium by which it was 
to be preserved ; the other detested the thing itself, and 
are pleased with nothing but tyranny and despotism. 

Something had been said by Mr. Pitt on the danger 
of innovation ; on which Mr. Fox remarked, that he would 
take the liberty of repeating what he had uttered almost 
the first time he addressed that house — an observation 
which some thought quaintly expressed — " That the great- 
est innovation that could be introduced in the constitution 
of England, was to come to a vote that there should be no 
innovation in it." The greatest beauty of the constitution 
was, that in its very principle it admitted of perpetual 
improvement. Had his honourable friend consulted him, 
he should have hesitated in recommending the part he had 
taken, to him ; but, having taken it, he could not see why 
the period was improper for the discussion. 

But to proceed : — The panic which had seized the min- 
istry, in consequence of the Association of the Friends of 
the People, was now strongly evinced by a measure, which 
was soon after carried into effect. This was, the issuing 
of a royal proclamation against the publishing and disposing 
of seditious writings, and against all seditious and illegal asso- 
ciations ; exhorting the magistrates to vigilance in their duty, 
and the people to an orderly and submissive obedience. 



12 EARL GREY. 

The more immediate object of this proclamation, was 
avowed by the Master of the Rolls to be Paine' s " Rights 
of Man," a political pamphlet, which was thus indiscreetly- 
raised into ten-fold more consequence than it otherwise 
would have been, and now dispersed with unexampled ra- 
pidity. Mr. Grey, in speaking of the proclamation, pro- 
fessed that he scarcely knew how to express himself upon 
it ; he found it difficult to decide whether the sentiments 
which gave birth to it, were more impotent or malicious. 
He mentioned the Association of the Friends of the People, 
and complained that the ministry, apprehensive of its 
effects, had concerted this measure with an insidious view 
of separating those who had been long connected. No man 
was ever more delighted with these sinister practices, said 
Mr. Grey, than the right honourable gentleman — he, whose 
whole political life was a constant tissue of inconsistency, 
of assertion and retraction — he, who never proposed a 
measure, without intending to delude his hearers ; who 
promised every thing, and performed nothing ; who never 
kept his word with the public ; who, studied all the arts of 
captivating popularity, without even intending to deserve 
it ; and, from the first step of his political life, was a com- 
plete public apostate. 

On the topic of seditious writings, Mr. Grey censured 
the conduct of the government severely. Upwards of twelve 
months had elapsed since the publications, now complained 
of, had made their appearance. What could they now say 
for themselves, or what could the public now think of the 
conduct of the ministers of the crown, who had allowed 
publications, which we were now told were the bane of 
public tranquillity, to poison the public mind for a whole 
year ■? He wished to know what could be the motives that 
brought forward, at this time, this sudden show of ardour 
to subdue disorder. Had it always manifested itself in the 
conduct of ministers ? Was there any remarkable activity 
displayed in preserving order in the affairs of Birmingham, 
where there had been actual outrage and violence to the 



EARL GREY. 13 

laws, to liberty, and to order ? He remarked as one of 
the objects of the proclamation, that the King's officers, 
his commissioners of the peace, and his magistrates, were 
to make diligent inquiry, in order to discover the authors 
and publishers of wicked and seditious writings — in other 
words, a system of espionage was to take place, by order 
of the crown ! The very idea was surprising, as well as 
odious, that a proclamation should issue from the sovereign 
of a free people, commanding such a system to be sup- 
ported by spies and informers. 

Although the decided manner in which Mr. Pitt had 
entered his protest against countenancing any measure of 
parliamentary reform, left no room to expect any success 
to the measure, Mr. Grey was not deterred from bringing 
forward his motion in the next session of parliament. 

Accordingly, on the 8th of May, 1793, he presented a 
petition from the Society of the Friends of the People, 
which occupied nearly half an hour in the reading. It 
stated with great propriety and distinctness, the defects 
which existed in the representation of the people in par- 
liament, and pointed out the evils arising from the length 
of the duration of parliaments. The petition stated, that 
a majority of the members of that honourable house was 
returned by not more than fifteen hundred electors — that 
the county of Cornwall sent to parliament, within one, as 
many as the whole of Scotland — it complained of rotten 
boroughs, of the nomination of members by Peers and other 
persons, and of various other corrupt practices. After 
reading the petition, Mr. Grey entered into an elaborate 
train of proofs of the allegations it contained : having done 
which, he moved that the petition be referred, with others 
presented at the same time, to a select committee, to ex- 
amine and report thereon. 

In the course of his able speech, Mr. Grey adverted to 
the difficulties he had to encounter, in his attempts to pro- 
cure a reform in the commons house of parliament : for, 
while the numerous and respectable petitions before the 



14 EARL GREY. 

house, in some measure facilitated his way, by demon- 
strating the truth of his assertion, they informed the house 
that they were not the real representatives of the people, 
which would probably be a very disagreeable confession to 
be extorted from the members themselves. Respecting the 
hackneyed objection, that this was an improper time for 
reform, he observed, that it would be equally rational in 
times of prosperity and adversity, whether the country was 
in war or peace. If our situation happen to be prosperous, 
it is then asked, whether we can be more happy or more 
free ? In the season of adversity, on the other hand, all 
reform or renovation is deprecated from the pretended risk 
of increasing the evil and pressure of our situation. Hence 
it would appear, that the time for reform never yet had 
come, and never could. By arguments such as these, had 
reform been hitherto combated ; and by similar arguments, 
he believed, it ever would be attacked, until some dreadful 
convulsion should take place, which might threaten even 
the constitution itself with ruin. Many had been the un- 
successful attempts to bring about a reform — but the proper 
time for it had never yet been found ! In 1733, a motion 
was made in that house, by Mr. Bromley, for a repeal of 
the septennial act ; and that motion was seconded in a very 
able speech by Sir William Windham. Other attempts 
had been made in the years 1745, 1758, 1782, 1783, and 
1785. Mr. Pitt himself had brought the subject for- 
ward in the last three of those years. The same objection 
as to time was then made, and combated by the right 
honourable gentleman strongly and powerfully in argument, 
but without effect. 

When Mr. Grey came to take notice of burgage tenures, 
and the splitting of messuages and hereditaments, for the 
purpose of multiplying voters, contrary to an act of King 
William's reign, he quoted an opinion of Lord Thurlow, 
when sitting as chancellor in the House of Lords, in an 
appeal cause from Scotland, respecting the right of voters 
at elections. His lordship said, " If the right of election 



EARL GREY. 15 

could be tried by law, in a court of law in England, as it 
was in Scotland, he was convinced that an English court 
of law would not be satisfied with such a mode of election 
as this — that a nobleman's steward should go down to a 
borough, with ten or twelve pieces of parchment in his 
hand, containing each the qualification for a vote, and, hav- 
ing assembled a sufficient number of his master's tenants 
round a table, should distribute among them the parchments — 
then propose a candidate — and afterwards collect these parch- 
ments, and declare his lord's friend duly elected for the bo- 
rough/' These elections, Lord Thurlow called a mockery. 

A very warm and protracted debate took place on 
Mr. Grey's motion, seconded as it was by the Honourable 
Thomas Erskine, who, in a speech of considerable length, 
entered into an historical account of our ancient parliaments, 
and observed, that whoever looked at the English history, 
would perceive, that, in the infancy of that house, and before 
the confirmation of its high privileges, the commons were 
uniformly bent on maintaining popular privileges, and 
formed a real and practical balance against the crown. He 
contended, that the mighty agitations which at present con- 
vulsed and desolated Europe, that the disastrous events 
of the moment, owed their existence to the corruptions of 
government, which these petitions sought to do away. 
Upon a loud laugh issuing from the other side of the house, 
Mr. Erskine said, there was nothing so easy as that sort 
of answer. It would, however, be more decent and parlia- 
mentary to expose his mistakes by argument and reason. 
The principle of the remedy for the abuses complained of, 
must present itself to every mind alike ; though different 
persons might differ in detail. It could be no other than 
to simplify and equalize the elective franchise, to make 
each body of electors too large for individual corruption, 
and the period of choice too short for temptation ; and by 
the subdivision of the places of election, to bring the elec- 
tors together without confusion, and within every man's 
reach. Surely this was practicable. 



16 EARL GREY, 

An adjournment of the debate now took place, and the 
further discussion was resumed on Tuesday, May /th, of 
which it may be interesting to the reader to have a few par- 
ticulars here recorded. Among others, Sir William Young, 
a considerable West India proprietor, opposed the motion 
for reform, contending, that the petitioners proposed a mea- 
sure that evidently tended to throw weight into a scale 
which too much preponderated already. He contended, that 
boroughs, bought and controlled hy men of property, formed 
the only balance to the commercial influence, which was 
increasing by too rapid strides, and which ought to be 
checked. He was of opinion, that the petitions were ill- 
founded, and that no alteration ought to take place. This 
brought up Mr. Francis, who, after animadverting upon what 
had fallen from preceding speakers, went at considerable 
length into the necessity of parliamentary reform. He then 
quoted a letter from Lord Chesterfield to his son, in which 
he tells him that he had offered five-and-twenty hundred 
pounds for a secure seat in parliament, but that the borough- 
jobber laughed, and told him that the rich East and West 
Indians had secured them all, at the rate of three thousand 
pounds at least. (( You see," said Mr. Francis, "how the 
case stood twenty years ago. Do you really believe that 
the purity of boroughmongers, and the morals of the elec- 
tors of Great Britain, are improved since that time, or the 
demand for it not so considerable as it has been heretofore?" 

The Earl of Mornington rose after Mr. Francis, and, in 
opposing the motion for reform, entered into a long recapi- 
tulation of the blessings which Englishmen enjoy under 
the present form of government — whence he inferred the 
practical effect of the present structure of parliament ; and 
concluded with asserting, that the public good required that 
no alteration should be made in the existing frame of par- 
liament. This nobleman was answered by Mr. Whitbread, 
in a most energetic speech in favour of reform. In stating 
some of the abuses in borough elections, he was betrayed 
into the use of some obnoxious expressions, which led the 



EARL GREY. 17 

Speaker to call him to order. He then addressed the 
Speaker in the following pointed terms. "Am I too free, 
sir, in what I am saying? Am I acting against your orders ? 
It may be so. Yet if these things should meet your ear on 
the very steps of this house, as you descend from the chair, 
can you contradict them ? Sir, you cannot. I do know, 
and the petitioners who have signed the petition now upon 
your table, are ready to prove, that many members are 
nominated by individuals, to serve in this house. Refute 
the charge ! e We cannot/ you say. Apply the remedy, then ! 
' We will not consent to that.' Then, at least, tell the people 
of England, We have investigated your statement, and we 
find it to be true ; but we can prove to you that the country 
is as well governed, and that things go on as well now, as 
they would do if the representation was reformed." 

Mr. Pitt, in a speech of considerable length, explained 
his former motives for being friendly to a parliamentary 
reform, and his objection to it at the present moment. The 
question, he said, was, whether you will abide by your 
present constitution, or hazard a change, with all that 
dreadful chain of consequences with which we have seen it 
attended in a neighbouring kingdom. 

Mr. Sheridan rose in reply, refuted his arguments, and 
pointed out the little of real foundation there was for the 
fears and alarms of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He 
remarked, that what soured the temper of the people was, 
that neither in the church, the army, the navy, or any pub- 
lic office, was any appointment given, but in consequence of 
parliamentary influence; and that, as a necessary result, cor- 
rupt majorities were at the will of the minister. In short, 
whether the eye was directed to the church, the law, the 
army, or to parliament, it could only observe the seeds of 
inevitable decay and ruin in the British constitution. He 
concluded by affirming, that the object of reform he and his 
friends had in view, would be persevered in until it should 
be effectually accomplished. 

The debate was closed by Mr. Fox, who pointed out in 



18 EARL GREY. 

strong terms the inconsistency of Mr. Pitt's present con- 
duct with his former professions; and contended that he 
had no right to say that a motion for parliamentary reform 
was more dangerous now than his own h± 1782. As to the 
time of attempting a reform, said Mr. Fox, it had been pro- 
posed at all times, in war and in peace, but they were all 
said to be improper. There could be no objection to the 
motion being made now, except that it was made by his 
honourable friend, Mr. Grey, instead of the right honour- 
able gentleman. In the pride of his new wisdom, his 
present self felt such contempt for his former self, that he 
could not look back upon his former conduct and opinions 
without a sort of insulting derision. Like Lord Foppington 
in the play, he might say, (( I begin to think, that, when I 
was a commoner, I was a very nauseous fellow/' So the 
right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) began to think that 
when he was a reformer, he must have been a very foolish 
fellow. He might, however, have retained some degree of 
candour for his honourable friend (Mr. Grey,) who had not 
yet received the new lights with which he was so marvel- 
lously illuminated. 

Such is an abstract of this memorable debate, on which 
the house divided — for referring the petitions to a com- 
mittee, 41 — against it, 282. And here may be said to 
have commenced Mr. Pitt's triumphant majorities, which 
enabled him to begin and prosecute a war of twenty years' 
duration — to saddle the country with six hundred millions 
of debt, and bring it to the precipice of ruin — a tremendous 
gulf, from which a reform in parliament, had it then taken 
place, would have secured us ; and from which nothing but 
a reform in parliament, followed by other similar measures, 
can now extricate us. 

In the following year, 1794, the country being plunged 
into war, Mr. Grey brought a complaint against the govern- 
ment for landing a corps of Hessian troops in the Isle of 
Wight, without the permission of parliament — a proceeding 
which, he contended, was clearly unconstitutional, and un- 



EARLGRKY. 19 

deniably illegal. He entered into a history of various cases, 
as applicable to the point in question — called the attention 
of the house to the act of settlement, and the marine mutiny 
bill, as well as to sundry acts of parliament, and concluded 
by moving " That to employ foreigners in any situation of 
military trust, or to bring foreign troops into this kingdom 
without the consent of parliament first had and obtained, 
is contrary to law." 

This motion gave rise to a warm debate, in which Mr. 
Pitt and his friends contended, that what had been done in 
this instance was strictly legal ; but they were answered 
by Mr. Fox, who considered the introduction of foreign 
troops to be a most dangerous and unconstitutional stretch 
of prerogative. With his usual ability, he recapitulated 
every argument against the measure, which had already been 
brought forward. From the bill of rights, the mutiny bill, 
and the debates in 1775 on sending foreign troops to 
Minorca and Gibraltar, he contended that they never could 
be introduced into this kingdom without the consent of par- 
liament. He conceived the present question to be impor- 
tant in the highest degree. Ministers affirmed that they 
were not to remain long : but that was not the question ; 
and who were to tell an army of Austrians, of Hanoverians, 
of Hulans, or of Dutch, that their further continuance in 
England was contrary to law ? Was the house to wait till 
it was surrounded with foreign mercenaries, and then pre- 
sent them with a piece of parchment, or the bill of rights, 
to convince them that they were violating the liberties of 
Englishmen ? He conjured the house to consider that the 
liberty of Europe had been destroyed by the illegal use of 
the mercenary arms of kings and princes. He entreated the 
house not to desert either the liberties of the people, or the 
privileges of parliament. On a division of the house, how- 
ever, Mr. Grey's motion was lost; the numbers being 184 
to 35. 

This important question was again brought before the 
house by Mr. Grey, March 14, who now reprobated in 



20 EARL GREY. 

strong terms the doctrine of the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer on the former debute. He went over the whole 
subject in detail, and ably combated the minister's positions. 
He might be told, he said, that there were precedents to 
sanction the measure ; but no precedent could sanction ille- 
gality — that which was unjust, must for ever remain so, 
notwithstanding the number of instances in which it was 
repeated. He declared, that he had no other view in the 
present instance, than to guard against the establishment of 
a dangerous doctrine, and a dangerous precedent. What- 
ever might be the pride of ministers, the house was bound 
to maintain the principles of the constitution. He then 
directed the attention of the house to the possible effects of 
a measure like the present. What, he asked, was the se- 
curity for the freedom of the country, when a king had the 
power of introducing such a force as would terminate all 
disputes about rights ? What would become of the con- 
trol of parliament, should such a circumstance take place ? 
What was the remedy he proposed for this evil ? A bill of 
indemnity. Did this hurt the pride of the minister, or was 
lie to be deemed incapable of having erred ? What incon- 
venience could result from such a measure ? If the house 
refused his proposition, what remained on the other side ? 
The law violated ; and a precedent established, pregnant 
with the most dangerous consequences. Mr. Grey ended 
by moving for a bill of indemnity. The motion, however, 
though ably supported by the opposition, was negatived by 
1/0 votes against 41. 

It was in the course of the same session of parliament, 
that the minister of the crown brought in his famed traitor- 
ous correspondence bill, "empowering his Majesty to 
secure and detain all persons suspected of designs against 
his crown and government," &c, founded on the report of 
a committee appointed for that purpose. On this occasion, 
Mr. Grey moved a call of the house, that gentlemen might 
have time to consider a proposition of such importance. 
In doing this, he replied to some expressions which had 



EARL GREY. 21 

fallen from Mr. Pitt, and, in the course of his speech, de- 
clared, that, however much impugned, parliamentary reform 
was still a cause which he would never desert ; nor would he, 
to preserve power, or gratify ambition, ever become an 
apostate ! 

Were it compatible with the limits of this sketch to trace 
Mr. Grey's parliamentary conduct minutely, we might no- 
tice his opposition to the suspension of the habeas corpus 
act in 1795, and, immediately after this, his effort to open a 
a path for a pacification, by a motion in the House of Com- 
mons to the following effect — "that the existence of the 
present government of France ought not to be considered as 
precluding, at this time, a negociation for peace.'' This was 
prefaced by an extended and animated speech, in which he 
considered the vast importance of the question, which was 
to be decided on the broad basis of national interest, as it 
affected the happiness, the safety, possibly the very exist- 
ence, of the country. After two years of war, which had 
drained the country of its blood and treasure, we did not 
appear to be one point nearer the object for which it was 
undertaken. From the words of the minister on a former 
occasion, Mr. Grey inferred, that the war was a contest 
usque ad internecionem, and that nothing short of the utter 
ruin of this country would induce him to treat for peace. 
Was the house prepared to go whatever lengths the minister 
chose ? The debate continued till five in the morning, 
when the motion was negatived by a majority of 164. 

It was during the same session, that the affairs of his 
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales were brought before 
parliament for the second time, and his marriage settle- 
ment proposed. Hitherto, the Prince's income had been 
£60,000 per annum; but he had become deeply involved 
in debt, and a plan was proposed for liquidating his defi- 
ciencies, and an augmentation of £65,000 a year made to 
his income. Mr. Grey professed himself equally a friend 
to the real dignity and splendour of the monarchy with 
Mr. Pitt, or " any slippery sycophant of a court" — but he 



22 EARL GREY. 

objected to the addition as too great, and proposed £40,000 
instead of £65,000. He remarked, that great regard had 
been professed for the dignity of his Royal Highness ; but 
what could be more degrading to him, than to tie him down 
in the manner that was now proposed ? The best dignity 
and the truest greatness, said Mr. Grey, was to be found 
in integrity of character ; without which, no respect for 
rank or greatness would long avail. Let him retire to a 
situation, where he might, by reflection, qualify himself for 
the duties of his future station ! 

The state of the country had at this time become truly 
deplorable, and its best friends felt no little alarm. A 
dreadful and oppressive scarcity of corn pervaded the king- 
dom, and instances occurred of persons who perished through 
absolute want, while the poor were every where despairing 
and desperate. Parliament was called together on the 29th 
of October, 1795 \ and as his Majesty, George the Third, 
was returning through the Park from opening it, a crowd 
of persons, estimated at 150,000, assailed the royal carriage 
with vociferations of " Peace ! Peace ! No famine ! no war ! 
Give us bread ! No Pitt !" &c. &c. Stones, and other mis- 
siles, were thrown — the coach was struck, and almost 
destroyed. Of these scandalous outrages, the minister 
availed himself, for bringing in a bill for the more effec- 
tually " preventing seditious meetings and assemblies. " 
Mr. Fox and his friends made a vigorous effort to oppose 
this bill, and, among others, Mr. Grey came boldly forward. 
He allowed that discontent prevailed in the nation ; but he 
insisted, that if these discontents were properly traced, they 
would be found to have originated from the corruption and 
folly of ministers, in plunging the country into an unjust 
war, which produced calamities they were unable to alle- 
viate or redress. He went into an examination of the 
proposed bill, the motion for which he would not suffer to 
pass without his most marked disapprobation ; considering 
it, as he did, to be an effort to rob the people of their 
dearest rights, and enslave the nation. As some of the 



EARL GilEY. 23 

members on the ministerial side of the house, had alluded 
to the persons who had then recently been tried for high 
treason and acquitted, [Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall,] Mr. 
Grey took that opportunity of asserting, that he exulted in 
their acquittal ; and considered that British liberty was, 
in that instance, by the constitutional exertions of a jury, 
rescued from the most flagitious and daring attack ever 
made upon it. He believed ministers were deeply affected, 
that they had not succeeded on that occasion ; but it ap- 
peared from the present motion, that they intended to secure 
their success on a future day. " Are not the laws as they 
now stand/' exclaimed Mr. Grey, " sufficient to suppress 
or prevent public meetings ? What tumult occurred in 
consequence of the meeting at Copenhagen House ? The 
people assembled and dispersed in the most peaceable 
manner; and the speeches delivered there, of which such 
artful use had been made, did not excite the least com- 
motion." He concluded by observing, that he would 
embrace every opportunity of opposing this detestable 
measure. 

On the re-assembling of parliament, 1796, and imme- 
diately after the recess, Mr. Grey gave notice of a motion, 
which he intended making on the subject of peace, and 
which he introduced to the house on the 15th of February. 
It was for an address to his Majesty, praying him to com- 
municate to the executive government of the French repub- 
lic, his readiness to meet any disposition to negociate, with 
an earnest desire to give it the speediest effect. On this 
occasion, he taxed ministers with duplicity — u deluding the 
people with hopes of peace, while they were determined to 
persevere in their system of warfare" — a charge which, 
however uncharitable it might seem at the moment, was but 
too well justified in the sequel. 

Not succeeding, however, in his object on this occasion, 
Mr. Grey brought a weighty and well-supported accusation 
against ministers on the 16th of May, on which he grounded 
a motion for their impeachment. After a very able exor- 



24 EARL GREY. 

dium, in which he remarked, that the power of the purse 
was the best security for the liberties of the people, he 
proceeded to take an enlarged survey of the conduct of 
administration in the application of the public money ; on 
which he founded fifteen resolutions to this effect, that, ie in 
the instances mentioned, his Majesty's ministers had been 
guilty of presenting false accounts, calculated to mislead 
the judgment of the house, of a flagrant violation of various 
acts of parliament, and of a gross misapplication of the 
public money. " Though the minister was unable to rebut 
many of the allegations, he laboured hard to gloss them 
over, as things necessary and unavoidable under existing 
circumstances ; and the previous question being moved, it 
was carried by a large majority. 

Mr. Pitt was at this time subsidizing the continental 
powers to carry on the war, in the most profligate manner ; 
nor did he hesitate about doing it without the consent of 
parliament. Under these circumstances, he had advanced 
the Emperor of Germany one million two hundred thou- 
sand pounds ; and, on the report of the committee of ways 
and means being brought up, December the 8th, Mr. Fox 
rose, and called the attention of the house to this novel 
proceeding on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
declaring, that it was a grant contrary to positive laws, and 
a flagrant violation of the constitution of parliament. 
Mr. Grey, too, in an animated speech, expressed his sur- 
prise and indignation at what he termed the desperate 
measures of the minister. Had the house, he said, perceived 
sooner the danger which threatened the constitution, the 
present measure would never have been attempted ; and if 
their obsequiousness and servility had not encouraged the 
design of ministers, they never would have seen this bold 
and daring invasion of their rights. After expatiating at 
considerable length on the subject, Mr. Grey moved an 
amendment, that the second reading should be postponed 
till the next day, and he would then move the house to 
resolve, that the minister had been guilty of a high crime 



EARL GREY. 25 

and misdemeanour. Here again the minister was shielded 
by his triumphant majority. 

On the 26th of May, 1797, Mr. Grey renewed his appli- 
cation to parliament for a reform in the representation of 
the people. He was aware, he said, that he then exposed 
himself to many uncharitable imputations ; and if, in re- 
sisting the destructive system of ministers, he and his 
friends had been accused of a wish to gratify personal 
interest and private ambition — of a wanton desire to thwart 
the executive government — they could not, in the present 
instance, expect to escape similar, or still more odious im- 
putations. In a long and able speech, he took a review of 
the former prosperity, contrasted with the present distresses 
of the country. He solemnly affirmed, that he sought not 
to alter any part of the constitution ; his sole object was to 
obtain for the people a full, fair, and free representation 
in the House of Commons. He wished our establishment 
should remain as it was, composed of King, Lords, and 
Commons. He then entered upon a development of his 
plan of reform, which, in its general complexion, differed 
but little from Lord John Russell's bill, now before parlia- 
ment; but it is needless to enlarge upon the subject, as 
the time w r as not then come for engaging the attention of 
honourable gentlemen to either its merits or defects. 

The measure was seconded by Mr. Erskine, the barrister, 
with all the powers of eloquence, and all the knowledge and 
perspicuity which the subject required. "The virtue, spirit, 
and essence of a House of Commons," said Mr. Erskine, 
te consist in its being the express image of the feelings of 
the nation. It was not instituted to be a control upon 
the people, as of late had been taught, but a control for 
the people. A vigilant and jealous eye over executory and 
judicial magistracy — an anxious care of public money— an 
ear open to public complaint — these are the true charac- 
teristics of a house of commons. But an addressing house 
of commons, and a petitioning nation ; a house of commons 
full of confidence, when the nation is plunged in despair 3 

B 



26 EARL GREY. 

in the utmost harmony with ministers, whom the people 
regard with abhorrence ; who vote thanks, when the public 
opinion calls upon them for impeachment ; who are eager 
to grant, when the general voice demands reckoning and 
account ; who, in all disputes between the people and ad- 
ministration, decide against the people \ who punish their 
disorders, but refuse to inquire into their provocations — 
this is an unnatural, a monstrous state of things, in the 
constitution. And this/' continued Mr. Erskine, " is the 
degraded and disgraceful state of this assembly at this 
moment. There was a time, when the right honourable 
gentleman (Mr. Pitt) admitted this to be the truth. He 
confessed, during the American war, what he now denies, 
in order to maintain the cause of his own war." 

In this fine strain of manly eloquence, did Mr. Erskine 
proceed to plead the cause of parliamentary reform at great 
length, and thus concluded his speech : (i We are now in 
the most perilous predicament: — government calls upon the 
people for greater exertions than at any former time ; bur- 
dens which appeared insupportable and impracticable, even 
in speculation, were now to be endured, and carried into 
effect : this must be done either by affection or coercion. 
Grant, then, to the people the blessings of the constitution, 
and they will join with ardour in its defence. Raise a 
standard, around which the friends of freedom may rally, 
and they will be attracted by the feelings of confidence 
and of attachment. It will unite all who are divided, and 
create a general spirit to bear up against impending cala- 
mities." 

Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Fox, and others, 
followed on the same side, supporting Mr. Grey's motion: 
but on a division, the numbers were — for the motion, 63 ; 
against it, 258. 

It cannot reasonably excite surprise in any reflecting 
mind, that, deterred by the inauspicious results of their 
efforts to check the profligate career of ministers, and effect 
a change of system, Mr. Grey and his friends should, at 



EARL GREY, 27 

this time, form the resolution of absenting themselves from 
the House of Commons. They found by experience, that 
it was utterly in vain to oppose the measures of ministers ; 
and, on the opening of parliament, Nov. 7, 17$7> the oppo- 
sition benches were almost entirely deserted. We find 
Mr. Grey, however, in his place, during the session of 1799, 
for the purpose of opposing Mr. Pitt's plan for the Union 
of Ireland ; on which occasion he spoke repeatedly. The 
house was called upon, he said, to agitate a question the 
most momentous that perhaps ever came before any par- 
liament, either in point of constitutional right, or public 
policy. A union was what he himself heartily wished for ; 
but he meant something more than a mere word — he meant 
not of parliaments, but of hearts, affections, and interests ; 
a union of vigour, of ardour, of zeal for the general welfare 
of the British empire. It was that species of union, and 
that only, that could tend to increase the strength of 
the British empire. In the measure contemplated by the 
minister, he saw every thing the reverse of this — its ten- 
dency would be to disunite and create disaffection, distrust, 
and jealousy, it would tend to weaken the whole of the 
British empire. Mr. Pitt, however, persevered in his ob- 
ject, and carried the measure into effect. 

Mr. Grey now applied himself diligently to regulate the 
representative part of the system, that is, the number and 
description of Irish members who were to sit in the British 
parliament ; and to this effect we find him, during the ses- 
sion of 1800, moving various resolutions ; some of which 
related to the number of Irish placemen and pensioners that 
were to sit in the house, and others to the creation of Irish 
peers — after which, the bill received the royal assent. 

The year 1801 is memorable for having brought to a 
close Mr. Pitt's administration, which had now existed 
seventeen years. On Friday, the 11th of January, he gave 
in his resignation to his Majesty, assigning as a reason, 
his inability to carry the question of Catholic emancipation — 
though many suspected the real ground to be a conviction 



28 EARL GREY. 

of the necessity of peace to the country, and his inability 
to effect it, after the rancorous hostility he had manifested 
towards the French nation. Though his successor, Mr. 
Addington, was of the same school of politics, yet the 
change that had taken place inspired the country with 
sanguine hopes of peace. One of the first measures of the 
new minister was to propose a subsidy to be granted to 
Portugal, for which a message was brought down from the 
King. In delivering his sentiments on the point, Mr. Grey 
availed himself of the opportunity of reviewing the conduct 
of the late ministry, in prosecuting the war against France. 
He called upon the house to examine the history of the 
present war, and calculate the extravagant amount of the 
sums ministers had squandered. They had consumed our 
resources, diminished our comforts, impaired our enjoyments, 
and, after nine years of contest, left us exposed to all the 
dangers which threatened us at its commencement. He 
admitted that it was of importance to preserve Portugal 
from being over- run by the French, and also that she had 
powerful claims on our protection ; but he disapproved of 
the assistance, because he doubted of its efficacy. 

On the death of Mr. Pitt, which took place in January, 
1806, Mr. Fox and his friends were called to the adminis- 
tration of public affairs ; when Mr. Grey, now become Lord 
Howick, in consequence of the elevation of his father, Sir 
Charles Grey, to the peerage, took his seat in the cabinet 
as first lord of the admiralty. In the month of October 
following, the country was deprived of the eminent talents 
of Mr. Fox ; on which Lord Howick succeeded to the dis- 
tinction of leader of the House of Commons, and secretary 
of state for foreign affairs. He now introduced and carried 
the bill for the total abolition of the African slave trade, 
which was one of the last measures of the Whig cabinet of 
that day. 

On the 5th of March, 1807, Lord Howick moved for 
leave to bring in a bill, securing to all his Majesty's sub- 
jects the privilege of serving in the army or navy, on their 



EARL GREY. 29 

taking an oath prescribed by act of parliament ; and for 
allowing them the free exercise of their religious profession. 
An alarm was instantly spread, of an insidious attempt to 
remove all the penal laws then in force against the dis- 
senters, and, among the rest, the test and corporation acts. 
And although the bill contemplated nothing beyond what 
has since been done under the Duke of Wellington's ad- 
ministration, for both Protestant dissenters and Catholics — 
yet certain artful men took advantage of it to alarm the 
King, (George the Third,) and to fill his mind with an 
absurd dread of Popery; in consequence of which, that 
monarch not only refused his consent to the measure, but 
he proceeded so far as to demand from Lords Grenville and 
Howick a pledge, in writing, that nothing of the kind 
should again be brought forward as a cabinet measure. To 
this requirement, these noblemen had too high a sense of 
honour to listen for a moment ; and the consequence was, 
a dissolution of both the ministry and of parliament fol- 
lowed. When a new parliament was called, Lord Howick 
took his seat in the House of Commons for the borough of 
Appleby, not choosing to incur the expense of a contested 
election for the county of Northumberland ; soon after 
which, he was raised to the peerage, by the death of his 
father. 

Earl Grey from this time took but little interest in pub- 
lic affairs ; but in the year 1812, overtures were made to 
him to form part of an administration, of which Mr. Per- 
ceval and his Tory colleagues were to continue members. 
And, on his refusal, a second attempt was made with no 
better success. His late Majesty, George the Fourth, then 
Prince Regent, addressed a letter to his brother, the Duke 
of York, authorizing him to invite Lords Grey and Gren- 
ville to join the present ministers; to which they returned 
an answer to this effect : " We must express, without re- 
serve, the impossibility of uniting with the present govern- 
ment. Our differences of opinion are too many, and too 
important, to admit of such union. His Royal Highness 



30 EARL GREY. 

will, we are confident, do us the justice to remember, that we 
have already twice acted on this impression." 

In this state, matters rested until the tragical death of 
Mr. Spencer Perceval rendered a new administration abso- 
lutely necessary, and the eyes of the nation were once more 
directed to Earl Grey. Yet the sanguine hopes now formed 
were, by a strange fatality, completely disappointed. The 
stipulations made by the great Whig leaders for an entire 
change in the Regent's household department, was so vio- 
lent, that Lord Moira, who was entrusted with the nego- 
ciation, aided, too, as has been said, by Sheridan, considered 
them as bordering upon something like a contempt of the 
Regent's feelings ; and he refused to comply with it. An 
administration was consequently patched up, at the head 
of which was Lord Liverpool, and Mr. Vansittart, chancellor 
of the exchequer, with Lords Bathurst, Sidmouth, and 
Castlereagh, secretaries of state. 

The friends of Lord Grey have been greatly perplexed to 
find an apology for his conduct in refusing to give his able 
support to Mr. Canning's administration, when that gentle- 
man was called by his Sovereign to conduct the affairs of 
the state, and when abandoned, as he was, by the Tories. 
It was not, indeed, to be expected that the noble Earl should 
take office under Mr. Canning ; but it was hoped, from his 
Lordship's principles and independence, that he would sup- 
port that minister, who rested upon popular opinion, if 
ever minister did, and who had the merit of being opposed, 
with all the animosity of personal hatred, by the Tory 
party. 

Such, however, was not his Lordship's conduct. Jealous, 
it has been said, of the ascendancy of a junior politician, 
Lord Grey first withheld his confidence, and then openly 
lent his character and eloquence to the support of a party, 
in common with which he had no one public principle or 
feeling : and this conduct, for a time, lost him the favour 
of the Whigs ; for, instead of continuing as an idle pageant 
in his train, they now left him to the enjoyment of his 



EARL GREY. 31 

stately solitude, with the homage of Lords Eldon, Bathurst, 
and Westmoreland. On this subject, it has been remarked 
by some of the noble premier's own friends, that, had his 
ambition been less personal, and his pride less jealous- 
had he been more just to himself — had he gone with his 
party, and the most enlightened and liberal portion of the 
public, both Whigs and Reformers, in supporting Mr. Can- 
ning, he would, in the former case, have hastened the 
triumph of reform ; in the latter, the downfall of Toryism ; 
and, in both, consulted his own ambition and renown. It 
must, however, be added, in justice to the noble Earl, that 
he tendered a vindication of his line of conduct, on the 
second reading of the Roman Catholic relief bill, as will be 
hereafter seen : how far satisfactory, let others judge. 

The bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, 
was carried on the 6th of April, 1829. On the second 
reading of it, Earl Grey delivered his sentiments in a speech 
of considerable length, from which, if our limits allowed, 
we could with pleasure quote largely ; but a short extract 
must suffice. Adverting to the objections which had been 
raised against the passing of the relief bill, on the ground 
that the Catholics were in pursuit of political power, his 
Lordship contended u that political power was the birth- 
right of every individual in a free country, and that it 
cannot be taken from him, unless the public interest impe- 
ratively demands the sacrifice. The noble Duke (of Wel- 
lington) at the head of his Majesty's government, has been 
reproached for not applying military force, to produce tran- 
quillity. I shall not repeat that splendid passage in the 
noble duke's speech, in which he referred to the horrors 
of a civil war. Such sentiments come gracefully from him ; 
and, instead of attributing his forbearance to weakness, I 
should say, that it was a proof of strength, and of that mag- 
nanimity of mind in which all true courage is founded. 
The noble duke, a soldier, red with the blood of a hundred 
battles, yet shrunk from exposing his country to the viola- 
tion and carnage necessarily attendant on a civil war ; and, 



32 EARL GREY. 

in my opinion, by so doing, he deserves to be lauded, and 
not reproached; and has added a greener laurel to those 
which were so lavishly offered to him, for his splendid 
triumphs over the foreign enemies of England." 

After expressing his approbation of the measure before 
the house, Earl Grey thus proceeded : " For my own part, 
my lords, I might be pardoned, perhaps, for indulging in 
somewhat of personal satisfaction and congratulation — I 
might add, of personal pride. The measures which I have 
considered it consistent with my duty to the public inva- 
riably to support, and press upon the attention of your 
lordships, has at length been brought forward, and justice 
done to those principles which I learned from that great 
departed statesman, Mr. Fox — which I have supported in 
this House of Parliament with that venerable man, Lord 
Grenville ; and from which, on any occasion, or under any 
circumstances, I have never been induced to swerve. In 
the arguments and statements brought forward by his 
Majesty's ministers on this subject, I have found not only 
an excuse for the principles which I have advocated, if 
indeed those principles had needed any excuse, but also 
for that very line of conduct which I thought it my duty 
to pursue. A main argument in support of this measure 
has been, the evils arising from a divided cabinet. Feeling 
strongly as I did on this question, I resolved not to increase 
that evil, and, therefore, have been prevented from accepting 
office, under circumstances which, but for this measure, 
I should have been proud to accept. I receive, therefore, 
the proposition now offered by his Majesty's ministers, as 
a proof, not only of the soundness of those principles on 
which I and others have acted, but also as a proof of the 
propriety of the line of conduct we have pursued. By this 
measure, we have acknowledged and recognized the sound- 
ness of the principles of that great and immortal man, 
Mr. Fox, who, in the year 1779, on the 8th of March, the 
very day fifty years when this bill was read a second time 
in the House of Commons — in that same house, Mr. Fox 



EARL GREY. 33 

stated the necessity of doing the Roman Catholics that 
justice which is at length about to be done them. It is to 
me, my lords, a matter of great satisfaction, that I have lived 
to share in the glory of this measure, coming, as it does, 
even at the eleventh hour. That I have ever given it my 
honest and sincere support, will ever be to me a subject of 
proud and grateful recollection. Still, my lords, I must 
regret the time that has been lost. The beneficial effects 
which I now anticipate from it, might ere this have 
been brought to maturity, and no longer have been mat- 
ter of expectation. That it will ultimately accomplish 
the objects for which it is produced, I have little doubt; 
and even now I receive it with unqualified gratification — 
I receive it, as I am certain the country will do, whatever 
prejudices now exist, as a proof of the wisdom and mag- 
nanimity of his Majesty's government, and particularly of 
the noble duke, who, by this measure, has established a 
debt of gratitude, which the country will be no more un- 
willing to pay, than it was those honours which awaited 
him after his splendid and glorious military career/' 

From this time, the public heard little of Earl Grey, 
except during the trial of Queen Caroline, when he took 
an active and leading part in investigating the charges 
brought against that unfortunate lady. He was one of the 
most forward and fervent of the peers in her behalf; and 
to the eloquence and zeal which he manifested in conjunc- 
tion with the talents of her counsel, must the success of her 
cause be attributed. After this, the life of Earl Grey was passed 
in a state of comparative seclusion from public life, till the 
sudden extinction of the Duke of Wellington's administration 
brought him forth with greater splendour than ever ; re- 
minding us of the lines of our great poet — 

" So sinks the day-star in the ocean bed, 
And yet anon repairs his drooping head, 
And tricks his beams, and, with new-spangled ore, 
Flames in the forehead of the morning sky.' 

Milton. 
P 



i 



34 EARL GREY. 

Having thus sketched the noble Premier's parliamentary 
career, it now only remains for us to follow it up with a 
brief estimate of his character. This, if drawn with fair- 
ness and freedom, cannot be without interest at the present 
moment, when it is considered that Earl Grey is the first 
minister of state, and that he stands identified with the 
momentous transaction of parliamentary reform. 

It has been said of the noble Lord, that he has been more 
consistent in his character than in his opinions. High- 
minded and personal in his ambition, he has diverged, but 
never stooped. He advocated reform — then seemed to have 
renounced it — and is now, as his opponents are pleased to 
say, a relapsed reformer. He forfeited the favour of the 
people for a short interval, but it was without incurring 
the slightest suspicion of having sacrificed it to that of 
the court; and he has been under the ban of the court 
during the regency and reign of the late King, without 
indemnifying his ambition, as a party chief, by what cour- 
tiers term faction. 

It is true, that Mr. Grey shared the councils of Carlton 
House during the regency question in 1/88-9, and would 
have been a minister, had the regency taken place ; but 
even in his inetrcourse with the heir-apparent, he pre- 
served his honour unsullied. For, when the latter wished 
to prevail upon him to gloss over the Prince's intimacy 
with Mrs. Fitzherbert, and restore the veil of mystery and 
vagueness which had hitherto hung over that affair, Mr. 
Grey not only declined, but disdained, to become the vehicle 
of a pitiful equivocation ; and was henceforth regarded by 
the late King as too intractable and stately for either his 
partisan as a prince, or his minister as a sovereign. His 
conduct, too, when the question was mooted for relieving 
the Prince from his pecuniary embarrassments, was truly 
characteristic of the independence of his mind. After 
declaring his perfect readiness to support the splendour of 
the royal family, he added, " I conceive that there is more 
time dignity in manifesting a heart alive to the distress of 



EARL GERY. 35 

millions, than in all those trappings which encumber royalty 
without adorning it. Is it proper, I ask, that the legis- 
lature should give the example of encouraging extravagance, 
at a moment when the prevailing fashion of prodigality 
among people of fortune is rapidly destroying their inde- 
pendence, and making them the tools of the court, and the 
contempt of the people ? I am well aware that the refusal 
to pay his debts, will be a privation to the Prince of Wales : 
but it will be a just penalty for the past, and a useful lesson 
for the future ; and it will also be a proper deference 
to the severe privations endured, and the painful sacrifices 
made, by the nation/ ' 

It surely is a remarkable testimony to Lord Grey's pub- 
lic principles, and to his strong permanent conviction, that, 
after a lapse of thirty-six years, and, doubtless, without any 
thought of the observation which had then fallen from him, 
he has stripped the ceremony of his Royal Master's corona- 
tion of those trappings which not only " encumbered royalty 
without adorning it," but which presented, in the gorgeous 
absurdities of feudal barbarism, a spectacle of childish pro- 
digality, at once revolting and ridiculous in an age of free- 
dom, economy, and good sense. 

There is no part of Lord Grey's political life, which has 
subjected him to more rigorous animadversion, and severe 
censure, than his refusal to take office at the invitation of 
the Regent in 1809. Lords Grey and Grenville were, at the 
time, the former in Northumberland, the latter in Cornwall. 
Lord Grenville came to town, conferred with Mr. Perceval 
and Lord Liverpool, and, after an interchange of compli- 
ments, rejected their overtures : Lord Grey declined at once, 
not only the proposed coalition, but even the invitation to a 
personal conference in town. Both lords, doubtless, saw the 
hollo wness of the overture : but Lord Grey's pride took the 
alarm, lest his sagacity should be for a moment suspected ; 
and he marked his sense of a mere court manoeuvre, by his 
stately, if not contemptuous, rejection. 

On the death of Mr. Perceval, the ministry was disorga- 



36 EARL GREY. 

nized, and the game of court-cabal and party negociati on 
was once more strenuously renewed. The subject has been 
already adverted to, and the circumstances need not be here 
repeated. The Regent's household, at that time, was wholly 
composed of the members and dependants of the Marchioness 
of Hertford's family, whose dominion over the Prince was 
not merely notorious, but avowed ; and it was obvious enough 
that the government of the regent, like that of his father, 
was actuated by an inner- working secret influence. Lords 
Grey and Grenville required that the great offices of the 
household should be placed at their disposal ; and they were 
censured even by the Whigs, for insisting on this stipulation, 
while the chief responsibility was charged to the account of 
Earl Grey. But those who would do justice to the latter, are 
bound in fairness to hear his Lordship's defence of his con- 
duct. He denounced the secret influence which hemmed in 
the Regent, " nothing loth," and absolutely ruled his coun- 
cils. "But," said he, in concluding a remarkable speech, 
" the objections to the ministerial system hitherto stated, 
sink into insignificance compared with one to which I allude 
with reluctance — I mean the dependence of the ministry for 
its very existence upon an unseen influence which lurks behind 
the throne — a power alien to the constitution, but now become, 
unhappily, too familiar to the country ; a disastrous and dis- 
gusting influence, which has consolidated abuses into system, 
and which prevents either public complaint or honest coun- 
sel from reaching the royal ear ; an influence, which it is 
the duty of parliament to brand with signal reprobation, 
and for the destruction of which, it is my rooted, unalter- 
able principle, and that of my friends who act with me, to 
have an understanding with parliament, before we take office 
under the crown." 

It is obvious, after this declaration, that Lord Grey could 
come into office only, like Lord Chatham, upon the shoulders 
of the people ; yet did he continue to stand aloof, both 
from the people and the court, upon his high ground, with 
the Whigs dangling idly in his train. It would be ridiculous 



EARL GREY. 37 

therefore, to charge Lord Grey with a fondness for office. 
In 1815, he broke the tie between him and Lord Grenville. 
He maintained the right of France to choose or change her 
own government, and reprobated, with the eloquence of his 
earlier years, the odious tyranny and hypocritical effrontery 
with which, at that period, independent states were bar- 
tered and bandied to a foreign yoke, and free communities 
despoiled of their laws and liberties. He opposed the des- 
potic measures which soon after sprang from the arbitrary 
imbecility of the administration ; and his speech upon Lord 
SidmoutVs circular, directing magistrates to issue their war- 
rant in cases of libel charged upon oath, may take its place 
as a constitutional law- argument, with the two great efforts 
of Lords Mansfield and Somers. It extorted the approba- 
tion and applause of that able lawyer, and still more able 
orator, Lord Ellenborough. 

Lord Grey has redeemed his pledge of reform honourably, 
by an efficient measure ; and consistently, by reviving the 
plan which he had formed and advocated in his earlier years. 
He has now the advantage of political study and experience, 
generous principles, and grand views of policy, enlightened 
knowledge of the laws and constitution, a sincere love of 
liberty, an exalted integrity of character, upon which ca- 
lumny has never ventured to breathe. He has eloquence 
of the highest and rarest stamp — instinct with deliberative 
wisdom and classic fire, set off by a personal delivery at 
once popular and noble. The early sympathy between him 
and the people, which for a time lay dormant, is once more 
revived — the tide of popular opinion has fairly set in in his 
favour — the country rallies round him — and he enjoys in an 
ample degree his Sovereign's confidence. The reform bill 
is certainly his sheet-anchor ; and, having once secured that, 
his administration has nothing to fear. 



38 LORD BROUGHAM, 



THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

HENRY, BARON BROUGHAM AND VAUX, 

Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain. 



There is so much to be said, and so much that ought to 
be said, even in a w sketch" of the public life of this extra- 
ordinary man, that our great difficulty is, how to comprise 
within the limits of a few pages, the substance of what 
would easily occupy a volume. Mr. Brougham is entitled, 
by the variety of his powers and attainments, to be con- 
sidered as an orator, a lawyer, a statesman, an economist, 
and a person of scientific information. Under each of these 
views, he stands prominently forward ; and in some of 
them at least — as a lawyer and a statesman — he comes forth 
from the crowd with a loftiness of stature, and brightness 
of glory, which, in our day and land, belong to none 
else. 

It has fallen to the lot of not a few of our nobility to be 
indebted for their elevation to a long train of illustrious 
ancestors. The case, however, is otherwise with the sub- 
ject of this memoir : Mr. Brougham owes little of his great- 
ness to family connections, or the privileges of birth and 
fortune. He was born to ennoble a family, and not to be 
indebted for rank and dignity to those who gave him birth. 
His father was a country gentleman, educated at the Uni- 
versity of Edinburgh ; and his mother, who is still living, 
was the daughter of a lady who kept a boarding-house on 
Castle Hill in that city, and niece to Dr. Robertson the 
historian. 




IEN.R\' BROUGHAM, ll.ARON BROUGHAM & Y.U'V 




■L^-JiA/t 




LORD BROUGHAM. 39 

Henry Brougham, who was named after his father, was 
born in St. Andrew's Square, Edinburgh, in the year 17/9, 
and was the eldest of four brothers, the offspring of the 
same marriage. His brothers were, John, who became an 
eminent wine- merchant in Edinburgh, and died about two 
years ago at Boulogne \ James, a barrister \ and William, 
a master in chancery, one of the members of the present 
parliament for the borough of Southwark. All the 
brothers received their education at the High School in 
Edinburgh, then under the rectorship of Dr. Alexander 
Adam, whose fame as a teacher is well known, and whose 
capabilities were sufficiently evinced by several valuable 
publications in classical literature. 

Even in his boyish days, the subject of this (C sketch" is 
said to have given those remarkable indications of talent, 
which his life has fortunately afforded him the opportunity 
of developing, and which rendered him a special favourite 
with his preceptor. It happened to him, as it has hap- 
pened to many who have risen to after eminence in that 
art, to acquire the rudiments of eloquence in that fluency 
and facility of expression which proceed from the habits 
of public speaking. Young Brougham in the <e Speculative 
Club" exercised almost the same superiority over his youth- 
ful competitors, that the present chancellor holds over 
his noble rivals in the House of Lords. Of this society, 
the late Mr. Horner, the late Lord Kinnaird, Mr. Murray, 
Mr. Southey, Mr. Jeffrey, the present lord advocate of 
Scotland, were among the most distinguished members. 
But those pursuits, active and engrossing as they now 
generally are, did not prevent this singular young man 
from indulging in those fits of abstract meditation, with 
which they are usually considered and found to be incom- 
patible. From the noisy clamour of a spouting club, it 
was not unfrequent with him to retire to the study of the 
more abstract branches of the mathematics, the fruits of 
which soon began to make their appearance. 

At the age of fifteen, he was entered a student of the 



40 LORD BROUGHAM. 

University, where he applied himself assiduously to the 
cultivation of his intellectual powers, and soon after pro- 
duced " An Essay on the Flection and Reflection of Light," 
which was deemed worthy of a place among the Philosophi- 
cal Transactions, and that at a time when its author had 
not yet attained his seventeenth year. This communication 
on the velocity of light was soon after followed by some 
geometrical propositions, with their solutions, which were 
stated to be discoveries and improvements of the ancient 
analysis. The merit of original discovery, in these in- 
stances, has indeed been subsequently called in question : 
but his claim to the title of inventor, in mathematics, has, 
nevertheless, been substantiated, by his speculations on 
algebraical prisms, and those connected with the higher 
geometry; one of which, on the properties of the conic 
hyperbola, and the relations of the harmonical line to 
curves of different orders, is a masterpiece of mathematical 
reasoning. 

These contributions to the general stock of science paved 
the way for Mr. Brougham's being elected a Fellow of the 
Royal Society ; which took place, March 3, 1803, though 
his formal admission was postponed till the spring of the 
following year. In the interim, having turned his attention 
to the study of the law, he prosecuted that subject with in- 
defatigable diligence, as a candidate for the honours of the 
Scotch bar ; to which he was called in due course, about the 
same time with his two illustrious friends, Jeffrey and 
Horner. This was an important era in the history of 
Mr. Brougham ; for, though he had already distinguished 
himself as a young man of first-rate talents, his celebrity 
was confined within a comparatively small circle of such 
as were judges of his scientific acquirements. He now 
began to be known beyond that limited sphere ; for in the 
same year, 1803, he surprised the public, by ic An Inquiry 
into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers," in two 
volumes, octavo — a work which stamped the author's repu- 
tation, at once, on a firm basis, as a political philosopher, 



LORD BROUGHAM. 41 

and elegant writer. The nature of this undertaking led him 
into a wide field of highly interesting discussion, in which 
he took a review of the colonial policy of the United Pro- 
vinces, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, France, and 
England. Directing his attention particularly to the exist- 
ing state of our West India Islands, he developed, in a 
masterly manner, the dangers to which all the European 
possessions there must unavoidably be exposed, from St. 
Domingo becoming an independent state. From this, he 
proceeded to discuss the slave trade and slave system, which 
he did with great ability, contending for the abolition of 
this traffic, as indispensably requisite to the security of 
our West India possessions, against the dangers by which 
they are threatened from the transactions of the last twenty 
years in the French islands. From the West, he turned 
his attention to our dominions in the East, and remarked 
on the dangers to which our Asiatic possessions were 
exposed, from the power and ambition of Russia — an object 
towards which he recommended a jealous attention on the 
part of our rulers. The information contained in these 
volumes was multifarious and correct — the result of enlarged 
views, and just conceptions ; and, viewed as the production 
of one who had not then attained the age of five and twent) r , 
it was considered as giving promise of that future great- 
ness, which the lapse of thirty years has amply justified. 

Having completely established his reputation in Scotland 
as an advocate, Mr. Brougham was now in the high road to 
preferment, and might have confidently looked forward to 
the honour of a seat in the High Court of Justiciary, with 
the nominal rank of a Lord, for life. His forensic celebrity 
caused him to be employed in several important causes ; 
and, among others, as counsel for Lady Essex Ker, in the 
great contest respecting the ducal title and estates of Rox- 
burgh. This, and some other causes, necessarily brought 
him to plead before the British House of Peers, where his 
striking elocution and legal knowledge attracted consider- 
able notice. A new and richer field was, however, opened to 

G 



42 LORD BROUGHAM. 

his view, and one which presented higher prospects to an 
ambitious mind, than that in which he had already secured 
a certainty of permanent emolument and future distinc- 
tion. Mr. Brougham, and his bosom friend, Mr. Francis 
Horner, now determined to unite their interests, and try 
their strength in the English courts, as they had done in 
those of Scotland. A call to the bar followed ; and while 
Mr. Horner adopted the Chancery practice, for which he 
was well fitted ; and where, had his valuable life been pro- 
longed, he might have risen to the seat which his friend 
now fills, Mr. Brougham entered the arena of the King's 
Bench, to elbow his way amidst a host of competitors. 
For this purpose, he chose the Northern circuit, as the most 
eligible in point of profit ; and though he had the disad- 
vantage of having to compete, first with Mr. Justice Park, 
and next with Mr. Scarlett, it was not long ere he began 
to share with the latter all the great employ of that circuit. 
It lias indeed been said, with what justice we are unable 
to decide, that Sir James Scarlett owes much to the stimu- 
lating influence of his great rival ; and that, without the 
provocations, the goadings, and inducements, which Mr. 
Brougham supplied, Sir James never would have reached 
his present celebrity as a lawyer. 

That Mr. Brougham was desirous of the honour of a 
seat in parliament, cannot be questioned. It is a fair and 
legitimate object of competition to every friend of his 
country ; and, pre-eminently talented, as he was, for taking 
a leading part in senatorial debates, ijt is somewhat strange 
that he was so long overlooked. His work on colonial policy 
had afforded ample proof of his statesman-like views ; and 
the eloquence he displayed at the bar, was an additional 
recommendation. Yet it was not until the year 1810 or 
1811, that he first entered parliament, and then for the 
borough of Camelford, as the nominee of the Duke of 
Bedford ! 

It is pleasing to remark, that one of the first acts of his 
political life, as a member of the legislature was, the 



LORD BROUGHAM. 43 

bringing in of a bill, making the slave-trade, by whom- 
soever practised, felony; and subjecting the persons car- 
rying it on, to the punishment of transportation for fourteen 
years. The bill passed both houses in 1811, and received 
the royal assent. On this very momentous subject, we 
may take the opportunity of remarking, that the won- 
derful energy of Mr. Brougham's mind has shewn itself in 
a very amiable and beneficent light with regard to West 
India slavery. That disgraceful plague-spot in our empire 
has hitherto been preserved from every purifying touch, 
by a barrier of interested power, which it is dangerous and 
almost hopeless to assail. The plain proposition, that 
nothing can give one man a complete and indefeasible right 
over the will of another, is met by such a phalanx of an- 
cient prejudice, and desperate self-interest, that the man 
who comes forward to profane the worship of the mons- 
trous idol set up by these debasers of humanity, deserves 
to be protected and encouraged by the applause of all good 
men. The wretched beings, of a different colour from our- 
selves, who are employed on the other side of the Atlantic 
in ministering to our luxuries, have so few outward bonds 
of communion with us, that it is not wonderful why many 
who have no interest in ameliorating their condition, should 
forget their sufferings, or that the few who have an interest 
in preventing improvement, should continue to tyrannize. 
But, thanks be to those who use the talents God has given 
them, in working beneficence to his creatures ! And in 
future times, when schools and churches shall crown the 
mountains of Jamaica, and the cottage of the negro-peasant 
shall be sacred from the brutality of white men — when the 
scourge shall no longer sound among the Antilles, nor the 
image of the Creator be trampled by the slave-driver into 
the likeness of the beasts that perish — the name of Henry 
Brougham will not be omitted, in the praises of a redeemed 
people. 

In the year 1812, Mr. Brougham endeavoured, but with 
less success, to take from the crown the droits of admiralty, 



■■ 



44 LORD BROUGHAM. 

which he considered, in its present state, to be a fund 
contrary to the constitution, and pregnant with danger to 
the rights and privileges of the people. But though his 
exertions were not crowned with success in that instance, 
he did not allow the session of parliament to pass over, 
without conferring an important benefit upon his country, 
which, at that time, was suffering greatly from the Orders 
in Council, respecting our commerce with the United States. 
He called the attention of the house to this subject, and 
exhibited these " orders" as the cause of the distresses 
and embarrassments which then prevailed throughout the 
kingdom. His speeches on this occasion, displayed some of 
the highest qualities of eloquence ; and they may be thought 
of with the more satisfaction, because the talents they 
exhibited were put forth in opposition to a stupid and mis- 
chievous monopoly. His conduct in this instance merits 
to be recorded as another of the bright honours in this 
gentleman's career. Ministers, indeed, refused to grant 
him the committee of inquiry for which he asked ; but 
the agitation of the question had a beneficial effect, for, 
though they would not yield to their opponents in the 
house, they soon after conceded to them, by revoking the 
obnoxious orders in the cabinet. 

The parliament terminated with this session, and, at the 
election which followed, Mr. Brougham was prevailed on, 
by the liberal party in Liverpool, to offer himself as a can- 
didate for that borough, in opposition to Mr. Canning, who 
then avowed himself of the Pitt school of politics. But it 
was found that the Whigs of that town had miscalculated 
their strength, and the Tory party triumphed. Mr. 
Brougham was now about two years out of parliament, 
when he again appeared on the opposition bench as a mem- 
ber for the borough of Winchelsea, which he continued to 
represent for the two or three succeeding parliaments. But 
the interval of his seclusion was far from proving a blank 
to the world; it afforded Mr. Brougham an opportunity 
of meditating new measures of relief to his country, and 



LORD BROUGHAM. 45 

accordingly, he came forward as a giant refreshed ; for to 
follow him in his parliamentary career, from this time, 
must exceed the powers of an ordinary observer. 

The session of parliament opened, February 1st, 1816, when 
some allusion was made, in the speech from the throne, 
to "the flourishing condition of our commerce, revenue, 
and finances." Seizing the subject, Mr. Brougham severely 
condemned such a representation as most unfounded and 
fallacious, when a general stagnation of trade was felt — 
when shops were everywhere empty — and tradesmen's 
books filled with debts, not one per cent, of which could be 
recovered. Alluding to the slave trade still carried on by 
Spain, the honourable gentleman said, he hoped the con- 
temptible tyrant, Ferdinand, who had behaved so inhumanly 
to his best friends, and had treated so ungratefully those 
by whom he had been raised to the throne which he dis- 
graced, would be prevented from extending the effects of 
his reign to Africa. 

It was at this period that the Holy Alliance was formed 
between the great continental powers ; to which England 
was invited to become a party, but she declined the honour ! 
The subject, however, being introduced in the House of 
Commons, Mr. Brougham took it up with great warmth ; 
and, after expressing his wonder at the promptness of the 
three great powers to defend Christianity when it was not 
attacked, and suspecting some secret political object in this 
imposing confederacy, he exclaimed, " I always think there 
is something suspicious in what a French writer calls e les 
abouchemens des rois,' (the interviews of kings.) When 
crowned heads meet, the result of their united councils is 
not always favourable to the interests of humanity. It is 
not the first time that Austria, Russia, and Prussia have 
laid their heads together. On a former occasion, after 
professing a vast regard for truth, religion, and justice, they 
adopted a course, which brought much misery on their own 
subjects, as well as on those of a neighbouring state. They 
made war against that unoffending country, which found 



46 LORD BROUGHAM. 

little reason to felicitate itself on its conquerors being dis- 
tinguished by Christian feelings. The war against Poland, 
and the subsequent partition of that devoted country, were 
prefaced by language very similar to that which this treaty 
contains ; and the proclamation of the Empress Catha- 
rine, which wound up that fatal tragedy, had almost the 
same words." 

It was, we believe, during the vacation of 1816, that 
Mr. Brougham, by way of relaxation from the multifarious 
labours with which he was surrounded, made a tour on the 
Continent ; in the course of which, he paid a visit to the 
Princess of Wales, at her residence at Como, in the north 
of Italy : the result of which was, that he became the con- 
fidential agent, and legal adviser, of her Royal Highness. 
It is the more necessary to mention this circumstance, 
inasmuch as it laid the foundation for the great trial of his 
strength, when he was called to contend against all the 
power and influence of the palace and the government, in 
defence of that illustrious and persecuted, but high-minded, 
female. 

His Majesty, George the Third, departed this life on 
the 29th of January, 1820; and no sooner was the event 
made known, than Mr. Brougham despatched a messenger 
to Como, to communicate the intelligence to the Princess 
of Wales, to whom it was a circumstance of considerable 
importance, and not less so to the nation at large, to whom 
she had become the Queen-consort. Her Majesty replied 
instantly, by the same medium, informing Mr. Brougham 
of her fixed determination to return to England, for the 
purpose of asserting her rights and privileges, which, she 
said, she had reason to believe were in danger, as well as 
her person, and requesting him to meet her at St. Omer's 
without delay. 

On the receipt of this intelligence, Mr. Brougham thought 
proper to communicate it to Lord Castiereagh, who was 
then minister, and who assured him that no indignity 
would be offered to the illustrious personage, either at home 



LORD BROUGHAM. 47 

or abroad. A consultation, however, was now held, and 
his Majesty's pleasure taken — the issue of which was, that 
Lord Hutchinson was deputed to wait upon her, on the 
part of her husband, and offer her fifty thousand pounds a 
year, on condition of her continuing to reside abroad, and 
relinquishing the title of Queen. His lordship set out, 
accompanied by Mr. Brougham ; and, arriving at St. Omer, 
they found her Majesty awaiting them, to whom Lord 
Hutchinson communicated the message with which he was 
entrusted. The proposal roused her indignation. She de- 
clared it was impossible for her to listen to it for a moment, 
and, apprehending that steps might be taken to prevent her 
landing in England, she instantly set off for Calais, crossed 
the channel in the first vessel that offered, and arrived 
safely in Dover, where she was received with all possible 
respect by the inhabitants ; and her whole journey to Lon - 
don had the air of a triumph. Mr. Brougham and Lord 
Hutchinson soon followed — the latter not a little discon- 
certed and mortified, it is said, at the failure of his mission. 
The consternation of the court on finding her Majesty in 
the midst of them, was extreme ; and the King instantly 
determined to convert her joy into sorrow and mourning. 
Lord Castlereagh brought down a message from his Majesty 
to both houses of parliament, accompanied by a mass of 
papers, which he laid upon the table of the House of Com- 
mons, tending to fix upon his royal consort the imputation 
of adulterous guilt. Alarming as her situation now became, 
she, however, did not remain silent, but addressed a letter 
to the Commons, protesting against the formation of a 
secret tribunal, and reprobating that series of ill-treatment 
which could only be justified by trial and conviction. Mr. 
Brougham, in the strongest terms, opposed the intended 
inquiry, as the most impolitic step that could be devised, 
and hoped that it would be superseded by a private and 
amicable adjustment, contenting himself at this time with 
deprecating even a hasty discussion. 

On the following day, Lord Castlereagh made his expose 



48 LORD BROUGHAM. 

of the views and principles of the government in relation 
to this affair ; and was answered by Mr. Brougham, whose 
speech excited the deepest interest, and well deserved it. 
He concluded, by demanding for the Queen a speedy and 
open trial, which accordingly took place before the assem- 
bled peers. The trial itself is far too extensive a subject 
for us to enter upon in this place, where, indeed, it would 
be out of keeping \ it belongs to the province of the his- 
torian, and not to the biographer ; and, therefore, we only 
say, that Mr. Brougham's reply to the note of Lord Liver- 
pool — to the speech of Mr. Canning — and to the concili- 
atory proposition of Mr. Wilberforce — will not soon cease 
to be remembered. These were followed by his speech at 
the bar of the House of Lords, in support of the Queen's 
remonstrances against the intended mode of investigation — 
his speech against the principle of the bill of pains and 
penalties — his reply to the counsel for the crown, and after- 
wards to the Lord Chancellor — and finally, his defence of 
the Queen against the several charges. 

On the merits of this extraordinary case, it is not our 
business to offer an opinion. We have only to place 
Mr. Brougham before the reader in the luminous posture 
and exalted light by which these events encircled him. 
His principles and talents had often before been put to a 
severe test ; but it was reserved for the present occasion 
to draw them fully out. To describe the energy and effect 
of his speech in the Queen's defence, is impossible. No 
adequate conception of its power and greatness can be ob- 
tained from the mere reading of it. None but those who 
were privileged to hear it, can be competent judges of the 
power of mind, and of body too, which it evinced. To 
affirm that Mr. Brougham's speeches were incomparably 
the ablest that the occasion elicited, is saying but little 
for them. In these speeches, which may still be perused, 
there will be found much of eloquence to justify a com- 
parison with the most splendid orations of Cicero or Demos- 
thenes, or any other that can be produced \ and they will 



LORD BROUGHAM. 49 

remain an imperishable monument of his gigantic intellect. 
It has been observed, too, that on some occasions, where 
nothing is to be found recorded that would excite admira- 
tion, there was that of inspiration in his look and tone, 
which gave an amazing power to the simplest expressions. 
This was particularly the case with that sentence, in reply 
to an application for delay, when, bursting from a quiet that 
looked almost concentrated into marble, he flung his hands 
above him, as if they had been spreading pinions, and 
exclaimed, " Now, my Lords ! Are you a court of justice ?" 

It is time, however, that we now direct our attention 
to Mr. Brougham's efforts in favour of education ; and it 
will be useful to the i*eader to have this subject traced from 
the beginning. Prior to his entering parliament, he pub- 
lished a pamphlet, entitled " Practical Observations on the 
Education of the People," which appeared anonymously, 
and was probably intended by its author to sound the 
public pulse, and pave the way for other contemplated and 
more important projects. His first great parliamentary 
effort on this subject was made on the 21st of May, 1816, 
when he moved for a select committee of the House of 
Commons, to inquire into the state of education among 
the lower orders of the people in London, Westminster, and 
Southwark. 

On this occasion, speaking of the abuses in schools, the 
funds of which consisted of landed and freehold property, 
he remarked — "In one instance, where the funds of the 
charity are £450, one boy only is boarded and educated. 
In another case, where the revenue of the establishment is 
£1,500 a year, the appointment of a master lying in the 
lord of the manor, that gentleman gave it to a clergyman, 
who, out of this sum, paid a carpenter in the village, £40 
for attending the school. The funds in the whole country, 
applicable to the education of the poor, could not," he said, 
"be less than one hundred and fifty thousand pounds." 
This glance at the evil which it was proposed to remedy, 
is given, merely to shew the magnitude of the task which 

H 



50 LORD BROUGHAM. 

the honourable member had undertaken, and the firm and 
fearless manner in which he proceeded to execute his 
purpose. 

In the evidence of this committee, much information on 
the state of the different charity schools in the metropolis 
was produced ; and the day after its sittings were concluded, 
a brief report was presented to the House, recommending 
that parliament should take proper measures for extending 
the blessings of education to the lower class of the com- 
munity, as well as for inquiring into the management of 
charitable donations made for their instruction. As the 
best method of effecting this object, a parliamentary com- 
mission was recommended. 

The general result of this committee, was, to bring the 
following distinct matters under consideration : — 1. The 
present condition of the lower orders of the metropolis. — 
2. Plans for promoting education among them, as well as 
for bettering, by other methods, their moral and general 
state. — 3. The propriety or impropriety of connecting the 
national religion with national education. — 4. The nature 
and state of all charitable institutions whatever. — 5. The 
circumstances and administration of the great public schools 
and of the two Universities in England ; and, lastly, sundry 
charges of malversation and robbery of the poor, adduced 
against some persons of exalted character in the country. 
This was opening a wide field for inquiry and discussion ; 
and, to have induced subjects like these to be fully con- 
sidered and investigated — to have laid before the opened eyes 
and awakened attention of the community, large volumes 
of evidence bearing upon matters of the most vital im- 
portance, would, were it the only act of a public man, richly 
entitle him to the thanks and the esteem of his country. 
In concocting and supporting such projects as these, Mr. 
Brougham has conferred a benefit on the nation, which 
even England could hardly repay. 

It is a proverbial saying, " He that would do good, must be 
content to make enemies." That the head masters of pub- 



LORD BROUGHAM. 51 

lie schools should dislike to be authoritatively summoned up 
to London, and examined with little more ceremony than 
they used to their own scholars — that ill-regulated institu- 
tions should object to the examination of their charters — 
that the Quarterly Review should declare the crown and 
the church to be threatened with danger, denounce Mr. 
Brougham as a Scotchman and a dissenter, and appeal to 
the romantic attachment of the nobility and gentry of 
England for the scenes of their early instruction — are all 
matters of course, and could excite no surprise. But in his 
attempts to correct long-standing abuses, and carry into 
effect his plans of education, Mr. Brougham met with op- 
position from a quarter which he had not anticipated, as 
will presently appear. 

The committee having finished their inquiries, and made 
their report thereon, in the year 1818, on the orders of the 
day being read for the house to go into a committee on 
"the Education of the Poor Bill/' Mr. Brougham rose, and 
addressed the senators in a speech of extraordinary power, 
a speech which extorted commendation from Lord Castle- 
reagh, carried the house along with him, and made an im- 
pression on the country, which his subsequent display of 
eloquence has not effaced. From this time his position was 
fixed ', his powers of expression, his unweariedness of re- 
search, as well as the stern and daring tone of his mind, 
were acknowledged and felt. He now stood forward as the 
friend and powerful advocate of the poor. If the people 
wish to know who are their real and most valuable friends 
-—if they are desirous of distinguishing those who seek to 
oppress them on the one hand, or such as seek to impose 
on and cajole them on the other, from the men who are 
solicitous for improving their condition, and are honestly 
anxious for their advantage — they have only to draw a line 
between the advocates for, and the enemies to, their instruc- 
tion. It is as one of the most earnest and zealous of the 
latter — it is for what he has done to promote education, and 
to diffuse knowledge, that the present Lord Chancellor will 



52 LORD BROUGHAM. 

take a higher place in history than even as the great states- 
man and orator of his country. The name of Brougham is 
identified with — the plan, for a national system of instruction 
— the Mechanic's Institute — the London University — and 
the Society for Useful Knowledge. By these various en- 
deavours he has sought to clear away the clouds and thick 
darkness which have so long rested on the land; and to 
make knowledge an inheritance, common as the air, to all, 
instead of its being monopolized by a privileged order. 
But to proceed : 

The charges brought against the committee, and the com- 
mission afterwards proposed; the manner in which the. 
powers of that commission were restricted in the House of 
Lords, and the name of Mr. Brougham, to whom it owed 
its existence, omitted among the nominations of the crown, 
formed the subject of numerous pamphlets which at that 
time issued from the press, and among the rest, one from 
the pen of Mr. Brougham himself, entitled, " A Letter to 
Sir Samuel Romilly," &c. in which he defended his plan of 
education from the various attacks with which it had been 
assailed — resolving the opposition that was made to it, into 
ci a determined resolution to screen delinquents, to per- 
petuate negligences, and respect malversation." 

In 1820, a year memorable to him in many respects, 
Mr. Brougham brought forward his celebrated plan of edu- 
cation 5 and here, though the object in view was generally 
admitted to be desirable, such were the difficulties in the 
way of its accomplishment, that almost every class of men 
had some objection to its being carried into effect, in the 
only practicable way. But the main difficulty, and, there 
is good reason to believe, that which determined its author 
at last to abandon it, arose on the part of the dissenters. 
To them it appeared that, at least, certain enactments of 
the bill originated in imperfect information respecting the 
number of dissidents in the country. To them it appeared 
strange that the liberal and candid promoter of the bill 
should have paid so little regard to their numbers, their 



LORD BROUGHAM. 53 

property, their intelligence, and especially their moral and 
religious character, as to subject the whole to the conduct 
and management of the clergy of the established church ! 
The progress of the bill was assiduously watched by the 
committee and secretaries of the " Protestant Society for 
the Protection of Religious Liberty,'' and a deputation 
appointed to confer with Mr. Brougham on those clauses 
in it, which were thought peculiarly objectionable; — the 
result of which was, the scheme fell to the ground, and was 
altogether abandoned. 

It is neither matter of surprise nor of grief that the educa- 
tion bill did not succeed. Were this the place for entering upon 
a discussion of it, the fate of the bill would shield it from 
the censure which it deserved, while the immediate causes 
of that fate would deprive us of all power to commend any 
thing beyond the motive in which it took its rise. How a 
person of Mr. Brougham's intellectual acuteness could 
imagine the instruments, which the bill proposed to employ 
in the work of national education, at all fit for the task ; 
or how his discriminating and prophetic eye could see, in 
the bill itself, that complete machinery which the important 
work to be produced required, must ever remain a mystery 
to many. Happily, however, the failure of the bill had no 
effect in damping Mr. Brougham's ardour in the cause 
of education ; on the contrary, it only served to give addi- 
tional zest to his endeavours to promote the same benevo- 
lent object by other and better digested methods. 

On the 11th of February, 1822, we find Mr. Brougham, 
at the close of a very elaborate speech, bringing forward 
the following resolution, " That it is the bounden duty of 
this house, well considering the pressure of the public bur- 
dens on all classes of the community, and particularly on 
the agricultural classes, to pledge itself to obtain, for a 
suffering people, such a reduction of taxation as will 
afford them effectual relief." This proposition was opposed 
by ministers, as leading to no practical purpose, and the 
motion was negatived by a considerable majority. 



54 LORD BROUGHAM. 

During the same session, June 24th, Mr. Brougham pro- 
posed a resolution to this effect, — <e That the influence of 
the crown is unnecessary to the maintenance of its due 
prerogatives, destructive of the independence of parliament, 
and inconsistent with the good government of the state.'' 
This resolution was introduced by a long speech, in the 
course of which, the honourable and learned mover displayed 
his peculiar talents for irony with singular brilliancy and 
success. It is scarcely necessary to say, that the motion 
was lost. 

The parliamentary history of 1823 is memorable for a 
schism in the opposition occasioned by the Catholic ques- 
tion, then introduced by Mr. Plunkett, now Lord Plunkett, 
the lord chancellor of Ireland. On the 18th of April, on 
which day this matter was brought forwards, Mr. Canning 
gave the question for emancipation his personal support ; 
but it soon appeared, that the weight of the cabinet, of 
which he formed a part, was on the other side. Mr # 
Brougham perceiving this, rose, and, in a speech charac- 
terized by more than his ordinary vehemence, charged the 
right honourable secretary with truckling to the lord chan- 
cellor, Eldon, declaring that he (Mr. Canning) had exhibited 
the most incredible specimen of monstrous, truckling, for 
the purpose of obtaining office, which the whole history of 
political tergiversation could furnish. Mr. Canning instantly 
took fire, and, turning to the Speaker, said, " I rise to say, 
that is false !" A deep silence ensued — Mr. Brougham sat 
down, and the Speaker rose — a long and animated discus- 
sion took place, which ended in a motion, "that the serjeant 
at-arms should take both the honourable members into cus- 
tody." The friends of the parties interfered, and happily 
prevailed upon both gentlemen to " think no more of the 
matter." When the question for the order of the day was 
read, all the opposition members left the house, and Mr. 
Plunkett' s motion was lost. 

We are next called to contemplate Mr. Brougham, ap- 
plying his powerful mind and transcendent talents in the 



LORD BROUGHAM. 55 

defence of a much injured individual, in a far-distant quarter 
of the world. This was a Mr. John Smith, a missionary 
in the colony of Demerara, whose only crime was, that he 
had devoted his whole life to ameliorate the condition of the 
slave population, by enlightening their minds, and soothing 
their sorrows under the miseries which they endured. A 
revolt having taken place among the slaves, on the 18th of 
August, 1823, on which occasion Smith exerted himself to 
the utmost of his power, and even at the risk of his own 
life, in persuading them to desist ; a suspicion arose in the 
minds of the planters, that he had somehow influenced the 
slaves in their rising. On the 21st of August, be was 
arrested by a military force, tried by court-martial, found 
guilty without evidence, and cast into jail, where he lan- 
guished from August 1823 to February 6th, 1824, when 
death released him from his sufferings. On the intelligence 
of the unrighteous and cruel proceedings against him reach- 
ing England, Mr. Brougham, June 1st, 1824, introduced 
the subject into the House of Commons, and moved an 
address to the King, in an able speech, in which he argued 
that Smith could not legally be tried by a court-martial ; 
that the court-martial, even supposing it possessed any 
jurisdiction, had exceeded its authority ; that every rule of 
evidence had been most flagrantly violated ; that upon the 
evidence, as it. stood, there was clear proof, not of Smith's 
guilt, but of his innocence : and that, even if it were allowed 
that he had been guilty of misprision of treason, he could 
not be condemned capitally for that offence. Unhappily, 
however, at the moment Mr. Brougham was triumphantly 
establishing every one of these positions, the persecuted 
missionary had breathed his last in a loathsome dungeon, 
where, loaded with a felon's and traitor's chains, he sunk 
beneath the unprovoked cruelty of his oppressors. It should 
be recorded to the honour of Mr. Brougham, that he insti- 
tuted this measure in the British senate, and condemned 
the whole proceedings — and to the disgrace of Mr. Canning, 
that he stood forward as their apologist, and threw his 



56 LORD BROUGHAM. 

shield around the delinquents who had condemned the 
innocent to death ! 

Passing over various efforts of minor consideration, both 
in and out of parliament, which in a detailed memoir might 
deservedly claim a place, we now proceed to the most 
splendid period in the life of Mr. Brougham as a lawyer, 
and a legislator. In pursuance of a notice which he had 
given in the preceding session, he brought forward, on the 
7th of February, 1828, a motion " touching the state of 
the law, and its administration in the courts of justice, 
with a view to such reform as time may have rendered 
necessary, and experience may have shewn to be expedient." 
The speech which introduced this motion was as remark- 
able for its length, as for its luminousness ; and though it 
occupied six hours and a half in the delivery, the attention 
of the house was riveted in fixed admiration during the 
whole time. The tenor of this wonderful oration evinced, 
in a striking manner, Mr. Brougham's disposition to con- 
cern himself heartily for the good of the people. The wish 
to examine and amend is so clearly displayed, and the 
general abstinence of a powerful rhetorician from any need- 
less rhetorical display, is so marked and praiseworthy, that 
it deserves to be estimated as one of the most valuable 
speeches ever delivered in the House of Commons. The com- 
prehensiveness of its plan, so infinitely surpassing what 
was ever proposed by Mr. Peel, makes it little better than 
farcical to consider that gentleman's proceedings in the 
same cause, as any thing more than a useful appendage to 
Mr. Brougham's, and to those disgracefully frustrated 
attempts of Sir Samuel Romilly and Sir James Mackin- 
tosh. The conclusion of the speech in question deserves 
to be quoted as a particularly impressive example of elo- 
quence, and one in which the moral sublime of the senti- 
ment was carried as far as was likely to be tolerated — in that 
august assembly. 

" To me," said Mr. Brougham, " much reflecting on these 
subjects, it has always seemed, that there is no prize of 



LORD BROUGHAM. 57 

ambition, which a man can honestly covet, so desirable as 
the glory of having been the humble instrument of directing 
the attention of the legislature to these high matters. I 
value it far above office, whose patronage would be irk- 
some — whose emoluments I disregard; content, like the 
rest of my industrious countrymen, with providing by the 
labour of my own hands for my own necessities. As to 
the power which belongs to great place, in which, as has 
been truly said, " men are thrice servants," I have lived for 
nearly half a century, and have learnt that its real worth 
can only consist in the ability it affords to aid our fellow- 
creatures in obtaining their just rights. That power I pos- 
sess — the grievances of my countrymen I can assist in 
redressing, whether as their advocate in this house, or 
as their coadjutor out of it. That power no minister can 
give— no change can take away." Occasionally relieving 
the dry portions of his subject with those convincing gene- 
ral arguments, those flashes of wit, and those bursts of 
eloquence, which Mr. Brougham knows so well how to 
employ, still the speech was one of the most patient and 
elaborate investigation. 

We have now the pleasing task of introducing Mr. 
Brougham in a point of view somewhat distinct from any 
in which he has hitherto been exhibited; namely, as the 
firm and consistent friend of religious liberty. About the 
period of his political life, of which we have been speaking, 
two important measures were brought before parliament, 
and, after much discussion, both were eventually carried. 
These were, the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts — • 
and what is usually termed Catholic emancipation ; and, in 
both instances, the relieved parties owe great obligation to 
Mr. Brougham. 

The question of relieving Protestant dissenters from the 
penal disabilities to which they had been long subjected, 
had frequently been brought under the notice of parliament 
in the days of Mr. Fox, who had ably advocated the cause 
of religious liberty by his powerful eloquence, though with 



58 LORD BROUGHAM. 

little effect. It was not until the year 1828, that anything 
could be done to purpose, in removing from the statute 
book those odious enactments. Reserving to the " sketch," 
which will hereafter be given of the public life of Lord 
John Russell, a more detailed account of these proceedings, 
it may suffice in this place to state, that on every occa- 
sion Mr. Brougham lent his powerful aid to this good cause. 
His speech, on the debate which took place, February 29th, 
1828, in reply to Mr. Peel, who was then minister, and 
had strongly opposed the motion for repeal, deserves to be 
mentioned not less for its sound constitutional principles 
and liberal views, than for the manly eloquence which was 
displayed in the delivery. The dissenters felt their obli- 
gations for such important aid, and thanks were voted to 
him by several committees and Protestant associations. 

The repeal of the Corporation and Test acts seemed to 
involve in its train the relief of the Catholics from their 
civil disabilities ; nevertheless, to carry this into effect, 
required persevering exertion. An association of a very 
formidable aspect had been in existence in Ireland for some 
years, and, on the opening of parliament in 1825, notice 
was taken of it in the King's speech, in which it was inti- 
mated, that "proceedings had been adopted that were 
irreconcileable with the spirit of the constitution, and cal- 
culated, by exciting alarm, and by exasperating animosities, 
to endanger the peace of society, and retard the cause of 
national improvement," A long and interesting debate 
ensued upon this, in which Mr. Brougham took a leading 
part. Understanding that the cabinet was divided on the 
subject of the Catholic claims, and that at the head of the 
opposers stood the Lord Chancellor Eldon, the honourable 
gentleman urged it strongly on Mr. Canning and his friends 
not to attempt to put down the Catholic Association by the 
strong arm of the law, but to resort to measures of con- 
ciliation, declaring, that he was at a loss to see why they 
should not carry the present measure, if they set about it in 
good earnest. 



LORD BROUGHAM. 59 

" What !" said Mr. Brougham, " do you think the great 
seal would be in danger, if you persevered in pressing this 
question? Do you think the venerable and learned per- 
sonage who holds it, would quit his possession on such an 
account ? Alas ! the very notion of such an abandonment 
of office is the most chimerical of all the chimeras that ever 
distempered the brain of a poet. Surprised, indeed, should 
I be, to find any official quittance in that quarter, before 
all sublunary things are at an end — that fear of public loss 
never crossed my apprehensive mind, even in a dream. 
You greatly undervalue the steadiness of mind and purpose 
of your venerable colleague : there is nothing to equal the 
patient assiduity with which he bears the toils of his high 
station, the fortitude with which he braves all opposition, 
when really persevered in on speculative questions. Upon 
all questions of foreign and domestic trade, he has, at length 
consented to yield to you ! Ay, and so would he yield 
on this Catholic question, were it equally pressed on his 
reluctant attention. — His composure under such perplexing 
circumstances is only equalled by the trying fortitude with 
which he bears the prolonged solicitations of suitors in his 
own court ; and to suppose that he would quit office on this 
account, was really to harbour the vainest fear that ever 
crossed the most fantastical imagination. His colleagues 
would see this, were they only again to make the attempt 
upon the prepossessions of his great mind : they would 
soon find the predominating prevalence of that patri- 
otic feeling — that there was no principle so strong as the 
love of saving one's country — and that in no office was it 
so forcibly felt as in those of the highest rank, where it 
prevailed to such an extent, from possessing the most 
extensive and most powerful patronage and connexions ; 
so that, by how much the more powerful and profitable were 
the office, by so much higher would be that ardour, and 
zeal, and self-devotion, which would not allow the venerable 
the wise, and good man, at all hazard of personal opinions, 
to tear himself from the service of his country. To damp 



6Q LORD BROUGHAM. 

such zeal for the public service, would be, I repeat, to pos- 
sess a power which could only be conjured up by one of 
those miracles, like Prince Hohenloe's, that one sometimes 
hears of. To remove this great personage would be a real 
miracle. The seals are his estate — his freehold for life. 
He has secured the term, and his last breath will be poured 
forth in the public service. The only question in law upon 
the matter is, who is to appoint his successor. He is not, 
for his unabated desire to do good to mankind, to be re- 
stricted to a mere life-interest — the office must in him be 
devisable, and for the uses of his will." 

During the same session, Mr. Goulburn moved for leave 
to bring in a bill, having for its object to put down the 
Catholic Association, when a debate of as prolonged and 
stubborn a nature as had been known for years, ensued. It 
was continued during four adjourned sittings, and, in the 
course of it, the general question of the state of Ireland — 
the question of Catholic emancipation — and all collateral 
questions and subjects, which were supposed in any way to 
bear on that before the house, were introduced, and stated 
with various degrees of clearness and force. When Mr. 
Peel, Mr. Denman, Mr. Plunkett, Mr. Tierney, Mr. Dawson, 
Mr. Canning, and a host of inferior persons, had spoken, 
Mr. Brougham rose, and avowed that he stood before the 
house " as the defender of the Catholic Association — as the 
advocate of the Irish people to meet, to consult, to petition, 
to remonstrate — ay, and to demand their just rights. And, 
more than that, he would declare his frank and solemn 
opinion, which he hoped would reach Ireland as well as 
England, that the firmer and stronger they remonstrated, 
provided it was done peaceably, the greater would be their 
just prospect of success in obtaining those privileges which 
made life desirable, and the existence of man useful to 
himself and to his country." 

He then took up the speeches on the ministerial side in 
regular succession, exposed their fallacy, and, in conclusion, 
called upon the members of the government, by the respon- 



LORD BROUGHAM. 61 

sibility of their stations — by their characters as statesmen — 
by every principle of policy and prudence, to deal with the 
Catholics, not by feelings of hatred, but of charity — not 
by measures of oppression, but of conciliation ; and to 
reflect, ere it was too late, on the consequences which must 
result from the passing of this bill. It would for ever 
alienate the Catholics from them — turn discontent into rage 
— and arm rage with new weapons. "On your heads!" 
said Mr. Brougham, addressing himself to the ministerial 
benches — " on your heads be the consequences of this mis- 
guided policy ; and you, not we, must have to answer for 
it, if your present measures should have, as they must have, 
the effect of tearing Ireland from this country." 

This may serve as a specimen of Mr. Brougham's con- 
duct in relation to the Roman Catholic question, and it 
furnishes another addition to the names of Grattan, Burke, 
Fox, Plunkett, and Canning, which may be inscribed on 
the banners of emancipation. Though his opposition to 
the coercive measures of government was at the time un- 
availing, and the bill brought in and passed, its continu- 
ance was of short duration — even the Duke of Wellington 
despaired of keeping Ireland tranquil by acts of parliament, 
or the point of the bayonet, and Mr. Brougham's counsel 
was their last resort. 

Mr. Canning died on the 8th of August, 1827, and his 
grace the Duke of Wellington was called upon by the 
King to form a new administration, in which the noble 
Duke filled the station of prime minister. The session of 
parliament opened on the 29th of January, 1828, and the 
address in the Commons having been moved and seconded, 
Mr. Brougham rose, and delivered a speech which will never 
be forgotten. In the King's speech, the defeat of the 
Turkish fleet at Navarino, by Admiral Codrington, was 
designated an " untoward event," which gave occasion to 
much pointed remark and animadversion in both houses. 
Mr. Brougham, in particular, remarked, " This is the first 
time that I have ever seen men anxiously coming forward 



62 LORD BROUGHAM. 

to speak in terms of concern at an achievement of the 
British arms. It has been reserved for some men of the 
present time,, to win battles, and whine — to conquer, and 
repine — to fight in behalf of freedom, and to be slaves — to 
act gloriously, and repent bitterly — to win battles in the 
East, and gather laurels on which cypresses are to be 
planted." Having proceeded at considerable length, in this 
happy strain of irony, to rally two of the members of the 
new ministry (Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Grant) who had been 
members of Mr. Canning's administration, and consequently 
had sanctioned the equipment of the armament which 
achieved the victory, Mr. Brougham proceeded — 

u But, perhaps, it might be said, that the paragraph was 
no attack upon those gentlemen. But if so, then at least it 
was an attack upon the gallant officer who had conducted 
the fleets — who had fought and bled in the action, of which 
they (the ministers) were ashamed— and to the glory of 
which they had applied the term " untoward." Out of this 
dilemma, my lord Field Marshal Duke of Wellington, there 
is no getting ! All your battles, be they ever so bold — 
all your victories, be they ever so nimble, cannot get you 
out of it. Either you are throwing odium on Mr. Grant 
and Mr. Huskisson, your predecessors in office — or you 
mean to let those who planned the measure escape, while 
he that fought the battle, and led our ships on to victory, 
is to be held up as the object of blame, and, having been 
covered with honours on all sides, his conduct is to be 
stigmatized as " untoward," thus throwing into the shade 
those honours, which are only less signal than the trophies 
he has won for his country. Yet, with all these feelings 
of anxiety pressing on my mind, I do not hesitate to 
declare, that I would rather see war brought upon us, 
than consent to the stigmatizing of the late naval action by 
such terms as should appear to be condemnatory of the 
motives which urged it on. Though I cannot view with 
satisfaction the military mode in which the government is 
constituted, represented as it is by the noble duke at the 



LORD BROUGHAM. 63 

head of the army in the other house ; and by the noble lord, 
the secretary at war. in this ; nor see, without alarm, the 
way in which our-" ancient and faithful ally," the religious 
and liberal Emperor of the Turks (!) is spoken of by the 
head of the Protestant interest in this country — by his 
brother, I had almost said, on the throne, I do trust that 
those things, which I deplore, are not an earnest of our 
return to that system of foreign policy — I will say, of bad 
foreign policy — which for so many years perverted the 
course of our foreign relations, and which I had fain hoped 
was utterly extinguished by the brilliant talent and glorious 
success attending that wiser, more humane, more liberal, 
and more truly English system, restored under the super- 
intendence of the late Mr. Canning. 

" I cannot sit down without saying a few words as to one 
part of the arrangements of the new government. I wholly 
disapprove of the commander-in-chief of the army being 
placed at the head of the civil government of the country. 
The noble duke has not only the patronage of the army 
and the church, and most of the other patronage of the 
state, but to him also is entrusted the delicate and most 
important function of having constant access to the ear of 
his royal master. We are told, indeed, of the great vigour 
he shews in council, and that his talents are not confined 
to war. It may be so ; indeed, I have no doubt it is so ! 
but the objection remains — he is a soldier, and a successful 
soldier too. When last session I heard him make that 
speech, in which he had the modesty and candour to declare 
that he knew himself incapable of speaking before their 
lordships, as the first minister of the country ought to be 
able to speak, he expressed himself with so much clearness 
and propriety, that I thought I had never heard a better 
speaker, nor a speech more suited to the occasion ! It is 
no compensation to me to hear, as I do hear it said, that 
the new first minister of state intends to turn over a new 
leaf, and take into his own hands all the patronage of the 
crown ; so that no court favourite — no peer, however great 



■I 






61 LORD BROUGHAM. 

his dignity — indeed, no minister — is to share it with him. 
According to my idea of the constitution, to recommend 
persons to certain high offices in the army, navy, state, or 
church, is the privilege of any friend, or other person, who 
has access to the minister of the crown ; but on him alone 
rests the responsibility of the appointment. The minister, 
I hold, is answerable for the disposal of the patronage ; 
because, whoever recommends, he appoints ; and, there- 
fore, he alone is responsible. Constitutionally, then, I care 
nothing at all about the mode in which the patronage is 
used, whether directly by the minister, or through him by 
those who surround him. I have no fear of slavery being- 
introduced into this country by the sword. It would take 
a stronger man than the Duke of Wellington, though he 
be at once prime minister and commander-in-chief of the 
army ; and though, added to the army, he should have the 
mitre, and, to that, the great seal. I will make him a pre- 
sent of them all; and yet, with all these powers heaped 
upon him, let him, sword in hand, come out against the 
constitution, and the people would not only beat him, but 
laugh at him. These are not the times when the soldier only 
is abroad. Somebody of more importance has risen, who 
has reduced the soldier to nothing, even if he were ten 
thousand times more potent than he is. In the nineteenth 
century a new power bears sway. The schoolmaster is 
abroad ! I will trust more to him armed with his primer, 
than to the soldier with his bayonet ! I am far, therefore, 
from feeling any fear as to this appointment. In giving my 
assent to this address, let it be understood, then, that I do 
so, with the exception of the passage relative to the battle 
of Navarino ; of that passage, I wholly disapprove ; and 
I utterly protest against it on the part of my gallant 
countrymen in arms — on the part of the late administration 
— and especially on the part of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. 
Grant, who are not here to defend themselves. I protest 
against it also on the part of this house, who will thus be 
induced to vote an address they do not approve, as if they 



LORD BROUGHAM. 65 

gave it their entire and cordial approbation ; and on the 
part of the country, who, I am morally convinced, will be 
filled with astonishment and disgust." 

In the year 1830, Mr. Brougham moved for leave to 
bring in a bill, the object of which was, to furnish his coun- 
trymen with cheap law. This, he proposed to effect by 
establishing local jurisdictions in certain districts in 
England; and in an elaborate speech which he delivered, 
April 29th, he took a very comprehensive view of the 
expenses attendant on legal process. What, therefore, he 
proposed was, that a barrister, of practical experience, 
should be appointed in every county, before whom any 
person might cite another who was indebted to him in the 
sum of ten pounds or less, and that the judge should decide 
on the merits of the case by hearing the parties, and ap- 
pointing payments by instalments, if he should think proper. 
If the debt exceeded ten pounds, but not one hundred, the 
parties were to be allowed to employ a legal advocate to 
plead their cause; but this judge was not to be allowed 
in any instance to decide in cases of freehold, copyhold, or 
leasehold property. From his decision, an appeal might 
be made to the judges of assize, or the courts of West- 
minster. The bill was accordingly brought in on the 17th 
of June, confining its operations to the two extremities of 
the kingdom, Kent, Northumberland, and Durham ; but 
the learned gentleman declined to press the measure during 
that session, and its further progress was impeded by the 
demise of the crown, the commencement of a new reign, 
and the dissolution of parliament. This, therefore, is one 
of the measures of improvement in the jurisprudence of the 
country, to which we may reasonably expect the Lord 
Chancellor will turn his attention, when the great object of 
parliamentary reform shall be attained, 

The first session of parliament, under the reign of William 
the Fourth, commenced on the 26th of October, 1830, when 
the members met to be sworn in ; but it was not formally 
opened till November 2d, and one of its first measures 

K 



66 LORD BROUGHAM. 

was to fix the amount of the civil list ; on which question 
the Duke of Wellington and his friends were outvoted, 
and in a few days gave in their resignation. In the mean 
time, Mr. Brougham again introduced his local jurisdic- 
tion bill, which was allowed to pass the stages to which it 
had arrived during the former session ; but, having reached 
this, its merits were left for discussion to a future occasion, 
which the new order of things, immediately succeeding, has 
hitherto suspended. 

On the 22d of November, the Right Honourable Henry 
Brougham took his seat in the House of Lords, upon the 
woolsack, as Baron Brougham and Vaux, Lord High Chan- 
cellor, and Speaker of the House of Peers. The patent by 
which he was created, was not received by the clerk of 
parliament until the 23d of that month, when the noble 
Lord was introduced to the House by the Marquis of Wei- 
lesley and Lord Durham. 

Though a little out of place, it may not be amiss here to 
mention, that one of Mr. Brougham's last acts as a barrister 
was, to address Mr. Justice Bayley, on his removal from 
the Court of King's Bench to the Court of Exchequer, which 
took place on the 11th of November. Having asked his 
lordship if he expected to be on the bench next morning, 
and receiving for answer, that he should not ; as his resigna- 
tion was to be given in that night — Mr. Brougham then 
said, " My Lord, I am deputed by the Bar to state, that 
it is with the deepest regret, however complete and un- 
bounded may be their confidence in the residue of the court, 
that they find themselves deprived of a judge, whose con- 
summate learning, great integrity, and uniform courtesy, 
they have for such a series of years experienced with so 
much satisfaction and delight. While they regret this pain- 
ful separation, they are aware that a kind deference to the 
expression of feeling on the part of the Bar, eight years 
ago, delayed this tearing asunder of ties so dear, for so long 
a time." Mr. Justice Bayley said, "that he could not 
leave the court without expressing the great obligation 



LORD BROUGHAM. 67 

which he felt to Mr. Brougham, and the Bar generally, for 
the kind sentiments they expressed towards him. He should 
leave it, beyond a doubt, with deep regret, for he could not 
look back to the period to which Mr. Brougham referred, nor 
indeed to the whole period of twenty-two years, during which 
he had practised in that court, without feeling extremely 
thankful for the uniform kindness and attention of the Bar. 
Both in that court and on the circuit, he had experienced 
their kindness, and he felt that his life had been extended 
by the support which they had given him." The Bar then 
rose, and bowed respectfully to the learned judge, as he 
retired with Lord Tenterden from the court. 

Here we pause. Of Lord Brougham's conduct since his 
elevation to the high station which he now holds, this is 
not the place to speak : it will be noticed in the historical 
department of the present volume. At present we merely 
say, that his first essay has been to introduce an entirely new 
order of things in the bankrupt laws ; in which he has been 
violently opposed by a host of attorneys, with the celebrated 
Sir Charles Wetherell at their head ; but his bill has been 
brought in, discussed, and made the law of the land, to 
the great satisfaction of the bankers and merchants, whose 
complaints against the old system had become both deep 
and loud. How far the new one will be found to answer 
the hopes and expectations that have been formed of it, 
time alone can shew. It would, however, be unjust to 
Lord Brougham to omit mentioning, that by this new bill 
he deprives himself of seven to eight thousand pounds of 
his income as chancellor — a no slight proof, surely, of his 
disinterestedness. 

Before we dismiss this article, it will be expected that 
we offer somewhat of a concentrated view of the character 
and talents of Lord Brougham. To do this, however, is a 
task of no ordinary difficulty, as we think must be felt by 
any one who attempts it; and perhaps the wisest plan 
would be, to allow every reader to be his own reviewer, 
and to form his own estimate from the narrative before him. 



bb LORD BROUGHAM. 

It has been justly observed by one of our best wri- 
ters, that the Author of nature has thought fit to mingle, 
from time to time, among the societies of men, a few, and 
but a few, of those on whom he is pleased to bestow a 
larger portion of the ethereal spirit than is given in the 
ordinary course to the sons of men. These are they who 
are born to instruct, to guide, and to preserve — who are 
designed to be the tutors and guardians of mankind. That 
Lord Brougham is one of this favoured class, perhaps, few 
of his cotemporaries will be hardy enough to dispute. He 
has risen, in the course of, comparatively, a few years, from 
obscurity to the highest honours of the state — the very 
acme of political power and popularity. And in this, he 
owes nothing to birth, fortune, or family connections ; he 
has been the architect of his own fame ; and the honours 
he has attained have been won honourably. Let us search 
history where we may, we shall find few examples of a 
statesman having passed to office by a broader and more 
straight-forward road^-few instances of an individual 
having more closely connected the public interests with 
his own, than the present Lord Chancellor of England. 
He does not derive his present greatness from his supe- 
riority to other men in any one single line of excellence, 
whether it be learning, eloquence, a profound acquaintance 
with jurisprudence, or political sagacity — but from the 
universality of his genius and talents, and from the feli- 
citous combination of the whole of the afore-mentioned 
excellencies meeting in his character. That the party to 
whom he has uniformly been opposed in his political views, 
should labour to depreciate his talents, and endeavour to 
sink him to their own level, is all matter of course; but 
whatever Lord Brougham may be, as compared with the 
great men who are no more ; whatever posterity may de- 
cide respecting him, when he has ceased to exist in the 
eye of the present generation ; to us, who now hear him — 
by the side of those, and some not unworthy rivals, near 
whom he stands — he is confessedly, and unequivocally, the 



LORD BROUGHAM. 69 

master-mind, the superior spirit, whose word animates, 
awes, soothes, electrifies ; to whom no one is ashamed to 
confess himself unequal in that art which Cicero places 
next to that of arms ; and which, perhaps, holds a still 
higher rank than military science, in a peaceable, and well- 
ordered, commonwealth. 

Public talent is very much, and, no doubt, very properly 
measured by its public utility. The Lord Chancellor is 
now in a position in which he may give full scope 
to his genius, in which he may excite and encourage all 
the faculties which nature has given him, and carry them 
to perfection. He is now in a position, in which his ener- 
gies may assume the nervous, masculine, and well-directed 
energies of power. He no longer labours under the chil- 
ling conviction, which must ever attend the leader of oppo- 
sition — the chilling conviction that all his efforts are to be 
overpowered by a majority of votes. He acts under the full 
and thrilling sensation, that every word which falls from 
his lips will have an influence on the destinies of the world. 
It was in this elevated position, that he was seen and heard 
on the second reading of the reform bill, October 7th, 1831, 
when, according to the report of a leading journalist, his 
speech " eclipsed every effort of oratory made within the 
walls of parliament in the memory of the living generation ; 
and, probably, nothing is to be found more splendid, more 
powerful, more convincing, in the whole range of ancient 
or modern eloquence. It was a noble, a prodigious speci- 
men of the power of the human intellect. But to produce 
its full effect, it must have been heard from the lips of the 
transcendent orator himself, for no report can do it justice. 
And even were it possible to give his words entire, where 
are the expressive looks, the commanding gestures — above 
all, the emphatic, the sublime intonations of his various 
voice }" 

In forming a proper estimate of the powers of that mind 
which could produce this most extraordinary effusion, it 
must be recollected, that it was after a discussion of almost 



70 LORD BROUGHAM. 

unexampled length, and certainly of unexampled power, 
that the Chancellor rose to express his opinion on a sub- 
ject, which, for many months, had excited all the talent, 
exhausted, as it was to be supposed, all the eloquence of 
the sternest and subtlest minds ; a subject, on which had 
been collected and concentrated the clearest expressions 
of reason, the most vivid conceptions of fancy — a subject, 
which art and genius — every energy quickened by interest, 
every pulse throbbing for power — had taken as the arena 
of political contention. In such a struggle, it was neces- 
sary that Lord Brougham should surpass all others. His 
triumph was to be as imposing, or his failure was to be 
as signal, as the tone which he assumed, and the position 
in which he placed himself, were lofty and conspicuous. 
That he succeeded under these circumstances, places him 
beyond dispute, among the greatest of those men in modern 
times, who are his rivals in the same art. He bore away 
the palm under unprecedented difficulties, and such as no 
one but himself could have surmounted. 

As to his qualifications for office, whether as a statesman 
or as lord chancellor, his own conduct affords ample means 
of forming a judgment. It would not be easy to find an 
individual better acquainted with our colonies or provinces 
— with our allies and enemies ; with the rights and pri- 
vileges of the former — with the dispositions and conditions 
of the latter ; with the interests of them all, relative to the 
empire — with the interests of the empire, relative to them. 
Nor should his industry, application, and habits of busi- 
ness, be overlooked in this account. It is well known that 
at the time of his being raised to the Chancery bench, that 
court had sunk into the veriest contempt, in consequence 
of the multiplicity of business which had fallen into arrear, 
and the enormous amount of property that was placed in 
abeyance, much of which had remained for a lapse of 
time in that state. Yet in the short space of one single 
year, or thereabouts, by indefatigable industry — sitting from 
ten in the morning, and often till eleven or twelve at night — 



LORD BROUGHAM. 71 

the whole of the cases in arrear were disposed of; so 
that, on he 25th of September, 1831, when the Marquis 
of Londonderry thought proper to make an attack upon 
his Lordship, for negligence in keeping his place upon the 
woolsack, he was able to meet the complaint, and render an 
account of his conduct, that was most triumphant to him- 
self, and confounding to the assailing party. 

It is said by those who enjoy the honour of a personal 
intimacy with the Lord Chancellor, that his character as a 
private individual is remarkably amiable. Place him in 
the midst of his family; let him be surrounded by those 
who worship his superiority, and that superiority can 
hardly be said to exist. Fond and affectionate to his kin- 
dred — never forgetful of an old friend — gay, gentle, amiable 
— the life and soul of every society in which he finds 
himself at home — as ready to play the school-boy, as if 
he had a bag of marbles in his pocket, or was going to 
get up at five o'clock next morning for a fox-chase — he 
possesses in an eminent degree that conjunction of moral 
energy with animal spirits, which startled the traveller when 
Montesquieu leaped over a stile, and which led Machiavel 
to a wrestling-match. 

Marvellous things are related concerning Lord Brougham's 
quickness in doing any thing, as well as his rare felicity 
in being able to do all things at the same time. We have 
heard that he can read, so as to master perfectly, the con- 
tents of two quarto volumes in one hour — "that he can 
despatch three letters, three newspapers, three bottles of 
wine, and three applicants for livings, in a quarter of an 
hour!' According to Mr. Hazlitt, "he writes almost as 
well as he speaks. In the midst of an election contest, he 
comes out to address the populace, and goes back to his 
study to finish an article for the Edinburgh Review. Such is 
the activity of his mind, that it appears to require neither 
repose, nor any other stimulant than a delight in its own 
exercise. He can turn his hand to any thing, but he can- 
not be idle. He is, in fact, a striking instance of the versa- 






72 LORD BROUGHAM, 

tility and strength of the human mind ; and, also, in one sense, 
of the length of human life ; for, if we make a good use of 
our time, there is room enough to crowd almost every art 
and science into it." For our own parts, when such 
extraordinary tales are related to us, we are reminded of 
the saying of Johnson — " Where much is affirmed, the pro- 
bability is, that something at least is true." When we 
think of all with which the public is acquainted, there seems 
no want of private evidence to prove the rare abilities, the 
various accomplishments, the restless and indefatigable 
energies of that illustrious individual, whose public cha- 
racter we have now concisely and imperfectly sketched. 

The following vivid description of Mr. Brougham's ap- 
pearance at the bar, and address in pleading, as given by 
a gentleman, who went on purpose to hear him at the York 
assizes about two years ago, may not be unacceptable to 
the reader, as a supplement to what we have written. 

"He rose with an expression of staid gravity and col- 
lected power. His exordium was deliberative and impres- 
sive, and I was particularly struck with the fixedness of 
his gaze. He seemed not so much to look at the jury, as 
to look through them, and to fix his eye upon them, less 
for the purpose of seeing how they felt, than to rivet their 
attention, and, as it were, to grasp their minds by the 
compass of his own. The small grey eye, which in his 
quiescent state reveals to you nothing, now became keen and 
strong as the eagle's. The stedfastness of his look, to- 
gether with the calm and masterly manner in which he 
disposed of the preliminary considerations, reminded me 
of an experienced general quietly arranging his forces, and 
preparing to bear down in overwhelming strength upon a 
single point. His voice became loud and commanding, 
his action animated, and his eloquence was poured forth 
like a torrent, strong, copious, and impetuous. He first 
took extensive views, and laid down general principles 
applicable to the case ; then he applied these to the par- 
ticular facts, examining the testimony of each witness, and 



LORD BROUGHAM. • J3 

shewing its weakness, the suspicion attaching to it, and its 
inconsistency, either with itself, or with the other parts of 
the evidence. He displayed as much skill in exposing and 
concentrating the weakness of the opposite side, as in 
exhibiting his own strength. He lashed some of the wit- 
nesses without mercy, and covered them with his sarcasm. 
His sneer was terrible. He then unfolded his own case 
with great clearness, and made it appear that he had evi- 
dence which would quite overthrow that of the other side, 
and leave not the shadow of a doubt on the minds of the 
jury. The case being one which required both physical 
and metaphysical observations, from involving a question of 
bodily and mental derangement, Mr. Brougham's universal 
knowledge enabled him to treat it in a very luminous 
manner. He seemed to combine the professional skill of 
the physician with the just and profound views of the 
philosopher. He gave a most striking picture of the dis- 
eased and doting testator, colouring it with almost poetical 
brilliancy, and bringing out the features with a breadth and 
force peculiarly his own. He gathered his illustrations 
from nature and from art, and levied contributions on sci- 
ence and literature. Every thing in the manner and matter 
of the orator bespoke power — the strength of his voice, the 
sweep of his arm, the piercing glance of his eye, his 
bitter scorn, his blazing indignation, the force of his argu- 
ments, the inevitable thrust of his retort, and the nervous 
vigour of his style. He despises the graces of elocution, 
but seems to have unlimited confidence in the strength and 
resources of his intellect, In short, this was the highest 
oratorical achievement it has fallen to my lot to hear, and 
it was of course successful, though it was not one of his 
grandest efforts. " 



/4 * LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 



THE RIGHT HON, 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 

Paymaster- General of His Majesty s Forces. 



The family of " Russell" has long held a distinguished 
rank among the nobility of this country. This illustrious 
house may be traced back as far as the fifth year of Henry 
the Third, A. D. 1230, when Francis Russell was constable 
of Corfe Castle. To pursue its lineal descent during an 
interval of five hundred years, or expatiate on the virtues 
of its members at different periods, as senators and states- 
men, as patriots and heroes, would, in this place, be out 
of keeping, and we, therefore, abstain from the pleasing 
task. It may suffice to say, that the first Duke of Bedford 
was William Russell, father of the celebrated patriot, whom 
Charles the Second caused to be beheaded. John, the 
second Duke, and grandfather to the subject of this memoir, 
was born September, 30th, 1710, and became a lord com- 
missioner of the admiralty, and member of the privy-coun- 
cil in 1744 — warden of the New Forest, and lord -lieutenant 
of the county of Bedford, in 1745 — one of the principal 
secretaries of state in 1747 — lord lieutenant of the county 
of Devon in 1751 — governor-general of Ireland in 1756 — 
in 1762, he was British plenipotentiary to the court of 
France; and signed, at Fontainbleau, the preliminaries of 
peace with France and Spain. He died in 17/1? leaving 
several children. 




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LORD JOHN RUSSKLL. Jb 

fcjiis eldest son, the Marquis of Tavistock, having the mis- 

L une to lose his life by a fall from his horse when 

b -ting, the ducal title devolved upon his younger brother, 

fcancis, then in childhood, but who afterwards became the 

Tf.ac Duke of Bedford, eminently distinguished for his 

'^,Jt v ~al pursuits, and not less so for his talents and 

>s a senator — the friend of Fox and Grey — and 

iiiy death in the prime of life, and full vigour of 

jd, may be regarded as a public national calamity. 

ivent transferred the honours and emoluments of the 

^dom to his brother, the present Duke of Bedford, of 

nose numerous family, the Right Honourable, the Pay- 

laster-general, is the third son. 

Lord John Russell was born, August 19th, 1792, and 
onsequently is now about forty years of age. Being con- 
itutionally delicate, it was thought advisable to place 
iim in a private rather than public school, and accordingly 
•e was sent to receive the elementary branches of his edu- 
tion under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Smith, who for 
.any years presided over a school of high reputation at 
V oodnesborough, near Sandwich, in Kent. In this semi- 
ary, there were at the same time, the Duke of Devonshire, 
he Earl of Clare, and the present Duke of Leinster. From 
TVoodnesborough, his lordship, after a time, was sent to 
he university of Cambridge, where he completed his edu- 
ation ; and returned home with a mind well instructed 
n the principles of history, philosophy, legislation, com- 
erce, and the sciences in general. His familiar acquaint- 
ice with these important subjects qualified him in no 
)rdinary degree for entering upon public life, and acquitting 
limself in whatever he undertook, so as to command a high 
tegree of respect from those around him. 

His lordship became a member of parliament at an early 
^ge, and spoke, for the first time, in July 1814, on the 
lien-act repeal bill. He avowed his disapprobation of the 
*ar against Buonaparte, and took occasion to observe, when 
lir. Methuen expressed his gratification that England had 



7@ LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

become a rallying point for legitimacy, that if the honourabi 
member's doctrines had prevailed, George the Third woul6i 
have been the possessor of a German electorate, instead of 
the imperial throne of Great Britain. In 1818, he became! 
member for Tavistock ; and on Sir Francis Burdett's motion I 
for reform in 1819, he avowed himself friendly to trier^'^ 
parliaments. In the following year, he was elec 
the county of Huntingdon, which he continued to repis 
till the year 1826. 

It is pleasing to revert to his introduction into $ 
senate of the nation, and to find him commencing his par>^ 
liamentary career as the avowed champion of reform, and 
the determined enemy of all political profligacy and corrup- 1 
tion — a course from which he has never deviated, but, on 
the contrary, has pursued it through evil report and good 
report, at one time disheartened, and at another cheered 
and animated with occasional success, till he is brought 
eventually to that elevated station, where he can stand, and 
contemplate the happy result of much of his labours. 

Having given the previous notice, it was on the 14th of 
December, 1819, that Lord John Russell introduced his 
first motion on the subject of parliamentary reform, which 
he prefaced with a speech that gave presage of his future 
usefulness, and commanded considerable attention from 
the house. The subject, he remarked, on which he ad- 
dressed them, was of national importance, and called for 
their deliberate consideration. " It was impossible, he said, 
not to perceive that there were two parties in that house, 
between whom there prevailed at that moment an extreme 
degree of irritation ; the one urging unreasonable demands, 
and the other meeting every demand with a peremptory 
denial— the one claiming unknown privileges and imagi- 
nary rights, and the other ready to cast into oblivion all 
those ancient liberties which our ancestors had shed their 
blood to establish, and ready to endanger them for ever, 
in order to obtain a temporary security and qualification." 
His lordship then adverted to the notorious abuses which 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 'J'J 

so glaringly prevailed in reference to small and decayed 
boroughs, and urged upon parliament the transfer of the 
elective franchise from them to the populous towns of Man- 
chester, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield, and Halifax. In 
conclusion, he submitted to the house the following four 
resolutions : — the first was a provision against bribery and 
corruption at elections — the second, against continuing the 
representation to any place convicted of these evils — the 
third resolution was declaratory of the duty of the House 
of Commons in these respects — and the fourth and last 
was, that the borough of Grampound, in Cornwall, should 
be made the first example of deprivation. The resolutions 
were seconded by Lord Normanby ; but a new turn was 
given to the subject by Lord Castlereagh, who proposed 
going into a committee on the last resolution alone, without 
entering upon the great question of parliamentary reform. 
Thus the delinquency of Grampound became the prime 
object of attention, and the other resolutions were with- 
drawn. 

The principal object which Lord John Russell had in 
contemplation being thus obtained, his Lordship gave no- 
tice that, on a future day, he should move for the disfran- 
chisement of the borough of Grampound. Accordingly, on 
the 19tb of May, 1820, the bill was brought in without 
opposition, and read a first time. The second reading, how- 
ever, gave rise to an extended debate. The corrupt state 
of the borough was too notorious to be denied — its fame 
was spread through the whole country. The question, 
therefore, was not whether Grampound was innocent or 
guilty, for this admitted of no dispute, One of the alder- 
men of the borough, when examined in committee, had 
candidly acknowledged that there were not more than three 
or four uncorrupt electors in the whole place ! The sub- 
ject of contention was, whether the elective franchise should 
be transferred to some large unrepresented town, or that 
the county of York should have an additional member. 
Lord Eldon contended stiffly in behalf of the unbribed, or 



7S LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

rather undetected, voters of Grampound ; being unwilling, 
as he said, to involve the innocent with the guilty. Lord 
John Russell, on the contrary, exerted himself in favour of 
Leeds. 

Having brought the house, however, to a kind of pledge, 
that this corrupt borough should no longer disgrace the 
representation of the country, and feeling himself secure on 
that point, his lordship triumphantly exclaimed, " Alas ! 
the glory of Grampound is gone for ever ! The electors 
will no more have the pleasure of witnessing an honourable 
baronet, (adverting to Sir Manasseh Lopez,) out of pure 
motives of charity, sending confidential agents to relieve 
their distresses, and minister to their wants. No more 
shall they be delighted with the gratifying spectacle of the 
merchants of London contending for the honour of repre- 
senting them in parliament. Never again shall they have 
the satisfaction of almost murdering those who had the 
hardihood to propound the bribery oath to them." 

This masterly mock lamentation over the political death 
of this rotten borough, was greatly cheered by all the friends 
of reform, and hailed as a favourable omen of what was 
the general feeling of the house on the subject of reform ; 
and subsequent years have demonstrated that the indica- 
tions then given were not delusive. We are not, however, 
to suppose that because Grampound was selected as an 
example, that this borough was more deeply involved in 
elective degeneracy than many other of the Cornish boroughs, 
which had the good fortune to escape detection. It was 
only a fair sample of what the market afforded ; but, hap- 
pening to be caught in the nefarious traffic, Grampound 
was made the first victim of punishment, and exhibited as 
a beacon to others, who might thereby be taught to transact 
their abominations with a little more regard to decency and 
public opinion. 

Lord John Russell having succeeded in carrying the se- 
cond reading of his bill, found it advisable to let it stand 
over for the present session of parliament, in consequence 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. "J9 

of the affairs of her late Majesty, Queen Caroline, engross- 
ing, so completely as they then did, the public mind, and 
the attention of the legislature. But in the month of Feb- 
ruary, 1821, the bill was again brought forward, and car- 
ried triumphantly through both houses of parliament, with 
little opposition, except what arose from deciding whether 
the town of Leeds or the county of York should profit from 
the disfranchisement of Grampound ; and the majority was 
in favour of the latter. Thus was the first step in parlia- 
mentary reform gained, and a precedent laid for those ulte- 
rior measures, which, after the lapse of ten years, are upon 
the eve of consummation ; and, in the whole of which, 
Lord John Russell has sustained a leading and most hon- 
ourable part — c< quorum pars magna fuit \" 

From this time we may regard Lord John Russell as 
fairly embarked in the cause of parliamentary reform; he 
has never ceased to stand forward as its intrepid champion : 
and every revolving year furnishes additional proofs of his 
entire devotedness to it, and to the interests of his country. 
The friends of civil and religious liberty, of parliamentary 
reform, and purity of election, must be gratified in tracing 
his history for the last ten or twelve years, and finding him 
pursuing the even tenor of his way, amidst the clamours of 
the boroughmongers, and the advocates of ministerial profli- 
gacy and corruption ; and we shall devote a few pages to 
this particular subject. 

The success of his lordship in procuring the disfran- 
chisement of Grampound, encouraged the friends of reform 
now to bring forward propositions of a more general nature. 
The first attempt was a sweeping measure introduced by 
Mr. Lambton, (now Lord Durham,) the object of which 
shall be explained in our "sketch" of that noble lord's 
public character; at present it is sufficient to say, that 
after a tempestuous debate of two nights, it was negatived 
in the absence of the gentleman who introduced it ! In 
about a month after this failure, Lord John Russell again 
came forward with a more moderate and limited motion, 



80 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

which was seconded by Mr. Whitmore, but negatived by 
an inconsiderable majority, sufficiently small to shew that, 
either the ministers were very supine, or that their oppo- 
nents had mustered in considerable force. The interpre- 
tation which the Whig party put upon it, however, led 
them to infer that the friends of reform were on the in- 
crease ; and they, therefore, resolved to seize every favour- 
able opportunity of carrying their important object. 

The year 1822 was remarkable for the very depressed 
state of the agricultural interest, and various meetings were 
consequently held, at which petitions to parliament were 
drawn up, imploring relief, and attributing the very general 
distress which prevailed, among other causes, to the want 
of a reformed parliament. The friends of reform, too, 
caught the note, convened meetings, and drew up petitions 
for the same object, and among these were petitions from 
the counties of Bedford, Cambridge, Cornwall, Devon, Mid- 
dlesex, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Surrey. On the strength of 
these petitions, Lord John Russell moved, " that the state 
of the representation required the serious attention of the 
house," supporting the motion by an address of considerable 
length. This we consider to have been his lordship's 
greatest parliamentary effort at that time, and the reader 
will not be displeased at having the substance of it laid 
before him. 

Lord John Russell introduced the subject by remarking, 
that, in his opinion, the present state of the House of Com- 
mons imperatively required the most serious revision ; and 
if he was so fortunate as to obtain the concurrence of the 
house, it was his intention to bring in a bill for producing 
a more effectual system of representation. — After a modest 
acknowledgment of his own incompetency to the arduous 
undertaking, he spoke of the peculiar fitness of the present 
time for carrying such a measure into effect. The question, 
he said, had been so often met with fears of jacobinism in 
foreign nations, or of tumults at home, that it was a great 
advantage to him to be able to say, that our present state of 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 81 

external peace, and internal tranquillity, afforded a happy 
opportunity for its ample discussion. His lordship pointed 
the attention of honourable members to the numerous peti- 
tions which had lately been presented both from counties 
and towns — asking for reform as a cure for existing abuses. 
But what species of reform was it, for which the petitioners 
asked ? It was not for any innovation upon the consti- 
tution. They asked that the functions for granting sup- 
plies of money — of appealing for a redress of grievances — 
of giving advice to the crown — in short, all the legal func- 
tions of a house of commons, should be exercised by the 
true representatives of the people. This was the language 
of the petitions, and it was the undoubted language of the 
constitution. The question to be tried, therefore, was, not 
whether in law the house ought to be the representatives 
of the people, but whether, in truth, they now were so. It 
was a simple question of fact, which the house was called 
upon to decide ; and it became necessary to take into con- 
sideration upon that question, on the one hand, the state 
of the house ; and on the other, the condition of the people. 
If he could shew that the state and condition of the people 
had materially changed, and that the change in the state of 
the house had not corresponded to that improvement in the 
state of the people, but was of a very different and opposite 
tendency, he trusted it would be allowed, that the house 
and the people had no longer that accordance which they 
ought to have, and that some remedy was required : but if he 
further shewed that this discrepancy had made itself evident 
by acts which the house had done, and which the real repre- 
sentatives of the people never could have sanctioned, then 
it must be admitted — not only that there were abuses to 
be reformed, but that duty and love of their country, de- 
manded of the house that they should immediately begin 
the work. 

Lord Russell then proceeded to remark, that it could not 
be denied, that the people of England had undergone a 
considerable change during the last forty years. The wealth 

M 



82 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 

of the country during that period had very considerably 
increased. The fact which had been mentioned by the 
honourable member for Winchelsea, [Mr. Brougham,] that 
our expenditure during the last two years of war, had 
amounted to two hundred and seventy millions — that fact, 
while it shewed the immense expenditure of the govern- 
ment, shewed also the very great wealth and resources of 
the people. That wealth and those resources tended alike 
to increase the importance of the middle classes of society — 
classes, said his lordship, which were free from the vices 
attendant upon wealth, and secure from those which were 
the concomitants of poverty. Another great cause of the 
improvement of the country was, the astonishing increase 
which had occurred of late years in our manufactures. 
From the year 1785 to 1792, the average amount of our 
exports was about thirteeen millions a year. From 1792 
to 1799, it was seventeen millions ; and the exports of the 
year 1821, were stated to amount to forty millions ! When 
to this was added the great consumption of our manufac- 
tures at home — and when it was considered, that, out of 
those forty millions, our export of cotton goods amounted 
to three and twenty millions ; our woollen goods to seven 
millions, it must be inferred, that a very large proportion 
of the inhabitants of the country subsisted by those manu- 
factures. 

His lordship next proceeded to remark, that the disse- 
mination of instruction, and improvement in knowledge, 
advanced even in more than equal proportion to the im- 
mense increase in manufactures and commerce. This, he 
contended, was a fact which must strike the most careless 
person who observed the vast increase of books, and the 
very high prices which were paid for the exercise of literary 
talent. In illustration of this, his lordship stated, that, 
being curious to gain some information on the subject, he 
had, some time ago, applied to an eminent bookselling house 
in the city, from which he had learned, that their own sale 
amounted to five millions of books in the year — that they 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 83 

employed sixty clerks — paid a sum of five thousand five 
hundred pounds in advertisements — and gave constant em- 
ployment to no fewer than 250 bookbinders. Another great 
source of information to the country was the increase of 
circulating libraries. In the year 1770, there were only 
four circulating libraries in the metropolis ; there were at 
present one hundred. Besides these, there were from fifteen 
hundred to two thousand marts for the sale of books ; 
distributing throughout the kingdom large masses of in- 
formation on history, voyages, and every species of science 
by which the sum of human knowledge could be increased, 
or the human mind improved. While so many and such 
fruitful sources of information were thus opened to the 
higher orders, the means of improving the minds of the 
poorer classes had advanced at a pace not less rapid or less 
steady. First came the establishment of the Lancasterian 
schools, which had distributed so widely the blessings of 
early instruction; and to these followed the no less bene- 
ficial system of national schools, which afforded to the poor 
of every class education suitable to their state and condition 
in life. In addition to these means of improvement, another 
had been opened, not less advantageous to the poor — he 
alluded to the great facilities which at present existed, of 
getting the most valuable works at a rate so very cheap, 
as to bring them within the compass of all. An estab- 
lishment had lately been commenced by a number of indi- 
viduals, with a capital of not less than a million, for the 
purpose of printing standard works at a cheap rate. From 
that establishment, the works of our ablest historians, of 
Buffon, the Encyclopedia, and other valuable productions, 
were sold in small numbers at the low price of sixpence, 
and, by this means, sources of the highest and most useful 
instruction were placed within the poor man's reach. He 
regretted much to add, that this valuable establishment was 
very much checked in its operation, by the effect of one 
of those acts for the suppression of knowledge which were 
passed in 1819. He regretted this the more, as one of the 



84 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

rules of that establishment had been not to allow any of the 
venders of their works to sell any book on the political 
controversies of the day. 

Lord Russell now adverted to a further source of mental 
improvement to the great body of the people, which had 
recently been opened to them by means of the institution 
of the Bible Society — the Religious Tract Society — the 
Society for the Dissemination of Christian Knowledge, and 
other valuable associations of that description. Since the 
commencement of the Bible Society, it had applied the 
sum of £900,000 to the laudable purpose of disseminating 
the Holy Scriptures. From the Religious Tract Society, 
not fewer than four millions of tracts had been distributed ; 
and the Society for Christian Knowledge had distributed 
one million of useful little works. These facts would shew 
the rapid strides which had been made by the public in the 
improvement of general knowledge. From this, his lord- 
ship proceeded to the state of political knowledge in the 
country, which had been so rapidly increased by the ex- 
traordinary increase in the circulation of newspapers. 
There were not less than twenty-three millions of news- 
papers sold in the country in the course of the last year — 
and during the last thirty years their increase had doubled, 

Having made these statements, from which the house 
would judge of the vast increase of the wealth and impor- 
tance of the country — of the rapid strides it had made in 
moral and political knowledge — Lord Russell now came to 
the other part of the inquiry, namely, whether the state of 
parliament was also changed, so as to represent this in- 
creased importance of the middling, the manufacturing, and> 
the commercial classes. And here his lordship drew a pic- 
ture of the House of Commons very similar to the sketch 
given of it in the preceding pages, in the life of Earl Grey ; 
on which account it will not be necessary to repeat it. He 
went over the history of the boroughs, and shewed that 
140 of them returned 280 members to parliament, making 
a clear majority of the house. He believed that the system 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 85 

which prevailed in most of the Cornish boroughs was 
pretty well known : there was no community of interests 
between the elector and the member — the elector was utterly 
indifferent to the character, conduct, or sentiments of the 
man for whom he voted ; and when once the price of the 
vote is paid, it is to him a matter of no earthly consequence, 
whether his purchaser is a Tory or a Whig — whether he 
belong to the house of Stuart, or the house of Brunswick, 
or even to the Nabob of Arcot — whether he be a supporter 
of despotism, or a friend of liberty. One of the worst con- 
sequences, said his lordship, of this system was, the pos- 
session of power without responsibility. He then proceeded 
to illustrate, which he did with great success, the miserable 
result of all this to the country, in the majorities which it 
had thrown into the hands of the minister during the late 
war. He analyzed the votes that had been given upon seve- 
ral measures of finance, for the purpose of shewing that it 
was no unusual thing for the representatives of the Crown 
and of the House of Lords completely to overbalance the 
representatives of the people. 

Having stated at considerable length, numerous practical 
evils resulting from the present system of representation, 
his lordship said, he must be permitted to observe, that 
there were others to which it had given rise, much 
more grievous to a friend of freedom, than any which he 
had yet mentioned. The natural balance of the consti- 
tution was this — that the crown should appoint its minis- 
ters ; that those ministers should have the confidence of the 
House of Commons; and that the House of Commons should 
represent the sense and wishes of the people. Such was 
the machinery of our government ; and if any wheel of it 
went wrong, it deranged the whole system. Thus, when 
the Stuarts were on the throne, and their ministers did not 
enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons, the con- 
sequence was tumult, insurrection, and civil war through- 
out the country. At the present period, the ministers of 
the crown possessed the confidence of the House of Com- 



80 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

mons, but the House of Commons did not possess the 
esteem and reverence of the people. The consequences to 
the country were equally fatal : they had seen tumult and 
insurrection breaking into outrage in various quarters — 
they had seen every excess of popular frenzy committed 
and defended — they had seen alarm universally prevailing 
among the upper classes, and disaffection among the lower 
— they had seen the ministers of the crown seek a remedy 
for those evils in a system of severe coercion, in restrictive 
laws, in large standing armies, in enormous barracks, and 
in every other symptom that belonged to an alarmed, but 
despotic government. 

Lord Russell, in a subsequent part of his very able speech, 
adverted to the practices which the ministers of the crown 
were compelled to adopt, in order to uphold this uncon- 
stitutional system — they went about supplicating in one 
quarter, whining in another, and menacing in a third : they 
employed the whole session in courting the approbation of 
the great borough proprietors to the measures they had to 
propose. And then, after the prorogation of parliament, 
they found all their tricking and manoeuvring of no earthly 
use ; because, in spite of the approbation of the House of 
Commons, there was a free press and a public opinion, 
which dared to condemn their conduct, and had power 
enough to prevent their measures from being carried into 
execution. It was a matter of general notoriety before the 
meeting of the last parliament, that great difficulty and 
great distress prevailed throughout the kingdom, and that 
the country gentlemen, who had formerly been the stanch- 
est supporters of administration, were decidedly of opinion 
that the affairs of the nation had not been wisely adminis- 
tered. What, then, did the ministers of the crown do, to 
fortify themselves against the disapprobation of the country ? 
Did they introduce any popular measure, or look for their 
support in a change of popular opinion ? Far from it : 
instead of any such plan, they went to a party well known 
in this country by the name of the Grenville party, and 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 87 

succeeded in raising a levy en masse of the whole family, 
(Lord Grenville himself having retired from public life,) 
with all its train of hangers-on and dependants, who were 
now proclaimed as supporters of the present servants of 
the crown. It seemed, said his lordship, as if a press- 
warrant had been issued, to force into the service every 
individual in it who was able to bear it. One gentleman 
had been sent to Switzerland with a salary large enough 
to corrupt the whole senate of the republic. Another, like 
Bacchus, had obtained the conquest of India, and was to 
return from it laden with all the spoils of the East. The 
rest of the family were provided for, some in one way, 
some in another ; and thus they became all at once a 
party on which all the hatred of the people, and all the 
favours of the crown, were simultaneously bestowed ! 

Having demonstrated the necessity of a reform in the 
Commons House of Parliament, in order to rectify those 
monstrous abuses, Lord Russell proceeded to enumerate a 
list of the able advocates of reform, among whom were 
Mr. Justice Blackstone, Lord Chatham, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. 
Fox, all names of high authority. The house would thus 
see, that they had, in support of the necessity of an amelio- 
ration of the representation suited to the enlarged capacity 
of society, the authority of Lord Clarendon, the most ve- 
hement of the Tories — the authority of Locke, the most 
moderate of the Whigs — of Blackstone, the most cautious 
for prerogative — of Chatham, the boldest practical states- 
man of his time — of Pitt, who so long wielded the opinions 
of gentlemen opposite — of Fox, who enjoyed the confidence 
and possessed the affection of their opponents. Such an 
union of the great authorities of all classes of men, how- 
ever different in temper, however opposed in politics — of 
men forming opinions upon very different grounds, and 
concurring in hardly any conclusion upon any other topic — 
struck him as presenting a moral combination in favour of 
his proposition, which was in itself irresistible. 

Lord Russell now proceeded to submit his plan of reform, 



88 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

on which; as the time was not yet arrived for prevailing on 
the house to take it into consideration, it is needless to 
expatiate. He made a powerful appeal to both Whig and 
Tory lords who had borough influence, on the necessity of 
yielding to the voice of the people, now loudly put forth in 
favour of reform, and thereby preventing the occurrence of 
violence and confusion. His lordship reasoned calmly with 
each party, and pointed out the interest which each class 
had in staying the progress of abuses which could only end 
in the convulsion of the state. He entreated the Whigs — 
he alike appealed to the aristocracy at large — to act upon 
the sentiments expressed by the greatest statesmen of all 
parties, in support of a reform in parliament. Sir William 
Temple had truly said that this great nation would never be 
subverted but by itself \ and that if the weight and number 
of the people all went one way, then England would remain 
safe from the designs of any oppressor. In obedience to 
this maxim of Sir William Temple, he was anxious that 
the weight and number of the people should go one way ; 
and that those who moved in the superior stations of society 
should recollect, how deep their interest was in preserving 
the prosperity of their country. The same duty which 
compelled their ancestors to require fr-om despotic hands 
the liberties of their country, ought to induce them to pre- 
serve for their posterity the blessings which those liberties 
were intended to secure. By so doing, they would recon- 
cile every class in society, and stop the progress of a con- 
vulsion which might shake all in one common ruin. This 
result must be inevitable, unless reform were timely con- 
ceded. If, as he earnestly hoped, that concession were 
granted, then might that proud constitution of England, 
which had subsisted but a little more than a hundred years 
since the Revolution, continue to maintain the spirit of its 
freedom, and extend the sphere of its salutary influence, 
until its existence vied with the most durable institutions 
that were ever reared for the happiness of mankind, in any 
age or any country. 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. #9 

The motion, however, was rejected by a majority of 105, 
after a speech from Mr. Canning, which contributed not a 
little to neutralize its effects. 

Nothing daunted, however, by these defeats, Lord John 
Russell, in the year 1824, for the fourth time, moved the 
House of Commons on the subject of parliamentary reform : 
but his motion was again negatived by a majority of one 
hundred and eleven. In 1826, his lordship made a fifth 
attempt, but that again was rejected by the still greater 
majority of one hundred and twenty- four. Such a progress- 
ive state of deterioration, it is natural to think, must have 
overwhelmed the noble lord with despair of ever attaining 
his object : but we find him during the same session of 
1826, introducing a bill, the more effectually to prevent 
bribery at elections. The objects which it was intended to 
embrace, were comprised in two resolutions, and the sub- 
ject was warmly discussed on each side. On coming to a 
division, however, it was found that the votes were sixty- 
two on either side, and the casting vote of the speaker 
was in favour of the resolutions. A dissolution of parlia- 
ment almost immediately followed ; and thus, as one 
remarks, " the last breath of the expiring parliament, 
was spent in resolving to promote the integrity of their suc- 
cessors." 

At the general election which took place in the summer 
of 1826, Lord John Russell lost his seat for the county of 
Huntingdon, owing, as has been said, to his liberal prin- 
ciples, and particularly to his being favourable to Catholic 
emancipation — a subject which was then beginning to 
engross much of the public attention. A report prevailed 
for a time, that as his lordship could not be returned for a 
county, he would decline taking his seat at all. If, how- 
ever, he did entertain this feeling, it soon yielded to the 
persuasion of his friends, and to the gratification of many 
beyond his own immediate circle, being returned for Ban- 
don, in Ireland. In the important transactions of that first 
session of parliament, he took an active part, and rendered 

N 



90 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

himself conspicuous by his able speeches and zealous efforts 
on the great questions which were then agitated, respecting 
the foreign enlistment bill, the cause of the Greek and 
Spanish patriots, the occupation of Spain by the French 
army, &c. — but to dwell on these several topics would com- 
pel the writer of this sketch to abridge the account, which 
he now has to give, of his lordship's more successful labours 
on two highly important topics — the repeal of the Test and 
Corporation acts, and the great question of Parliamentary 
Reform. Judging that it may be useful to some of the 
readers of these pages, to have a short history of the Corpo- 
ration and Test acts laid before them, we shall preface 
the narrative of their repeal with submitting a few parti- 
culars. 

The Corporation Act was passed in the year 1661, and 
its object was to declare, that no person should be elected 
into any municipal office, who should not, one year before 
his election, have taken the sacrament of the Lord's supper, 
according to the usage of the church of England; thus debar- 
ring all conscientious dissenters from occupying any station 
of magistracy in the land, such as mayor, alderman, justice 
of the peace, constable, &c. ; and the despotic and arbitrary 
spirit in which it was framed, sufficiently appeared from a 
single clause in the act, empowering the king, for a limited 
time, to remove at his pleasure all municipal officers, by 
commissioners of his appointment. — The Test act was 
passed in 1672, and it required of every person accepting a 
civil or military office under the crown, to take the sacra- 
ment in like manner within a limited time ; in default of 
which, he was liable to a fine of c£500, and incurred other 
penalties severe and rigorous in the highest degree. — It is 
well known that these odious statutes were primarily levelled 
against the Roman Catholics, towards whom both the king, 
(Charles the Second,) and his brother, the duke of York, 
had a leaning. At the Revolution, in 1688, these acts under- 
went some modification, the new monarch being anxious to 
relieve his Protestant dissenting subjects; nevertheless, the 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 91 

necessity of qualifying for office, by a profanation of the 
Lord's supper, had remained unrepealed to the present day. 
Repeated efforts had been made to rid the statute-book of 
them, but all had miscarried. In Vj$7, the dissenters 
brought forward their claim for relief, and on that occasion 
the House of Commons was nearly equally divided. Two 
years afterwards they renewed their application, and there 
was a majority of only twenty against them. Soon after 
this, the French revolution broke out ; and as the dissenters 
have invariably made it a rule never to urge their claim in a 
time of war, or at a period when their doing so would be 
likely to embarrass the government, or give occasion to 
their being suspected of factious conduct, they allowed the 
matter to lie dormant till the present period. 

It was in the year 1827, that a general movement was 
made in the dissenting body, and petitions were poured into 
both houses of parliament, for the repeal of those penal 
laws. On presenting some of those petitions which had 
been entrusted to him, Lord John Russell thus addressed 
the House of Commons : " I deem it my duty to explain to 
this house, as clearly as I can, my reasons for the unusual 
course I am about to pursue, on the important question to 
which these petitions refer. 

" Ever since I have been a member of this house, my 
votes have been guided by the principle, that the subjects 
of these kingdoms ought not to suffer any civil penalty, any 
civil hardship, any civil inconvenience, on account of their 
religious belief. Directed by this principle, I have voted 
for removing the disabilities imposed by law on the Roman 
Catholics, from whatever quarter, and in whatever shape, 
the motion appeared. But if I gave the full benefit of this 
principle to the Roman Catholics, whose religion has been 
mixed, even at this day, by some of its more extravagant 
professors with the most objectionable and the most slavish 
political doctrine, I could not refuse to extend it to the 
Protestant dissenters, who have ever been attached to the 
free constitution of this country. If I admitted to all the 



92 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

privileges of the constitution, those who during the last 
century had been the adherents of the House of Stuart, I 
could not but grant the same admission to the Protestant 
dissenters, who have ever been the zealous, persevering, 
constant, and active friends of the House of Hanover. 
When, therefore, I was applied to by the committee of 
deputies and others, who for more than ninety years have 
been considered as the organ of the body, I did not for a 
moment hesitate to assure them, that I would willingly 
move this house for a repeal of the Test and Corporation 
acts." 

This simple and beautiful exordium to the noble enter- 
prise on which his lordship was now about to commit him- 
self, was certainly not unworthy of the eloquent tongue of 
Charles James Fox : and though Lord Russell abstained at 
this time from founding any specific motion on the petitions 
which he presented, he proceeded to address the house at 
some length on the subject, observing, that, had he pro- 
ceeded with his motion, he could have shown that these 
statutes were nothing but the dregs of that persecuting 
spirit which caused the calamities and civil wars of the 
16th and 17th centuries. 

" I trust I could have shewn," said the noble lord, " that 
the test required in this instance is peculiarly revolting, 
inasmuch as it tends to the profanation of one of the most 
sacred rites of our religion ; making the mask of piety and 
holiness a qualification for ambition, and converting that 
which was left as the bond of brotherhood among all the 
followers of Christ, into the signs of disunion and sepa- 
ration. I trust I could have shewn, that the annual indem- 
nity act, upon which some persons rely so much in argu- 
ment, is nothing but an incomplete and insulting pardon to 
men who have committed no offence. Incomplete, because it 
leaves it open to any one, by making a previous objection, to 
exclude a dissenter from a corporation — incomplete, because 
it does not shelter the dissenter, who accepts office, from 
the penalties of the test act, if judgment be already obtained 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. { J6 

— insulting, because by the terms of the imdemnity act, 
any dissenter, who holds office, is liable to the imputation, 
an imputation sanctioned by the high authority of Lord 
North, that he is guilty of a mental fraud, and that he evades 
the provisions of the law." 

Lord John Russell next proceeded to state to the house 
the reason why he declined at that instant to bring forward 
a motion for the repeal of these penal laws : a new admi- 
nistration had recently been formed, and the dissenters 
doubted, whether it would be fair or politic to force them 
to an immediate expression of opinion upon this important 
subject. He, however, called the attention of the house 
to the petitions which had been presented — which he said 
were not only numerous almost beyond precedent, but there 
were many of them, which in a peculiar degree deserved 
the consideration of the house, being founded upon the 
broad ground of the injustice and impolicy of all disabilities 
on account of religion. Many of these petitions, too, were 
from members of the church of England, calling themselves 
friends of religious toleration, praying for a repeal of these 
acts, as an unjust infringement on the freedom of conscience. 
After dwelling, at some length, on various topics connected 
with the subject, his lordship gave notice that he should, 
early in the next session of parliament, press the question 
for a total repeal of the Corporation and Test acts. 

That these penal laws should have remained so long- 
on our statute-book unrepealed, affords a striking proof of 
the strength of popular prejudice, and of the slow march of 
liberal principles even among persons of education and 
intelligence. It is surely a matter of just surprise, that men 
should have been so long in discovering, that religion is of 
too delicate a nature to be compelled by the coarse imple- 
ments of human authority and worldly sanctions. No one 
can justly question that it is the proper province of the law to 
restrain vice and injustice of every kind, for these things arc 
ruinous to the peace and order of society. But when hum an 
legislators proceed to enforce the exercise and duties of 



94 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

religion by penal enactments, they err egregiously. True 
religion has its seat in the heart and affection, and the latter 
can only be lawfully controlled by the laws of God. All 
acceptable obedience must be spontaneous — the duties of 
religion must be free-will offerings, or they are nothing. 
The civil magistrate, by an unnatural alliance and ill- 
judged aid, may promote hypocrisy and superstition; but 
true religion never fails to suffer from his interference. 

But it may, perhaps, be argued, that every government 
has a right to prescribe and dictate what class of religious 
professors shall be admitted to fill civil offices in the state, 
and to exclude such as maintain opinions contrary to what 
they consider to be consonant to truth. Let us hear now 
what the late Bishop Watson says, in reply to this. 

" An exclusion from civil offices is persecution : it is not, 
indeed, the persecution of the Inquisition or Smithfield : it 
differs from them in degree, but it resembles them in 
kind. — Punishment for religious opinions is persecution : 
and evil of any kind inflicted by the authority of the civil 
magistrate, is punishment. This evil may respect a man's 
person, or liberty, or property, or character. Civil inca- 
pacity brought upon men by law, is an evil affecting their 
property and their character — their character, as it exposes 
them to the imputation of being bad citizens ; their pro- 
perty, as it takes from them the possibility of acquiring 
advantages attendant on civil offices. These advantages, 
whether they consist of wealth, power, influence, or honour, 
are worth something : their value may be variously appre- 
ciated ; yet, being worth something, the possibility of 
acquiring them is worth something ; and the taking away 
from any man that possibility on account of his religion, is 
persecution."* 

Bishop Hoadley was evidently of the same mind, and more- 
over protested against it as a shocking profanation of a divine 
ordinance. Thus the learned prelate expresses himself: 
" I say, that thus to make a sacred institution, appointed 
* Charge to the Clergy, by the Bishop of Llandaff, Dr. Watson. 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 95 

solely for the remembrance of Christ's death in the assem- 
blies of Christians, the instrument of possessing civil offices 
for atheists and infidels, as well as one particular sort of 
Christians, to the exclusion of others — is debasing a sacred 
institution into a political tool, and an engine of state. For 
certainly, whatsoever is made an instrument, without which 
there shall be no possession of civil offices, and of the posts 
of this world, is a political tool, and an engine of state. 
This is what I have affirmed of this act, and what I am still 
ready to make out ; even whilst I am treated with indignity 
and reproach by Christians themselves, for pleading for a 
greater and more sacred regard to the institutions of our 
common Master, than what is consistent with thus debasing 
them into the scaffoldings and props of worldly designs and 
politics."* 

To the suffrages of these liberal and enlightened prelates 
of the church of England, I will take the liberty of adding, 
that of Principal Campbell, one of the luminaries of the 
church of Scotland. " The participation of one of the sacra- 
ments," says he " having with the people of England, by a 
very short-sighted policy, been perverted into a test for 
civil offices, a minister may be compelled by the magistrate 
to admit a man who is well known to be a most improper 
person — an atheist, blasphemer, or profligate. The tendency 
of this prostitution plainly is, by the law of the land, to 
make void the appointment of Jesus Christ, as far as regards 
its meaning and design. By the appointment of Jesus 
Christ, the participation was to serve in the participants 
purely as a testimony of their faith in him, and love to him. 
By the law of the land, it is rendered a qualification or test 
absolutely necessary for the attainment of certain lucrative 
offices, and for securing a continuance in them when attained : 
so that, in a great number, it can serve as a test of nothing 
but their secular views. For my own part, I do not see 
how the divine commandment, in what regards its spirit, 
power, and use, could be more effectually abrogated by 
* The Nature of the Sacramental Test considered, by Dr. Hoadley. 



96 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

statute, than by their retaining the form, the letter, the 
body of the precept, and at the same time, totally altering 
the purpose, object, and intention. "f 

Such was the evil which Lord John Russell, at this time, 
was engaged in redressing, at the earnest solicitation of the 
general body of dissenters throughout the country ; and 
accordingly, in pursuance of the notice given during the 
preceding session, on the 26th of February, 1828, his lord- 
ship addressed the house at very considerable length. Hav- 
ing called their attention to the great number of petitions 
which lay upon their table, in favour of civil and religious 
liberty, and hoping that they would induce the house to 
take the subject into their most serious consideration, his 
lordship added — 

" There is one consideration, personal to myself, the force 
of which, I certainly feel very strongly. It is not that I am 
not confident of the strength of the case itself. It is not 
that I fear it is brought before an assembly entertaining 
preconceived opinions hostile to its adoption. Neither, sir, 
do I feel any diffidence resulting from the conduct of the 
petitioners : for I am sure, that there is no one here who 
will attempt to impugn the conduct of the protestant dis- 
senters of this country. But, sir, there is nevertheless one 
recollection which compels me to approach this question 
with a kind of awe — I mean the remembrance that the last 
time at which it was pressed upon the notice of the house, 
it was introduced by the eloquence and argument of Mr. 
Fox — a man than whose, no eloquence was ever more splen- 
did, and no argument ever more powerful. And yet, not- 
withstanding the efforts of Mr. Fox, the proposition was 
rejected by the House of Commons of that day. I confess 
that this reflection would affect me with such hopelessness 
of success, that I should be disposed to give up the case 
entirely, were it not for the encouraging consideration, that, 
if I cannot wield the same weapons that Mr. Fox wielded, I 
have not to encounter the same enemies that Mr. Fox 

t Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, Vol. I. pp. 72 ; 73. 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 97 

encountered. I have great satisfaction in feeling, that, dur- 
ing the thirty-eight years which have elapsed since Mr. Fox's 
unsuccessful attempt, public opinion has been gradually 
advancing in favour of the proposed relaxation. A great 
improvement has taken place in the public mind respecting 
it, and more especially among the middle classes of society. 
There are many, who, at the period to which I have alluded, 
were the warm opponents of the general diffusion of religious 
liberty, but who are now among its warmest supporters. 
In the year 1790, the aldermen and common-council of the 
city of London passed certain resolutions against the repeal 
of the Test and Corporation acts ; and subsequently thanked 
the members of the city who voted against that repeal. At 
present, however, the opinions of that respectable body are 
so changed, that they recently agreed to certain resolutions, 
and on those resolutions founded a petition to this house, 
praying for the repeal of the Test and Corporation acts, as 
contrary to the principles of civil and religious liberty. So 
much for the change that has taken place in public opinion 
upon the subject. But there are other circumstances of a 
very favourable nature. One of the most formidable antago- 
nists of Mr. Fox, in the proceeding of 1790? was Mr. Pitt. 
It is now, however, well known, that in a few years after- 
wards Mr. Pitt declared, that he wished the Test and Cor- 
poration acts were repealed. Seeing, as every man of 
enlarged mind saw, that the state of the world was entirely 
changed ; that the contests by which the world was agitated 
were no longer of a religious, but of a political, character ; 
Mr. Pitt's wish was, to bring together men of all religious 
opinions, for the purpose of supporting the constitution 
against its political enemies." 

From this appropriate preface, Lord Russell proceeded to 
a masterly discussion of the broad principle that had been 
stated in the numerous petitions presented to the house, viz. 
that every man ought to have the liberty of forming his 
religious sentiments and opinions from the convictions of 
his own mind — that having so formed them, he ought to be 

o 



98 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

at liberty to entertain them freely, to avow and maintain 
them without interference, without any restriction or reser- 
vation whatever — and that any penalty or disqualification 
imposed upon him, must partake of the nature of persecu- 
tion, and consequently be displeasing to God and injurious 
to man. The noble lord then entered upon an historical 
deduction of these sacramental tests, and shewed that they 
took their rise at a very critical period of our national 
affairs — that the Test act was passed at the time when the 
nation was irritated and terrified at the knowledge that it 
possessed a concealed Roman Catholic king — a Duke of 
York, the successor to the throne, an avowed papist — an 
odious alliance with France, secretly formed, for destroying 
the liberties of England. It was quite evident, said his 
lordship, that the Test act was passed with the view of 
opposing the Catholics, and not to exclude the Protestant 
dissenters from offices. Having at great length explained 
this matter to the house, and illustrated the subject by 
numerous quotations, facts, and documents, the noble mover 
thus concluded his very able speech. 

u Nothing can be more preposterous than to suppose that 
what was a cogent reason for a law at one time — much more 
at a particular crisis — can render that law equally necessary 
at another period. Look at the altered state of Europe, 
and of the world. Whether we regard France, Germany, 
the Netherlands, Austria, or Austrian Italy, we shall find 
that no laws similar to our Test and Corporation acts exist 
in any of these countries. Why should England present 
such an anomaly to the rest of Europe ?■ England, that 
was expected by every nation of the earth to be the fore- 
most in amending ancient usages which were not applica- 
ble to the present state of society, or which were found to 
militate against the moral and intellectual improvement of 
mankind ? But here the case has long been different. The 
dissenters, however, are now waiting at your doors for the 
exercise of that tardy justice which has been denied to 
their incessant claims during the last eighty-five years. 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 09 

Sir, I call upon honourable members opposite to consider 
that the law, as it now stands, is not called for by the cir- 
cumstances under which we live. It is impossible to 
imagine that a code of laws enacted in the time of Charles II. 
can be held to be applicable to the reign of George IV. 
Charles II. was looked upon as a concealed papist ; and in 
his reign, as well as in that which followed it, the church 
was supposed to be inclined to the house of Stuart. But 
we have no longer a Pretender, and therefore all fears on 
that head are at an end. I have now, Sir, gone through the 
reasons upon which I call upon the house to abolish these laws. 
I have, I think, pretty clearly shewn the hardship with 
which they press upon one class of his Majesty's subjects. 
I have endeavoured, and I think successfully, to shew that 
they are at variance, not only with your practice in Scot- 
land and Ireland, but also with the course pursued in every 
civilized nation of Europe. Having done this much, I find 
that I have little to add. By adopting the motion, with 
which I intend to conclude, you will attach the Protestant 
dissenters still more firmly to the constitution — you will 
render them more contented, more happy, and more willing 
to bear their just proportion of the burdens of the state, 
and you will at the same time act more in accordance with 
the present tone and spirit of the country, in which a more 
liberal course of policy has lately been adopted. Whatever 
hopes and confidence were placed in the administration of 
the late Mr. Canning, arose from his having gone along 
with the spirit of the times. 

"The illustrious person now at the head of his Majesty's 
councils — he, the preserver of Portugal, the deliverer of 
Spain, the conqueror at Waterloo — that great personage, 
entitled as he is to the thanks and gratitude of the country, 
standing in the singular position that he does, commanding 
the patronage of the church and the patronage of the state, 
having an army of 1 10,000 men attached to him from long 
service and command ; I had almost said, having at his 
disposal the power of the sovereign ; — even he, sir, great as 



100 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

is his power, and extensive as is his patronage, must modify 
his opinions, and fashion his actions to the age in which 
he lives. Great as have been his conquests and his ser- 
vices ; to the spirit of the age in which he lives, he must 
bow. He must look to the signs of the times ; and if he 
do so, he must perceive the necessity of granting those 
rights which the Protestant dissenters have demanded year 
after year — rights which may be retarded, but cannot be 
long withheld." — The noble lord concluded by moving 
for a committee of the whole house, to consider so much 
of the Test and Corporation acts as disqualified Protestant 
dissenters from holding corporate and other offices. 

The motion was seconded by Mr. John Smith, and most 
ably supported by Mr. Wilbraham, Mr. Fergusson, Lords 
Nugent, Althorp, and Milton, and especially by the present 
Lord Chancellor Brougham ; and it was opposed by Mr. 
Secretary Peel, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Huskisson, and others ; 
but, upon dividing the house, the motion was carried by a 
majority of forty-four, to the consternation and confusion 
of ministers. 

Lord John Russell now lost no time in getting the sub- 
ject into committee, when it was proposed that the opera- 
tion of the Test and Corporation acts should be suspended 
for a limited time ; but to that proposition his lordship 
was most decidedly opposed. Mr. Peel then pressed strongly 
for a delay, in order that ministers might have time to 
deliberate on some succedaneum for these obnoxious bills ; 
but neither to this would his lordship listen. Some very 
angry speeches then ensued on the ministerial side of the 
house, sufficient indeed to have appalled a less decided 
character than Lord John Russell ; but he continued un- 
moved, and persisted in having the resolution read in com- 
mittee, the chairman to report progress, and ask leave to 
sit again on the following Tuesday ; all which so irritated 
Mr. Peel, that he rose, and proceeded out of the house, 
followed by the Attorney General and several of his party. 
Finding that his conduct, in this instance, gave offence 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 101 

to some of his stanchest supporters, Mr. Peel returned to 
the house, but little improved in his temper, and not a 
little chagrined that his behaviour was complained of. 

While the bill for repealing these statutes was in com- 
mittee, it was proposed by Mr. Sturgess Bourne, that a 
clause should be introduced into the repeal bill, enacting, 
" that all persons who shall hereafter be elected to fill the 
office of mayor, alderman, or magistrate, or to fill any office 
of trust or emolument in any city or town corporate in 
England or Wales, shall, previous to his admission, make 
a solemn declaration, that he would never exercise any 
power, authority, or influence, which he might possess by 
virtue of his office, to injure or weaken the Protestant 
Church as by law established," &c. This proposition, though 
pointedly objected to by Lord Althorp and others, Lord 
Russell consented to adopt; and the bill was eventually 
carried through both houses of parliament, and received the 
royal assent. 

The conduct of Lord Russell, in the whole of this affair, 
was such as to draw forth the unqualified applause of the 
great body of the dissenters. The Protestant Society for 
the Protection of Religious Liberty, at their annual meet- 
ing, held on Saturday, May 17th, 1828, after announcing 
the repeal of those provisions of the Test and Corporation 
acts, which imposed a sacramental test, moved an " address, 
avowing, with peculiar satisfaction, their obligations to 
Lord John Russell, and to the Right Honourable Lord 
Holland, who introduced the measure to the houses of 
parliament they respectively adorn — who have so gloriously 
achieved the object which they undertook, and whereby 
they have rendered themselves the benefactors, not of 
Protestant dissenters alone, but of their country and the 
world — that their information, energy, and eloquence, must 
extend their fame ; but that the present eulogies are due 
for their accessibility, for the temper and judgment they 
exhibited, and for the heart's love to freedom by which they 
were inspired. That to them this meeting offer their warm- 



102 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

est thanks, and breathe out their hope that they will long 
remain living examples of the goodness and glory of their 
immortal relatives — of Russell and of Fox/' 

On the 18th of June, the repeal of the Corporation and 
Test acts was celebrated by a public dinner at the Free- 
masons' Hall, at which his Royal Highness the Duke of 
Sussex presided, and was supported by a considerable num- 
ber of the most distinguished members of both houses of 
parliament. There were four hundred gentlemen present, 
besides one hundred ladies who were accommodated in the 
galleries. About one hundred and thirty of the most 
respectable and influential persons among the dissenters 
acted as stewards. On proposing the health of Lord John 
Russell, the Duke of Sussex remarked, that i( in the whole 
of the late proceedings, the noble lord acted in a manner 
worthy of that dignified family to which he belonged, and 
the rank he held. Adverting to it, he could not help add- 
ing, that nothing but illness had prevented his noble father 
and his eldest brother from being present at an assembly 
to celebrate principles which they had so much at heart, 
and to share the gratification of their noble relation at the 
proud situation he at that moment filled. When was 
there any great and liberal act, any act of public benefit 
and importance, to which the name of Russell was not 
attached? The noble lord shared the character of his 
family, and his services were devoted to the best interests of 
his country : so that his Royal Highness had no doubt that, 
after his exertions in their cause, they could have towards 
him but one feeling of admiration, affection, and attachment. 
He felt warmly in speaking of him, and he spoke from his 
heart. He had pursued a glorious path, surrounded and 
supported by other liberal men. Whenever freedom was to 
be supported, or tyranny opposed, he was in the first ranks, 
and he had done himself great credit by acting up to the 
models he had set before him. 

Lord John Russell, in rising to return thanks, gave a 
short history of the progress of the repeal bill — the formid- 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 103 

able opposition it had encountered and surmounted while 
passing through the lower house of parliament. Mr. Peel 
had declared, that, whether in or out of office, he should 
oppose the repeal. Mr. Canning also had made a similar 
declaration — ee When I gave notice this year," said his lord- 
ship, " of my intention to propose the repeal of the sacra- 
mental test, the government openly declared, it would 
oppose the measure — it summoned all its followers from 
every part of the country — it sent out a hatti's-scheriff, and 
called together all true Mussulmans, determined to oppose 
the motion. The motion was opposed ; but in the debate, the 
arguments of the opponents of the measure were so weak, 
and the division was so much against them, that nothing 
could be more decided than our triumph, both in the debate 
and on the division." 

After eulogizing Lord Holland, and the brilliant eloquence 
which he had displayed in support of the bill, while carrying 
it through the upper house, with which his lordship con- 
nected some fine satirical strokes on Lord Eldon, he added : 
" The history of this act will always be a source of pride to 
me. I was the person chosen by the committee of Pro- 
testant dissenters to move their bill ; but little did I think 
that the event would be such, that my name would be 
connected with it at this time, and can now never be sepa- 
rated from it." But we leave Lord Russell in the enjoy- 
ment of his well-earned honours, from carrying this impor- 
tant measure, and now proceed with his history. 

On the meeting of parliament in 1829, the subject of the 
Catholic Association in Ireland was introduced by Mr. 
Peel, who intimated the determination of government to 
put it down, as a preliminary step towards granting them 
their long-wished-for emancipation. On the 6th of Feb- 
ruary, Lord John Russell delivered his sentiments on the 
subject, in which he declared his disapprobation of the 
existence of that formidable body — a species of government 
superseding the real government of the country — controlling 
and exercising its functions in a way totally irreconcileable 



104 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

with any well-organized system of authority and of govern- 
ment. He consequently approved of the conduct of min- 
isters in their determination to dissolve it. He then eulo- 
gized the government for their avowed intention of yielding 
the measure of Catholic emancipation, adding, that in a 
few short months, he hoped to see the measure carried, and 
then the Duke of Wellington, in passing this act of justice, 
would reap the richest reward that he could desire, in the 
happiness and tranquillity he would dispense ; while the most 
unfading wreath in the glories which encircled him, would be 
the extension of equal liberty to all persons of all religions. 

Lord Russeirs last important speech in parliament, during 
the Wellington administration, was delivered, May 28, 1830, 
when he opposed Mr. O'Connell's motion for universal 
suffrage, declaring that he was no friend to that measure, 
but an advocate for moderate and temperate reform. 

The breaking up of the Duke of Wellington's adminis- 
tration, with the circumstances attending that unexpected 
event, has been detailed in the former volume.* On the 
formation of the Whig ministry, Lord John Russell was 
appointed to the office of paymaster-general, in the room 
of the Right Honourable John Calcraft, but without a seat 
in the cabinet. This, however, has been subsequently 
allowed him. As his lordship had so often brought for- 
ward the question of parliamentary reform, at times when, 
from the influence of a Tory administration, there could be 
little hope of succeeding with the measure, his present 
colleagues very handsomely transferred to him the honour 
of once more originating the subject under more auspi- 
cious circumstances, and taking charge of the bill which 
was to put a stop to the infamous practice of borough- 
mongering, and restoring the representative system to its 
true principles. 

His lordship's proceeding in bringing in the reform bill 
on the 1st of March 1831, has already been narrated,f and 

* See Life and Times of William the Fourth, p. 640, &c. 
t Life and Times of William IV. p. 657. 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 105 

the substance of his able speech on that occasion, has been 
laid before the reader, together with the extraordinary 
occurrences that ensued ; it would therefore be superfluous 
to repeat them in this place. It may not, however, be 
improper to mention, that a dissolution of parliament having 
taken place, the dissenters showed their gratitude to Lord 
John Russell, their intrepid and able advocate, by inviting 
him to offer himself as candidate to represent the borough 
of Southwark, and pledging themselves to return him to 
parliament free of all expense. While this affair was in 
agitation, however, a more tempting offer was made to the 
noble lord, which was that of representing the county of 
Devon, with access upon the same easy terms ; and, having 
given the preference to the latter, his lordship took his seat 
in parliament as member for Devonshire, without opposition. 

On the assembling of the new parliament, his Majesty, 
in his speech, renewed his wishes that the subject of a 
reform in the House of Commons should immediately oc- 
cupy the attention of the legislature. Accordingly, Lord 
John Russell again introduced his bill for that important 
measure. Early in July it was read a second time in the 
lower house, and carried by a majority of one hundred and 
thirty-six. After seven divisions, the house resolved itself 
into a committee, where it remained from the middle of 
July to the first week in September, when it got through 
the committee, and upon the 21st of that month it was read 
a third time, and passed by a triumphant majority — there 
being in its favour, 345, and against it, 236. It then went 
up to the Lords, and, after a debate of five nights, was, on 
the 6th of October, rejected by a majority of forty-one ! 

Still the King and the people were decidedly in favour 
of "the bill" — and the sense of the House of Commons 
appearing, from the result of a motion introduced by Lord 
Ebrington, two days after the fatal decision in the Lords, 
to be in favour of continuing their support to ministers — 
the parliament was prorogued on the 20th of October, 
until the 6th of December. On the 12th of that month, 

p 



106 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

Lord John Russell obtained leave to introduce a third 
reform bill, which, in its general outline, corresponded with 
that which was rejected by the Lords. The bill, after two 
night's discussion, was read a second time on the 17th of 
December, and then voted into committee on the large ma- 
jority of 162; immediately after which, parliament adjourned 
until about the middle of January, 1832. 

The two houses met after the Christmas recess, on Tues- 
day, January 17th, 1832, when Lord Russell moved that 
the reform bill for England be considered in a committee of 
the whole house on the Friday following, January 20th, 
which accordingly took place. This was the fiery ordeal 
through which it had to pass ; and in this state it was kept 
two whole months, discussed and debated, three or four 
evenings every week, until Monday, March 19th, when it 
was proposed to be read a third time, and a renewed debate 
commenced upon it, which was adjourned to the following 
day. On this occasion, Lord Mahon moved that "the bill 
be read a third time that day six months/' He was sup- 
ported by Sir John Malcolm, Sir Robert Inglis, Mr. Slaney, 
Mr. Croker, &c. ; who were answered by Mr. Wilbraham, 
Mr. Macauley, and Lord Althorp. The principal feature 
during this first evening's debate, consisted in Sir Robert 
Inglis, the worthy representative of the University of 
Oxford, coming forward to correct an erroneous impres- 
sion which was gone forth, that the Nabob of Arcot had 
his eight members in that house, whereas the honourable 
baronet had been at the trouble of investigating the fact, 
and found the number to be only four ! Lord Althorp, with 
great propriety, animadverted upon this admission, and 
said, he certainly could not refrain from expressing his 
surprise that the honourable gentleman should have the 
temerity to defend the propriety of the Nabob of Arcot 
having four members to represent his interests in the House 
of Commons ; it might with as much reason be contended 
that the Emperor of Russia, or the King of France, should 
have members to represent their interests also, 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 107 

The debate was resumed on the following day, when the 
principal speakers against the bill were, Sir R. Vyvyan, and 
Sir Charles Wetherell, the latter of whom was replied to 
by the Attorney General in a manner which made the ci- 
devant recorder of Bristol an object of general compassion. 
But the house was thrown into a state of complete confusion 
by the eccentric conduct of Mr. Spencer Perceval, who rose 
after Sir Thomas Denman, and commenced an incoherent 
rhapsody, after the manner of Mr. Edward Irving, which 
he persisted in continuing, despite of all remonstrance from 
his friends, until necessity obliged ministers to adjourn the 
debate to Thursday — the intervening day being appointed 
as a national fast. 

On Thursday, March 22d, Lord John Russell moved the 
order of the day for resuming the debate on the third read- 
ing of the reform bill for England, when the attack and 
defence were continued till five o'clock on Friday morning, 
at which time the house divided, and the third reading was 
carried by a majority for ministers of one hundred and 
sixteen — the numbers being 355 for the bill, and 239 against 
it. When the house met on the afternoon of the same 
day, a few immaterial amendments were taken into con- 
sideration, and carried. On this last occasion, the principal 
speakers were, Sir Edward Sudgen and Sir Robert Peel, 
against the bill ; and Mr. Robert Grant, Sir John Cam Hob- 
house, and Mr. Stanley, the Irish secretary, in its defence ; 
the latter of whom, in winding up this protracted discus- 
sion, gave a cheering intimation that means would now be 
taken to prevent a collision between the two houses — allud- 
ing, as it was understood, to the creation of a sufficient 
number of peers to carry the bill through the upper house. 

Lord John Russell then rose, and said, that it now be- 
came his duty to move the passing of this bill. It was 
not his intention to enter into any argument on the merits 
of the bill, which had been so long, so frequently, and so 
elaborately discussed, with great talent, ingenuity, and 
ability : but he trusted that he should not be thought to 



108 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

presume too much on the indulgence of the house, if he 
said a few words on this, the last occasion, expressive of 
his deep sense of the support which the promoters and pro- 
posers of this bill had received from a majority of the 
house ; — a majority composed, he felt bound to say, of a 
greater number of independent men than had ever supported 
any great measure brought forward by government. The 
friends of the bill had been often accused and taunted with 
supporting the details with a kind of blind adherence to the 
propositions of government; but it was not to be denied 
that those who were really, heartily, and cordially attached 
to the cause, must think it necessary to support every part 
of the measure by which that cause was forwarded, without 
distracting the attention of ministers, by pressing any pa- 
ticular views of their own, and thus endangering the suc- 
cess of the great cause itself. By such assistance and 
forbearance on the part of the supporters of the bill, minis- 
ters had been enabled to carry it through the committee, 
little changed, and not at all impaired ; and they were 
now about to take it up to the other house of parliament, 
as complete in its integrity, and as full in its efficiency, 
as when it was first introduced to the notice of the house. 
He thought it necessary to say thus much, because he knew 
that the support thus given, so constantly and so independ- 
ently, to ministers, had been given, not to themselves, but to 
the measure with which they were connected, and which they 
had submitted to the consideration of parliament. Of the 
measure itself, he would only say this, — that, after the re- 
peated discussions which it had undergone, it seemed to 
him still, as it seemed at first, a bill founded on the origi- 
nal principles of the constitution, and conformable to the 
ancient and inherent rights of the people of England, which 
granted, or rather confirmed, those rights to the people, 
who, being entitled to them, were also worthy to exercise 
them. It was, moreover, a bill calculated to satisfy the 
wishes and desires of the nation, which it would be impos- 
sible for any authority of King, Lords, and Commons united, 



LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 109 

much longer to withstand, and at the same time preserve 
the peace, tranquillity, and confidence of the country. 
Viewing the bill, then, as well adapted to secure these high 
and important ends, it was, in his opinion, a measure which 
it well became the House of Commons to pass, and which 
all who desired the safety and future good government of 
the country ought to wish to see established as the law of 
the land. The discussions which had taken place in that 
house relating to the prospective operations of the mea- 
sure, all turned upon this point — that the anti-reformers, in 
general, conceived that the representation produced by the 
present construction of the house, was preferable to a full 
and fair representation of the people — while the advocates 
of reform, on the other hand, conceived the representation 
of the people to be better than the present constitution of 
the house. In this latter opinion, he felt more and more 
confirmed : and when he looked, on the one hand, at the 
abuses and corruptions which had crept into the present 
system, and, on the other, to the intelligence and love of 
liberty which characterized the people of this great com- 
munity, he felt quite persuaded that the bringing of them 
into more direct connection with that house by representa- 
tion, would tend to the better government of the country, 
to the purity of our political system, and also to a great 
moral change, which, so long as the present corruption in 
our system of elections existed, it was utterly in vain to 
expect that we should ever see established. Those antici- 
pations might be sanguine and unfounded, but they were 
anticipations which he was not singular in entertaining. 
They were felt, not in that house onljr, but throughout the 
country ; and he was persuaded that there was in this, the 
consideration, that the country, whose desire it was to see 
a pure and good administration of government established, 
proved itself worthy to exercise the power which it was 
proposed by this bill to give it. 

His lordship then passed, what some might think, a very 
unnecessary compliment on the good intentions of those 



110 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

who had so pertinaciously resisted the bill in all its stages, 
and concluded his labours on this momentous question, by 
declaring, that, in proposing this measure, the government 
had not acted lightly, but on the most mature deliberation, 
and from the fullest conviction, that the present bill was 
called for and imperiously demanded by the circumstances 
of the times, if they meant to stand between the abuses 
which they wished to correct, and the convulsions which 
they desired to avoid. He adverted to the difficulties with 
which the path of ministers was beset, having to steer 
between the enemies of all reform in the House of Com- 
mons on the one hand, and the advocates of universal suf- 
frage on the other ; and insisted, that in a collision between 
these two parties, the consequence would inevitably be, 
that much blood would be shed in the struggle ; and he was 
perfectly persuaded that the British constitution must perish 
in the conflict. 

When the Speaker put the question from the chair, 
" That this bill do now pass" — the responsive (( Ay" was 
given in one loud continuous volley : and when he put the 
additional question, "That this be the title of the bill, A 
Bill to amend the Representation of the People of England 
and Wales" — the motion was carried by acclamation. As 
soon as it was declared from the chair, a long, loud, and 
exulting cheer burst from the supporters of the bill. Lord 
John Russell and Lord Althorp were then ordered to carry 
the bill to the Lords, and to request the concurrence of their 
lordships to the same, which they did on Monday, March 
26th, accompanied by many of those who had not only 
assisted them by their votes, but fought at their side in this 
great national contest. 

Lord John Russell has not only distinguished himself 
as the advocate of liberal principles, and of a total abolition 
of all distinction on account of religious opinions, but also 
by his zeal for the diffusion of general information and 
literature. He sustains the office of Vice-Chairman to the 
Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, of which 



LOilD JOHN RUSSELL. 1 J 1 

the Lord Chancellor is President; and though a constant 
observer of his parliamentary duties, is himself an author 
of no slender reputation. Besides a Life of his own unfor- 
tunate ancestor, Lord William Russell, he has published 
an Essay on the English Constitution ; Memoirs of the 
Affairs of Europe, from the Peace of Utrecht to the present 
time ; A Brief Sketch of the History of the Establishment 
of the Turks in Europe ; and a Tragedy, entitled Don 
Carlos, which, though unsuccessful on representation, has 
gone through four or five editions. 

As a debater, we are not allowed to place his lordship 
in the foremost class. His eloquence is not remarkable 
for force or dignity ; but he adheres closely to the subject 
before him, and always addresses himself to facts rather 
than to feelings. His language is of the best and purest 
English, decorated too by his literature, and dignified by 
his generous feelings. His speeches are exact in compo- 
sition, precise in expression, easy in enunciation, pregnant 
with just sentiment and correct opinion 5 but he has not 
physical strength sufficient to enforce his sentiments with 
tones and gestures at all appropriate to their vigour — an 
imperfection, in a great degree, attributable to his want of 
constitutional energy. The consequence is, that it requires 
no ordinary attention, as well as discrimination, to per- 
ceive the great merit which attaches to many of his ad- 
dresses. 

To form a correct estimate of his lordship's services in 
his country's cause, more especially in the noble cause of 
reform — his indefatigable labours and meritorious exer- 
tions in the removal of evils, grown inveterate by their 
long standing and habit — is no easy task. Posterity will 
appreciate them as they deserve, and do him justice; while 
the successful issue of his toilsome efforts must be his pre- 
sent reward, in the satisfaction which they cannot fail to 
bring to his own mind. To have carried the bill for the 
repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, whereby the groat 
and increasing body of the Dissenters were restored to their 



1 12 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 

long-lost rights as citizens, and rendered eligible to offices 
of profit and trust, without the violation of conscience — 
thus placing them on the same footing with members of 
the Establishment — was not merely the removal of an unjust 
stigma, but it was to confer a benefit on one-half of the 
population of the country, and render himself a benefactor 
to the present generation : and not to them only, but also 
to all succeeding ages 

Nor is the establishment of the Church of England, 
whatever its clergy and laity may think of the matter, less 
indebted to the noble lord. He has exonerated them from 
the foul opprobrium of secularizing a sacred ordinance of 
religion, and vilely prostituting it to a most unworthy pur- 
pose. Had Lord Russell's exertions been restricted to this 
one measure, there was sufficient in it to hand down his 
name to future ages with well-earned celebrity. But when 
to this we add his still more laborious efforts in the great 
cause of parliamentary reform — his twice carrying the bill 
through the House of Commons, with all the multifarious 
details which attended it, amidst the virulent opposition 
which it had to encounter from some, whose prepossessions 
and prejudices it assailed, and others, whose selfish interests 
and usurped power it was intended to subvert, we feel our 
obligations to the noble lord infinitely enhanced, and are 
ready to acknowledge that the country owes him a debt 
of gratitude which is not easily paid. The rancorous spirit 
of opposition against which he had to struggle, imperiously 
demanded an unconquerable purpose and steady perseve- 
rance in the prosecution of his measures — a full determi- 
nation not to yield to difficulties, or " abate a jot of heart 
and hope ;" nothing short of this could have carried him 
successfully and honourably through his labours. Long 
may the noble lord live, to enjoy the meed which he has 
-earned, and receive the plaudits of a grateful country ! 




THE H T HOX" M J0H3 CHARLES SPENCER, 
VIS COUNT ALTRORF. 




■ 



LORD ALT HOR P. 1 13 



THE RIGHT HON. 

LORD VISCOUNT ALTHORP, 

Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

Although the fame of this nobleman will descend to pos- 
terity on surer grounds than those which arise from family 
descent, it would be unjust to him not to record something 
of the honours to which he may justly lay claim from a 
long line of illustrious ancestors. 

Robert, the first Baron Spencer, was sheriff of Northamp- 
tonshire in the 43d year of Queen Elizabeth, before which 
time he had received the honour of knighthood : and when 
King James ascended the throne, he was reputed to have 
by him the most money of any person in the kingdom. 
This, together with his great estate, noble descent, and 
many excellent accomplishments, rendered him so con- 
spicuous, that he was promoted by that prince, previously 
to his coronation, by letters patent bearing date July 21, 
1 603, to the dignity of a baron of the realm by the title of 
Lord Spencer, of Wormleighton. 

The character of this peer is handed down to us, by 
historians of unquestionable veracity, as nearly immacu- 
late. His habits were those of a retired man ; yet, when 
abroad, when in the senate, and occasion offered, he knew 
how to assume what was due to the dignity of his station. 
" Like the old Roman dictator," says one, " from his farm 
he made the country a virtuous court, where his fields and 
flocks brought him more calm and happy contentment, than 
the various and mutable dispensations of a court can con 

Q 



114 LORD ALTHORP. 

tribute : and, when called to the senate, he was more 
vigilant to keep the people's liberties from being a prey to 
the increasing power of monarchy, than his harmless and 
tender lambs from foxes and ravenous creatures." 

Lord Spencer had scarcely been raised to the peerage two 
years, when he was chosen by his sovereign (James I.) to 
be his ambassador to Frederick, Duke of Wirtemberg, to 
invest him with the order of the Garter. He took with 
him Sir Gilbert Dethick, knight, garter principal king of 
arms ; and having effected the object of his mission, on his 
return was received by the king with particular marks of 
distinction, for his noble carriage and behaviour in his 
embassy. The remainder of the life of this nobleman was 
devoted to his senatorial duties, and rural occupations. He 
was a great defender of the rights of the people against 
the encroachments of the kingly prerogative. From the 
year 1624 to the time of his death, which took place in 
1627, he was in most committees on public affairs : a con- 
stant promoter and maintainer of the manufactures, trades, 
and liberties of the realm; an opposer of all arbitrary 
grants, monopolies, or other indirect practices ; and finally, 
was seasoned with a just tincture of all private and public 
virtues.* 

Earl Spencer, the father of Lord Althorp, was born on 
the 1st of September, 1758, and educated at Harrow school, 
and Trinity College, Cambridge. After having made the 
tour of Europe, he was returned to parliament, in 1780, as 
member for Northampton ; and, joining the Whig party 
against Lord North, was made a lord-commissioner of the 
treasury, under the administration of the Marquis of Rock- 
ingham. In 1783, he succeeded to his father's earldom ; 
and, in the House of Lords, distinguished himself as a 
stanch Whig, until the breaking out of the French Revo- 
lution, when, with other alarmists of his party, he gave 
his support to Mr. Pitt, by whom, in 1794, he was made 
first lord of the admiralty. Soon afterwards, he received 

* Granger. 



LORD ALTHORP. 115 

the insignia of a Knight of the Garter, and in 1800 re- 
signed his office of first lord of the admiralty, on being 
appointed lord privy seal. He retired with Pitt and his 
colleagues in 1801, and held no place under government 
until the Fox and Grenville administration came into office, 
when he was appointed secretary of state for the home 
department ; and shortly afterwards one of the commis- 
sioners of inquiry into the conduct of the Princess of 
Wales. He was dismissed, with his friends, on the failure 
of their attempt to procure Catholic emancipation, of which 
he appears to have been a most zealous and consistent 
supporter. He has also distinguished himself as an advo- 
cate for the repeal of the Test and Corporation acts, and 
for the removal of all undue restraints on civil and religious 
liberty. Much praise has been awarded to him as a patron 
of literature and the arts. He has formed a most rare and 
costly library, of which a catalogue is extant, by his libra- 
rian, the Rev. Thomas Frognal Dibdin, under the title of 
" Bibliotheca Spenseriana." 

John Charles, Viscount Althorp, is the eldest son of 
the last-named Earl Spencer, and was born on the 
30th of May, 1782. He received his education at Trinity 
College, Cambridge, where he obtained the honorary degree 
of Master of Arts. His lordship entered parliament at the 
age of twenty- one, being returned as representative of the 
borough of Oakhampton, in Devonshire. On the death of 
Mr. Pitt, he offered himself as a candidate for the representa- 
tion of the university of Cambridge, but lost the election by 
a considerable majority. In the same year, 1806, he ob- 
tained his return for the county of Northampton, though 
after a severe struggle ; and, as a proof of the good under- 
standing which has invariably been maintained between the 
noble lord and his constituents, he has continued their 
representative to the present time. 

During the Fox and Grenville administration, Lord 
Althorp held office as one of the lords of the treasury, and 
from that period has identified himself with the Whig 



116 LORD ALTHORP. 

party, voting with them on every great constitutional ques- 
tion ; and has now, by his steady perseverance, enlightened 
judgment, and other estimable qualities, raised himself to 
high consideration in the government of the country, and 
become a most efficient member of the cabinet. It will 
be a pleasing employment to trace his lordship's career as 
a member of the British senate, and note the steps by which 
he has ascended to the elevated and honourable position 
in which he now stands, as leader of the House of Commons. 

The noble viscount first offers himself to our notice in 
his senatorial capacity, in March, 1809, during the pro- 
ceedings which took place relative to his Royal Highness 
the Duke of York, who had been accused of abusing his 
high station to sinister ends and purposes. When the dis- 
cussions relating to his conduct had terminated, Mr. Bath- 
urst brought forward a motion in the Commons, to which 
Lord Althorp proposed the following amendment, namely, 
that the Duke of York, having resigned his office as com- 
mander-in-chief of the British army, this house does not 
think it necessary to proceed further," &c. In moving this 
amendment, which was unanimously acceded to by the 
house, his lordship remarked, that the resignation of the 
commander-in-chief ought to occasion no regret, as his 
Royal Highness had previously lost the confidence of the 
country — adding, that he was averse to people of high rank 
holding responsible situations. 

In the following year, May 1810, the subject of sinecure 
pensions was brought under the consideration of parliament, 
and an inquiry instituted, whether it would not be wise to 
abolish them. Mr. Bankes strongly opposed this measure 
of reform ; which called up Lord Althorp, who maintained 
that they were not only an unfit reward for public services, 
but that none were ever vacant and disposable, when mere- 
torious individuals had powerful claims on the tangible 
gratitude of the country. 

In 1812, when Mr. Vansittart, then chancellor of the 
exchequer, brought forward " the budget," one of the items 



LORD ALTHORP. 117 

of supply, to which he proposed having recourse, was the 
imposition of a duty on tanned hides and skins, by which 
he expected to raise the sum of £325,000 — thus doubling 
the existing duties on these articles. On the 26th of June, 
when the motion was made for bringing up the report, 
Mr. Brougham objected to the nature of this tax, which he 
said would press upon husbandry, and upon the lower 
classes of society, who, by their greater consumption of 
leather for shoes, than persons in the higher ranks of life, 
would have to bear the chief burden of the impost. Lord 
Althorp took up the subject in the same point of view, 
and, after delivering his sentiments at some length, moved, 
as an amendment, " that the bill be taken into consideration 
this day six months." On the division for bringing up the 
report, however, there appeared a majority of twenty-six 
against it ; and on the third reading of the bill, another 
division took place on the clause respecting the duty on 
leather, when the majority was only eight ! The bill, how- 
ever, was carried to the upper house, where Earl Spencer, 
the father of Lord Althorp, opposed it on similar grounds, 
but in vain. 

In the year 1816, Lord Althorp presented a petition from 
Northampton, praying for a reduction of the peace estab- 
lishment, on which occasion he pressed strenuously upon 
ministers the necessity of economizing the public resources, 
to which, he reminded them, they stood pledged ; and at 
the same time moved for a committee to ascertain what 
diminution in the public expenditure had taken place since 
1798. In the following year, 1817, he supported a motion 
for an address to the throne, praying for a reduction of the 
number of the lords of the admiralty, with a view to the 
effecting of a retrenchment in the expenditure, but which 
it was reserved for Sir James Graham to accomplish by his 
bill, now before parliament, March, 1832, for the consoli- 
dation of naval boards. His lordship, during the same 
session of parliament, with the same praise-worthy regard 
to retrenchment and economy, deprecated the maintenance 



118 LORD ALTHORP. 

of a large standing army in time of peace ; and opposed 
the suspension of the habeas corpus act. He also pro- 
tested against the continuance of the alien act ; and 
opposed the additional grant of c£6,000 per annum to the 
Duke of Kent. 

The year 1819 was a period of painful interest in the 
annals of the country. Pecuniary distress was very gene- 
ral among the mercantile and commercial classes of the 
community. The agricultural and manufacturing inter- 
ests laboured under depression and embarrassment sel- 
dom equalled. The consequence of such a state of things 
may readily be apprehended. Political agitators, taking 
advantage of the general misery, went about industri- 
ously disseminating their doctrines through the manu- 
facturing districts of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Warwick- 
shire, and parts of Scotland; and field-meetings of hun- 
dreds and thousands were repeatedly assembled, to listen to 
harangues on the abuses of government, and the necessity 
of a radical reform of the House of Commons, as a first 
step towards the alleviation of the distresses of the country. 
The Prince Regent issued a proclamation against seditious 
meetings — and soon after, an assemblage of people at Man- 
chester, summoned to petition for parliamentary reform, 
was dispersed by military force ; in doing which, many lives 
were lost. We cannot wonder that the best friends of the 
country should take alarm at such a posture of affairs. On 
the 1st of December, Lord Al thorp moved in the House of 
Commons for an inquiry into the state of the country, 
which gave rise to a long and keen debate, in which Lord 
Castlereagh on the ministerial side, and Mr. Tierney and 
Lord Althorp on the opposition, were principally distin- 
guished; but the motion was over-ruled by a majority of 
173. 

The year 1820 is memorable for the death of George the 
Third — the accession of his son, George the Fourth — and 
the trial of his royal consort, Queen Caroline, which almost 
wholly absorbed the public mind, and left little attention 



LORD ALTHORP. % 119 

to bestow on political occurrences of an ordinary descrip- 
tion. Yet we find Lord Althorp making an effort, though 
unsuccessful, to ameliorate the insolvent debtor's act, and 
also supporting a motion for an inquiry respecting the 
countervailing duties on British articles of merchandise 
imported into Ireland. But the time had not yet arrived for 
bringing the noble viscount prominently forwards as a 
statesman and senator. 

We find Lord Althorp taking an active part in the busi- 
ness of parliament in the year 1822, and particularly urging 
on ministers a mitigation of the public burdens. On the 
21st of February, pursuant to a notice previously given, 
his lordship moved a resolution to this effect, "that the 
plan of relief proposed by ministers had disappointed the 
expectations of the country, and that it did not meet the 
justice of the case." Adverting to the measures of finance 
which had been submitted to the house a few days before 
by the Marquis of Londonderry, (Castlereagh,) he complained 
that they were little adapted to the exigencies of the country, 
and that many county members, who had pledged them- 
selves to measures of reduction, had found themselves 
greatly disappointed. It was with the view of affording 
them an opportunity of shewing what were their senti- 
ments on the subject, and making those sentiments known, 
that his lordship brought forward the present motion. He 
should not go into details : he should not particularly 
advert to taxes that might be reduced : he should confine 
himself to the proposition, whether the quantity of relief 
promised by the government met the justice of the case, 
and the expectations of the country. If the house agreed 
with him in that proposition, it would be matter for sub- 
sequent consideration, what taxes ought to be reduced — 
what expenses to be diminished. He did not desire abso- 
lutely to reduce the expenditure of the country to that of 
1792, but he did not see why the expenditure of that 
period might not be taken as the standard. He was aware 
that there were some expenses, such as half-pay, &c. that 



120 LORD ALTHORP. 

necessarily increased the expenditure of the present time ; 
but prices being now much the same as they were in 1792, 
and as we were at peace with all the world, he saw no 
reason for not generally referring to that period, as one that 
displayed a sufficiently extensive expenditure. He thought 
there might be a reduction of taxes, that there might be 
absolute savings to the country, to the amount of five mil- 
lions. Such amount would operate as real relief to the 
country. If that saving could be effected, and if the sinking 
fund were done away, so as to operate in the way of further 
relief to the country, he should entertain hope of witnessing 
the first step towards an end to the distresses under which 
the country now groaned from the weight of taxation. 

His lordship was opposed on this occasion by Mr. 
F. Robinson, (now Lord Goderich,) who moved as an amend- 
ment, two counter resolutions, stating in substance, that 
the excess of our income, now exceeding the five millions, 
the sum recommended by the resolution of the house, of 
June 9th 1819, as the sum necessary to constitute a sinking 
fund for the preservation of public credit by £260,000, the 
period had now arrived at which taxation might be dimin- 
ished, and the public feel the benefit of the plan recom- 
mended by the house, in their resolution of 1819. 

Towards the close of the same session, Lord Althorp 
presented a petition from the county of Northampton, com- 
plaining of agricultural distress — of the pressure of tax- 
ation — and praying for a reform in parliament. His lord- 
ship supported the prayer of the petition, and complained 
that ministers, although they' reduced some of the taxes, 
still left such remnants as would require the retention of 
officers, for the sake of the patronage attached to them. 
On this occasion, the Tory member for the county (Mr. 
Cartwright) immediately rose up to oppose the reduction 
of taxes, and to question whether those that had been re- 
duced would relieve the agriculturists : and with regard to 
the petition which had just been presented, he said, there 
were none of the " gentlemen' ' of the county among the 



LORD ALTHORP. 121 

requisitionists ! This remark brought up Mr. Coke, of 
Norfolk, who replied, it was such country ** gentlemen" as 
the one opposite, that had led the country into its present 
difficulties. These " gentlemen" had supported the "just 
and necessary war;" and what they now suffered, they 
richly merited. As to the 400 freeholders who were made 
so light of, he hoped they would endeavour, at the next elec- 
tion, to be more honourably and independently represented 
than they now were by the last speaker ! — a prophetic inti- 
mation, which has since been realized by that gentlemen 
being ousted from his seat. 

About this time, the affairs of Ireland demanded the par- 
ticular attention of the legislature ; and when it was pro- 
posed to renew the Irish insurrection act, Lord Althorp 
opposed it. In 1824, he endeavoured to obtain a commit- 
tee respecting the general state of that country, all co- 
ercive measures against which he vehemently deprecated. 
On the 4th of May, the question of the best mode of giving 
employment to the poor in Ireland, came before the house, 
when his lordship remarked, that, without going into a 
detail of the causes which produced the distresses in Ire- 
land, he would mention the want of capital as one of them, 
and under such circumstances, every encouragement should 
be given to the flow of capital towards that country. All 
taxes on consumption, he contended, should be removed, 
and every method adopted to render living as cheap there 
as in any other part of the world. In Ireland, where 
labour was so cheap, living might, with a very little pre- 
sent sacrifice on the part of England, be made cheaper 
than in any other part of the British dominions. If 
that were effected, people who now resorted to foreign 
countries for cheap living, would spend their money in a 
country where the necessaries and many of the luxuries of 
life might be procured at so cheap a rate. He, therefore, 
highly approved of the proposition that had been brought 
forward by Mr. Maberley, namely, that an advance should 
be made of a sum, not exceeding one milHon, by way of 

R 



122 LORD ALTHORP. 

loan, for the employment of the poor, and the encourage- 
ment of manufactures in the provinces of Munster and Con- 
naught, &c. 

Mr. Canning, who spoke on the debate, declared that no 
proposition which had been made for the relief of Ireland, 
deserved to be entertained with more favour than that which 
had been proposed by the honourable member for North- 
ampton, (Lord Althorp,) though, with regard to the 
proposed loan, he was convinced that such a plan as that 
which had been brought forward could not be carried into 
effect in Ireland, without producing inconveniences infi- 
nitely greater than those which it was intended to remote. 
He also paid Lord Althorp a similar compliment about the 
same time, when the noble lord objected to the renewal of 
the alien act, declaring, that, in his opinion, nothing short 
of absolute necessity could justify the house in a deviation 
from the spirit of the English constitution ; and no such 
necessity, as it seemed to him, had been stated by the 
honourable mover, (Mr Peel.) "The only reason which 
had been assigned for passing the bill was, that we might 
prevent plots from being formed in our own country against 
foreign states — consequently, it was no measure for the 
safety or convenience of England. But if the motive stated 
was the real one, why, said Lord Althorp, did ministers ask 
for any arbitrary power ? why did they not come down 
at once, and pass a penal law upon the subject?'' Refer- 
ring to this complaint, Mr. Canning remarked, that " the 
noble lord, who seldom made any suggestion which was 
not well founded, had intimated, that a bill might be brought 
in — in lieu of the present alien bill — by which aliens might 
in this country be punished for any attempts against their 
own. The noble lord had some experience in bills, having, 
at this very time, one of the county-court's bill on his 
hands, and he must be aware of the many unexpected dif- 
ficulties which sprang up in framing a measure so as to 
meet all objections. He would just advise him to try his 
hand at a bill, which would subject a foreigner to trial in 



LORD ALTHORP. 123 

this country for treason against his own ! The attempt 
would make him acquainted with several courts with which 
he was not acquainted before." 

Mr. Canning closed his short but brilliant premiership 
in the autumn of 1827, and was succeeded by Lord Vis- 
count Goderich, who, on coming into office, strongly felt 
the necessity of investigating the financial state of the 
country, with a view to which he proposed the appoint- 
ment of a committee of finance ; and, looking around him 
for a suitable person to fill the important office of chair- 
man to it, Mr. Tierney seems to have first directed the 
attention of the noble viscount to Lord Althorp, as in all 
respects eminently qualified for it. This estimate of his 
lordship's competency was also sanctioned by Mr. Hus- 
kisson, then an influential member of the administration : 
and as Lord Goderich fell entirely into their view of the 
matter, the necessary steps were taken to ascertain how 
far the proposition was likely to meet Lord Althorp' s con- 
currence. This took place about the beginning of Decem- 
ber, 1827, and as his lordship had intimated his consent, 
and no objection had been started from any quarter, Lord 
Goderich seems to have regarded the matter as settled, 
A formidable opposition, however, sprang up before the 
end of the month, on the part of Mr. Herries, master of 
the mint, and one of the cabinet ministers, who peremp- 
torily refused his consent to it; and the matter being 
insisted on by Mr. Huskisson, an irreconcileable differ- 
ence ensued, which terminated in the dissolution of the 
cabinet. 

On Monday, February 18, 1828, the subject was intro- 
duced into the House of Commons by Lord Normauby, 
when Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Herries, Mr. Tierney, and others, 
explained at great length. Mr. Herries read to the house, 
copies of the letters that had passed between himself and 
Lord Goderich, and disavowed, in the strongest terms, 
having any personal objection to Lord Althorp, or his 
appointment to the office of chairman of the finance com- 



124 LORD ALTHORP. 

mittee, and resolved the breaking up of the cabinet into 
causes which he refused to explain. 

When the proper time arrived, Lord Althorp rose in his 
place, and said, he must inform the right honourable gen- 
tleman, (Mr. Hemes,) that he had never supposed, that any 
objection he might have to his appointment as chairman 
of the committee of finance rested upon personal grounds. 
He had had some communication with the right honourable 
gentleman, and he was quite sure the resistance to that 
nomination arose from different motives. His two friends 
(Huskisson and Tierney) had mentioned what had passed, 
as any thing but a conclusion of the arrangement. His 
lordship then went on to say, that a message had been sent 
to him through Earl Spencer, to know whether he would 
take the chair of the finance committee, if it were proposed ? 
His answer was, that he wished for time to deliberate, 
but that he would transmit the result in writing j and he 
had written what had already been detailed. He had 
thought it best to state his notion of the proposition ; and 
had added, that if the question were proposed in the 
cabinet, and carried, he would accept the situation : but 
that he should consider himself at perfect liberty in the 
committee either to support or oppose the measures of 
government. As the right honourable gentleman (Mr. 
Herries) had this night stated some of his objections to 
him on public grounds, he would take leave to make one 
or two brief observations, in reference to those objections. 
The first was, that he was a man closely connected with 
party. He was perfectly ready to admit, that for the greater 
portion of his life he had been a decided party man. But 
he was not now a party man ; and he had no immediate 
prospect of being so again. Another objection was, that 
he (Lord Althorp) had preconceived opinions on the sub- 
ject of finance. He acknowledged that he had some such 
opinions ; but he believed that his honourable friend, (Sir 
Henry Parnell,) just placed in the chair of that committee, 
had even more strongly preconceived opinions than himself. 



LORD ALTHORP. 125 

At the same time, he was well aware that that honourable 
friend had attended to the subject, and understood it much 
better than he could presume to do ! 

It was immediately after this extraordinary occurrence, 
that Lord John Russell brought forward his motion for 
the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, as already men- 
tioned in the life of that noble lord. When Sir R. Inglis 
and Mr. Huskisson had spoken at large against the motion, 
Lord Althorp rose to reply, and delivered his sentiments at 
considerable length. He contended, that every motion of 
this kind, having for its object the extension of religious 
liberty, was not only justifiable in itself, but worthy of 
general support. The principle of those who advocated 
the measure now proposed to the house, he said, was this — 
that no man ought to be excluded from the exercise of 
political privileges on account of his religious belief. He 
would, therefore, say, that the onus probandi must rest on 
those who supported disqualifications which already existed, 
or who wished to impose new ones, when they stood for- 
ward in opposition to a more just and liberal system ; it 
was for them to shew what necessity existed for the con- 
tinuance of a system of restriction and disqualification. 
Sir Robert Inglis had said, that if every man had an equal 
right to power, the frame of society would be endangered ; 
and he had gone on with a disquisition on the subject of 
power, which, in its origin, he described to be the creature 
of society, but subject to certain rules. Now he (Lord 
Althorp) did not mean to contend that every man had a 
right to possess political power, but he did mean to argue, 
that every man should have a capability of exercising 
power, if he were fit to exercise it. He would assert, that 
it was the duty of the legislature to place any set of men — 
no matter what their religion was — on a footing with the 
rest of their fellow- subjects. The honourable baronet had 
said, that those laws were necessary for the support of the 
established church. Now, he would assure the honourable 
baronet, that he (Lord Althorp) was as anxious to support 






126 LORD ALTHORP. 

the church as himself could possibly be ; but unquestion 
ably he did not consider that those laws were necessary 
for this purpose. The honourable baronet observed, that 
he w T ished the lowest amount of disqualification to be re- 
sorted to, for the purpose of supporting the established 
church; but his lordship conceived that no amount of 
disqualification was necessary to secure that object. He 
admitted that he thought there should be an established 
church — and what followed ? Why, of course, that the 
revenues of that church should be appropriated to one par- 
ticular sect; but surely it was not necessary for the sup- 
port of that church, that the other sects should be oppressed 
by civil disqualifications. The honourable baronet had 
stated, that he was the last man who would interfere with 
the rights of an individual to exercise his judgment, with 
respect to religion, as he might think proper. The honour- 
able baronet appeared to take great credit to himself for 
his liberality, and he also allowed great credit to the govern- 
ment of this country for admitting toleration. But to hear 
a gentleman in the present day — in the nineteenth cen- 
tury — eulogizing a government for admitting toleration, 
was to him a most extraordinary thing ! Could the govern- 
ment, at this enlightened period, put an extinguisher on 
toleration ? What, asked his lordship, was it, to refuse a 
man the right of choosing that mode of worship which was 
most congenial to his own judgment and inclination ? It 
was the most unjustifiable tyranny. To prevent persons 
from pursuing the dictates of conscience in the concerns 
of religion, was as bad as imprisonment, confiscation, cru- 
elty — nay, murder itself. To say, as an excuse for the 
state of the law which disqualified persons on account of 
their religious opinions, that the government tolerated men 
who differed from them on points of doctrine, was a most 
weak and inefficient argument ; and he could not agree with 
those who gave praise to the government on that account. 

Mr. Huskisson had said, that the evil of which the dis- 
senters complained was imaginary — that it was a grievance 



LORD ALTHORP 12/ 

of a very trifling nature. Now, said Lord Althorp, let us 
admit, for argument's sake, that the evil is of a trifling 
nature — that the grievance is, in fact, theoretical ; no 
difficulty whatever existed in shewing that the arguments 
by which those obnoxious bills were supported, are also 
theoretical. By the indemnity act, these measures were 
every year virtually repealed, which proved that the evils 
they were framed to avert, were theoretical — that the 
grounds on which they proceeded were wholly theoretical, 
and had no substantive existence. So much for the argu- 
ments in support of these bills. But his lordship said, he 
would go further, and insist, that the grievance sustained 
by the dissenters was not a theoretical grievance : there 
was a positive and practical grievance pressing on a large 
body of the people, as his noble friend (Lord John Rus- 
sell) had proved, so far as the Corporation act extended. 
But, did the matter of complaint end there ? No, it was 
a grievance to the church of England. Was not the pro- 
fanation of the most sacred rite connected with that church, 
an evil ? Could any man argue, that to put temptation in 
the way of those who were of a different religious profes- 
sion — to tell them, that unless they did what their con- 
sciences disapproved, they could not arrive at certain situa- 
tions — could any man argue that this was not a practical 
evil ? The doctrine of the church was, that no person who 
was at variance with his neighbour— that no individual 
who harboured any hostility to his fellow-men — should take 
the sacrament. But in this instance, the holy communion 
was made a test for the attainment of power and privilege. 
Some gentlemen might consider this to be no practical evil; 
but every man who studied the subject seriously, every 
man who looked to the support of religion as a paramount 
duty, must view the present state of the law as highly 
objectionable. For these reasons, he should vote for the 
motion of the noble lord. He had no wish to trouble the 
house at any great length 5 but he could not prevail on 
himself to give a silent vote. 



128 LORD ALTHORP. 

Lord Althorp' s exertions in favour of the repeal of these 
obnoxious acts did not rest here ; he exerted himself in 
every stage of the business, like one who took a lively 
interest in the matter. It has been noticed in the life of 
Lord John Russell, that when Mr. Secretary Peel found 
himself in a minority of 44, on the question, he laboured to 
induce Lord Russell to postpone the further consideration 
of the subject for a short time, in order to give ministers 
an opportunity of deliberating on what steps should be 
adopted for extricating them from this unexpected dilemma. 
His first proposition was, to " suspend, by statute, the effect 
of the acts in question, without repealing them f and find- 
ing that this would not be listened to, he next begged for 
time, before the house went into committee on the motion. 
Lord Althorp protested against both of these. "I think, 
sir," said the noble viscount, "that it was extremely for- 
tunate, as indeed it was incumbent on my noble friend, 
that he did not allow any longer period than has elapsed, 
to intervene between the carrying of his original motion 
for a committee, and our going into that committee with 
the specific object he has proposed. I do not see what 
reason there can be to complain of my noble friend- for 
not having allowed a longer period so to elapse; and I 
confess that, during all the early part of the speech which 
the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Peel) has just now 
delivered with so much eloquence, I was in great hopes 
that he was about to make a proposition to the committee, 
which I should have thought it very desirable for my noble 
friend to adopt. He acknowledged that powerful argu- 
ments had been brought forward in favour of the measure ; 
and he admitted, that the two points which had formed 
the principal matters of argument were grievances very 
necessary to be remedied. I, therefore, was in hopes, I 
confess, (said Lord Althorp,) that the right honourable 
gentleman was going on to say, that he agreed altogether 
with thy noble friend — that the best mode of proceeding 
would be, to call for an entire repeal of those laws, which 



LORD ALTHORP. 129 

should go to the extent of satisfying the scruples of con- 
scientiousness, whether on the part of dissenters or church- 
men. But he stopped far short of this, and supported the 
proposition which had been hinted at by his honourable 
friend, (Sir T. Acland,) the member for Devonshire, [which 
was, to substitute an oath in place of the sacrament.] For 
myself, said Lord Al thorp, I consider always upon this 
question, as well as upon the Catholic question, that we 
are to look for our security, not in oaths of any sort, but 
in the passing of the proposed measure of relief itself. In 
the present case, I should be most happy to accept of a 
measure of relief, although accompanied with oath or 
security, provided such oath were one that would consist 
with the conscientious scruples of the dissenters to take. 
But I am afraid that the proposition which the right hon- 
ourable gentleman intends to advocate, is not one of so 
acceptable a nature as this : for he goes on the principle 
of giving ie indemnity for the past, and security for the 
future." His proposition is merely, that the indemnity bill 
should be extended from time to time. I agree with what 
my honourable friend, the member for Devonshire, said, as 
to the great danger and evil which would arise from not 
placing restrictions on the discussion of this question, for 
I certainly think it very important that these discussions 
should now cease once for all. In the debate of the other 
night, we certainly ran a considerable risk of exciting that 
irritation which has been on all hands so justly deprecated. 
Owing to the degree of temper and good feeling with 
which that debate was fortunately sustained, we avoided all 
excitement of this kind ; but who shall say, sir, if such a 
bill of suspension should pass, which must of necessity, 
from its very terms, be renewed from time to time, that 
the future discussions upon it will not raise up the angry 
spirit which on this occasion, at least, has slept — that 
very irritation, which the right honourable gentleman tells 
us is so much to be avoided ? I, therefore, feel, that I 
could hardly bring myself, under any circumstances, to 



130 LORD ALTRORP. 

agree to the proposition which the right honourable gen- 
tleman has suggested. And I do hope that my noble 
friend will endeavour, as far as may be in his power, to 
carry through the house the motion he has submitted : 
though I shall undoubtedly be ready to allow of any security 
being given, which may be found compatible with the 
scruples of the dissenters. 

It would be unjust to Lord Althorp not to add, in this 
place, a short speech which he delivered on the same sub- 
ject on a subsequent occasion, more especially on account 
of the eulogy with which it concludes, on the success of 
his noble friend, the mover of the repeal. Mr. W. Wynn 
had delivered his sentiments shortly, but very pointedly, 
in favour of the total repeal of the acts in question, and 
against introducing any declaration or oath in their place. 
Having declared himself a firm friend to the church of 
England, he proceeded to say, that he did not believe that 
any real security had ever resulted to the church from the 
existence of these acts ; neither could he conceive from 
whence danger could arise to the church during the last 
eighty- three years. Though the terms " barrier" and 
i( bulwark" had been applied to those acts by writers of 
the highest reputation, they seemed to him rather to deserve 
the name of a net, which the larger fishes leaped over, 
while the smaller slipped through, and only now and then 
a fish, called an alderman, was caught in the meshes ! 
He objected to the securities, as they are called, because 
he believed them to be useless. The needless multiplica- 
tion of tests, he thought, destroyed the respect due to oaths, 
and lessened the dignity of the house. At the same time, 
he thought Lord John Russell would act unwisely, if, by 
refusing to consent to the proposition that had been made 
of introducing a declaration or promise, he should separate 
those who were now agreed on the main point. 

Lord Althorp said, he agreed with his right honourable 
friend, (Mr. Wynn,) in objecting to the proposed declara- 
tionsc He was an advocate for simple repeal, unaccom- 



LORD ALTHORP. 131 

panied by any conditions or provisions. The right hon- 
ourable gentleman (Mr. Peel) upon a former evening, pro- 
posed a suspension of the laws, instead of their total repeal 
— at which time he said that he put little value upon oaths. 
He then expressed his anxiety only for a delay of the 
measure : but now that lie has found a majority of the 
house to decide against any delay, he comes forward with 
the proposal of a declaration. I object, said Lord Althorp, 
to adding any new oaths or declarations to those prescribed 
to be taken by the people of this country. They are in 
this instance unnecessary, and they can afford no security 
whatever to the church. I will not, however, go afresh into 
the argument, as my right honourable friend (Mr. Wynn) 
has stated the objection to the declaration most forcibly. 
But we are told that, by admitting this declaration, the bill 
will be carried through parliament. I should be sorry that 
any opinion of mine (said Lord Althorp) should interfere 
to prevent its success ; while, at the same time, I should 
be sorry to pledge myself to any of the words of either of 
the declarations proposed. As I have heard them read, I 
certainly should prefer that of the right honourable secre- 
tary, (Mr. Peel.) One great recommendation of it is, that 
the omission of taking it, does not subject the parties to 
any heavy penalties, but only to the loss of office. I am glad, 
also, that no particular time is fixed for taking the decla- 
ration ; for this reason, I support it, as being more simple 
and moderate. I would have opposed it, had it been ac- 
companied by any penalty similar to that now incurred by 
the omission of the sacramental test ; for in that case, in 
passing a bill for the relief of the dissenters, we should 
be actually imposing a bill of pains and penalties on the 
whole people of England. It appears, however, that the 
right honourable gentleman does not impose the infliction 
of any penalty further than the deprivation of the office ; 
and with respect to the officers under the crown, he leaves 
it at the option of the government to require it of such per- 
sons, and at such times, as it may think fit. With such 



132 LORD ALTHORP. 

a discretionary power vested in the government, I trust 
that this declaration will be gradually allowed to fall into 
disuse. But if it does not, it cannot be of any great im- 
portance, as long as no penalty is attached to the omission, 
beyond the loss of the office. His lordship continued — 

" There is another important point in the speech of the 
right honourable secretary, to which I am desirous of ad- 
verting. He has stated, that if this declaration be adopted, 
there is a strong probability of the success of the measure. 
Feeling, after the speech of the right honourable secretary, 
that, with the modification to which T have alluded, the 
object of the dissenters may be attained, and that the mea- 
sure of relief will proceed, I will not offer any opposition 
to the proposition which has been made. I must say, that 
it gives me great pleasure to congratulate my noble friend 
on the success of his efforts. His name will go down to 
posterity revered and honoured as the mover of this salu- 
tary measure — a measure which is calculated to wipe away 
one of the foulest blots that ever stained the history of 
this country — a measure which will have the effect of tran- 
quillizing the minds, and conciliating the affections, of a 
large and valuable body of the people. I repeat, that it 
gives me heart-felt pleasure to congratulate my noble friend 
on this occasion ; and although I am against the adoption 
of any declaration whatsoever, in cases of this description, 
still, I will not, by any opposition, retard the accomplish- 
ment of this desirable measure." 

It was shortly after this, that a proposition was made 
by the ministry to grant an annuity to the family of the 
late Mr. Canning ; and, to the surprise of many, Lord 
Althorp joined Mr. Hume in opposing it. The noble vis- 
count expressed his astonishment, that, in bringing for- 
ward this resolution, the chancellor of the exchequer should 
never once have alluded to the financial affairs of the 
country. In the very difficult and delicate state of our 
finances, he thought we were bound to watch narrowly 
every attempt at an addition to the public burdens. " I do 



LOUD ALTHORP. 133 

not mean to say/' added his lordship, " that the addition 
of three thousand pounds a year, is likely to be sensibly 
felt ; but when the farmers are in the greatest difficulty 
and distress — when our commerce is depressed, and our 
manufactures either at a stand-still, or carried on with little 
or no profit to the capitalists — I say, that with such a state 
of things before us, I cannot help looking at the proposed 
grant as little better than an insult to the country. The 
right honourable gentleman has proposed this grant, not 
so much in the form of a claim, as a draft on the liberality 
and generosity of parliament. I did think that the house 
would attend more to the principles of economy than to 
sanction this ; but, if this grant be carried, I can entertain 
little hope that his Majesty's ministers will improve the 
system of government, or become more economical. To 
me it is very painful to touch upon such points, but duty 
impels me to do so ; and I must say, that I do not think 
the public life of the late Mr. Canning merits such a grant 
to his family." A warm debate ensued, in consequence 
of his lordship's opposition, and was maintained for some 
time with closed doors, but ministers eventually carried 
their point. 

The state of Ireland had, by this time, arrived at an 
alarming crisis, and even his grace the Duke of Wellington, 
the conqueror of Waterloo, was appalled at the formidable 
aspect of the Catholic Association, if he did not quail before 
it. One of his ministerial friends (Mr. Dawson) had paid 
a visit to Ireland towards the close of the year 1828, at 
which time, he confessed himself to have had no object less 
at heart than that of granting concessions to the Catholics, 
nor had he the slightest apprehension that government were 
disposed to yield to their claims. "But when I got there," 
said he, " what was it that I saw ? I found the country 
on the eve of convulsion — I saw its institutions ready to 
give way — I saw that every one was in a manner opposed 
to the members of his own family — I saw that every thing 
was gradually creeping towards the brink of destruction — 



134 LORD AXTHORP. 

that party feeling was raging in every direction — that grand 
juries and magistrates, and, in short, every one, partook of 
the same spirit, and that it was impossible for things to 
go on any longer. When I arrived in the city of the 
county which I represent, I found that the annual celebra- 
tion in honour of the siege was about to take place, and I 
was called upon to attend it. But when I heard the senti- 
ments that were expressed there by those that entertained 
strong Protestant feelings, I felt that I could not as an 
honest man attend at the meeting — I feared to see a civil war, 
and all its consequences, follow such a state of things/'* 

Such was the apprehensions of ministers for the fate of 
the empire, at the opening of parliament, 1829; and in 
accordance with which, the royal speech, contained the fol- 
lowing annunciation for putting down the Catholic Associ- 
ation, and granting them their emancipation. 

" The state of Ireland has been the object of his Majesty's 
continued solicitude. His Majesty laments that, in that 
part of the United Kingdom, an association should still 
exist, which is dangerous to the public peace, and incon- 
sistent with the spirit of the constitution; which keeps 
alive discord and ill-will amongst his Majesty's subjects, 
and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually ob- 
struct every effort permanently to improve the condition 
of Ireland. His Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom 
and on the support of parliament, and his Majesty feels 
assured that you will commit to him such powers as may 
enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority. His 
Majesty recommends, that, when this essential object shall 
have been accomplished, you should take into your delibe- 
rate consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and that 
you should review the laws which impose civil disabilities 
on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. You will con- 
sider whether the removal of those disabilities can be 
effected consistently with the full and permanent security 

* Speech in the House of Commons, Friday, February 6th, 1829. 






JX)RD ALTHORP. 135 

of our establishments in church and state ; with the main- 
tenance of the reformed religion established by law, and 
of the rights and privileges of the bishops, and of the 
clergy of the realm : and of the churches committed to 
their charge. These are institutions which must ever be 
held sacred in this Protestant kingdom, and which it is the 
duty and determination of his Majesty to preserve inviolate. 
His Majesty most earnestly recommends to you to enter 
upon the consideration of a subject of such paramount im- 
portance, deeply interesting to the feelings of his people, 
and involving the tranquillity and concord of the United 
Kingdom, with the temper and the moderation which will 
best ensure the successful issue of your deliberation s." 

On moving the address of thanks to the throne for this 
communication, Mr. Peel entered into an enlarged expla- 
nation of the change which had taken place, during the 
last six months, in the opinions and determinations of his 
Majesty's advisers ; after which Mr. Brougham rose, and 
declared that he considered the Catholic question to be sub- 
stantially carried. It had been remarked by an honourable 
baronet, (Sir R. Inglis,) that the ministers, in propounding 
a measure of this description, must have changed all their 
principles, without any variation of circumstances to account 
for the change. "I prefer/' said Mr. Brougham, "those 
who lived to profit by experience, over those whom longer 
living only makes more perversely obstinate; — year after 
year, reaping the sad fruits of continued long life, without 
the important, though melancholy, consolation, of setting 
against increasing years, increasing wisdom ! It wanted 
not the result of more recent experience, to convince us 
that this measure, the expediency of which is undeniable, 
was right; and we contended, without the benefits of 
recent experience, as stoutly and deliberately in favour of 
this great measure, as, with the benefit of that experience, 
we do now contend. But different men saw the same sub- 
ject in different lights ; and he could very well imagine — 
and indeed he knew it, both in public and private, from 



136 LORD ALTHORP. 

the conduct of men in that house, and of others out of it— 
that those events which had taken place during the last 
two or three years, but particularly within the last year 
and a half, both in parliament, in the government, and out 
of doors, had materially changed the elements of their 
calculations on this subject. Either the government must 
be united to carry the question, or to oppose it ; and 
united, if at all, to resist it perpetually, as a cardinal point. 
But that was an impossibility." He then adverted to the 
existing state of things in Ireland, and avowed, that the 
power of the state in that country had been taken out of 
the hands of the constituted authorities, and was substan- 
tially administered by the Roman Catholic Association. 
But that was a state of things which would not do ! The 
friends of the Catholic Association — the Catholic Associ- 
ation themselves — they who deem its existence the un- 
avoidable consequence of the grievances of the Catholic 
body, must alike concur in deprecating the continuance of 
a state of things utterly inconsistent with the safety of the 
government, and the peace of Ireland. Are there more 
ways than one of putting an end to this state of things, 
said Mr. Brougham ? He believed that no man living would 
take upon himself the responsibility of attempting to put 
down the Catholic Association by any means but one ; and 
that was, concession. He should have infinitely preferred 
that the measure of granting relief to the Catholics had 
preceded, instead of following, the other measure which it 
may be in the contemplation of government to recommend 
to parliament ; and for this obvious reason — he was x as 
clearly convinced, as he was of his own existence, if the 
two measures had been proposed in that order of succes- 
sion, the carrying of the first would have rendered the 
propounding of the other unnecessary; it would have put 
an end to the Catholic Association; and the Association, 
originally created by the existence of a wrong, would have 
died a natural death, on the application of a remedy. Into 
the details of the measure, of course, he abstained from 



LORD ALTHORP. 137 

inquiring ; but he trusted that, if it should be thought 
necessary to propose any such measure to parliament, it 
would be drawn up by those who were conversant with 
the principles of the constitution, and that it would only 
arm the crown, in the express terms of his Majesty's speech, 
a with sufficient power to enable his Majesty to maintain 
his just authority. " He would, however, gladly persuade 
himself, that the news of this speech from the throne, and 
the declarations of ministers in both houses of parliament, 
when they reached Ireland, would anticipate the contem- 
plation of the measure. If he had ever taken leave to 
advise the great body of his Catholic fellow- subjects from 
his place in pai'liament — and it was only from that place 
that he ever did, or ever would, offer them advice — and if 
they had ever condescended to listen to such advice, he 
never more earnestly, or more deliberately, than he did now, 
anxiously entreat — implore — conjure them, by a regard for 
their own honour, for their own interests, for the interests 
of the empire at large, for the peace of the country, but, 
above all, for the success of their own good cause, at once 
to be satisfied with the assurances from the throne — to be 
satisfied with the commentaries of his Majesty's respon- 
sible advisers — to be satisfied with the state of the question, 
in doors, and out of doors ; and at once freely — he had 
almost said unasked, but he himself was asking them — un- 
compelled, at least, to put an end to their corporate exist- 
ence, and throw themselves on the wisdom of parliament. 
On an occasion like the present, it would be quite useless 
in him to say, that, laying aside all personal feelings and 
party prepossessions, he concurred in the great and bene- 
ficial result which was now on the eve of being accom- 
plished. As to party squabbles and contentions, there would 
be abundance of time for going through them after com- 
pleting this measure, and thus rendering the most lasting, 
the most general, and the most valuable benefit to the 
country, which, he would venture to say, parliament had 
rendered for the last century." 

T 



tOO LOUD ALTHORP. 

This abstract of Mr. Brougham's speech, we prefer giving 
in this place, inasmuch as it was referred to by several of 
the members of opposition, as fully expressing their opinions 
upon the subject, particularly Sir James Mackintosh, Sir 
Francis Burdett, and also Lord Althorp, who, after de- 
claring how grateful he felt to the government for the con- 
cession which they now proposed, observed, that the hon- 
ourable and learned gentleman near him (Mr. Brougham) 
had fully expressed his sentiments on this important 
question. During the whole of the time he had been 
honoured with a seat in that house, it had always appeared 
to him that the Catholic question would be best settled by 
the government. He certainly felt that the noble duke 
deserved great credit for having induced the government to 
adopt it, although it would have given him pleasure to have 
heard that they were willing to wait the effect of conces- 
sion before they determined to put down the Association 
by force. He trusted, however, that the members of that 
body would have the good sense to adopt the prudent 
recommendation of their friends, and disband themselves . 
without waiting for any legislative enactment. 

A few days afterwards, Mr. Peel brought forward his 
bill for putting down the Catholic Association, and sup- 
pressing all similar associations in Ireland, when Lord 
Althorp was the first to rise, and express his concurrence 
with the measure. He said, he was happy to observe the 
manner in which this bill had been brought forward by the 
right honourable gentleman, and he should give it his sup- 
port, as he considered it only preparatory to the final set- 
tlement of the great question of Catholic emancipation : 
on this ground, and on this only, he supported the mea- 
sure. When the two bills had passed the houses of par- 
liament, and become tf part and parcel of the law of the 
land," Lord Althorp spoke with satisfaction of the temper 
in which these measures had been received in Ireland : and 
he could not help regarding it as a satisfactory proof of 
the spirit in which the Catholic clergy of Dublin had peti- 



JLORD ALT HO It P. 139 

tioned against the restrictions which ministers had thought 
proper to introduce into the Catholic Relief hill, with re- 
spect to their monastic orders, when in making the mode- 
rate opposition which they had done to a portion of the 
bilJ, they had entrusted their petition to the hands of Mr. 
Peel himself, hy whom it had been introduced. 

Thus was an end at last put to a contest which had 
raged for half a century, and frequently threatened the con- 
vulsion of the whole empire. That boon which was denied 
to the wisdom of a Pitt — the all-informed eloquence of a 
Burke — the comprehensive benevolence of a Fox — the chi- 
valrous and high-spirited zeal of a Grattan — and u though 
last, not least/' the polished rhetoric of a Canning, was 
achieved by the Catholic Association. One can hardly for- 
bear, in taking leave of the subject, to indulge in a few 
reflections on this momentous question, thus happily put 
to rest, and upon the manner in which it was effected. But 
five years before the battle was gained, the Catholic 
Association was scarcely in existence. Tt arose, to use the 
words of Grattan, (i small at first, and lowly, like mist at 
the heels of a countryman, but soon it ascended the hills, 
and overcast the hemisphere." At first, Messrs. O'Connell 
and Shiel, the two prime agitators in the business, delivered 
their political harangues to "a beggarly account of empty 
boxes. " But soon the spirit and energy, and, above all, the 
justice of their cause, raised up for these leaders a host of 
admiring supporters ; and day by day the Association in- 
creased, until it assumed the gigantic front and swelling 
stature of the Irish nation. At length this anomalous body 
usurped the functions of government and the privileges of 
parliament, and attracted not only the support of the 
Catholic, but also of the liberal Protestant. Its objects 
were applauded, though the means were not always ap- 
proved. At first an object of scorn to its enemies, of pity 
to friends, and of contempt to government, it became in 
time the terror of the one, the admiration of the other, 
and the rival, or rather the master, of the third. In this 



140 LORD ALTHORP. 

state of things, the bill of 1825, commonly called -"The 
Suppression Act/' was framed ; but O'Connell, to use hib 
own language, only required eight-and-forty hours to drive 
a coach-and-four through an act which had occupied the 
collective wisdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to 
form. And thus, as Mr. Peel observed, was the arm of 
government paralyzed, and their fetters proved to be only 
springes to catch woodcocks. But the government had to 
endure, not one, but a succession of defeats. Their old and 
pampered favourites, the Orange aristocracy, were over- 
thrown within the very citadel of their former power ; and 
Waterford, Louth, and Clare gave herald that the war 
which the Beresfords, the Fosters, and the Fitzgeralds were 
waging on the part of the cabinet, must end in defeat, if 
not in disgrace. The people for once seemed to be in 
earnest. Beggars though they were, they scorned the 
temptation of a bribe; and though proverbial for their 
volatility, they all at once became sober, and the most 
turbulent a lover of order. By these peaceful stratagems, 
a king's minister, because only half a friend, lost his seat; 
and the leader of the people, because he was a whole agi- 
tator, was enthroned, amid the acclamations of the Irish 
people, in the post of honour. Nor was this the only tri- 
umph. A hostile lord-lieutenant was transformed into an 
ardent friend ; and a treasury secretary, the brother-in-law 
of the home minister, became a decided advocate of Catholic 
emancipation. 

"The Catholic Association," says the editor of a well- 
conducted weekly journal, at the time of the passing of 
these bills, "has been much condemned, and has by one 
party been cried down as a body of traitors and rebels. 
For ourselves, though always approving its great object, 
we have often been disposed to censure the violent and im- 
prudent language of its leaders. But now that the Asso- 
ciation is at an end, and emancipation on the point of being 
carried, can any one fail to perceive that the Association 
has been the principal instrument of gaining the measure ? 



LORD ALTHORP. 141 

It stirred up the Catholics of Ireland to demand their 
rights ; it combined and directed their efforts ; it bla- 
zoned forth their numbers, their zeal, and their power ; it 
defeated the Orange aristocracy on ground where they had 
been supreme for centuries ; it made the government feel 
its weakness and its danger. Effects like these could not 
have been produced, as society is constituted, without the 
mixture of much violence — without a large infusion of the 
spirit and energy of demagogues. The attempt to intimi- 
date the government was daring, and perhaps rash, but it 
was a desperate remedy for a stubborn disease ; and the 
wisdom of the measure is proved by the success. The 
voluntary dissolution of the Association, in compliance with 
the strongly expressed opinions of its leaders, and of the 
Catholic bishops, clearly proves that the grand object of 
that body was not agitation, or sedition, or political ascen- 
dancy, but simply and honestly what they have professed, 
namely, emancipation. Agitation, indeed, was their means, 
but tranquillity was their end. They shewed their power, 
only to obtain their rights." 

Whether Lord Althorp at this time anticipated a change 
in his Majesty's councils, and had any expectation of being 
called to the office which he has subsequently filled, as 
chancellor of the exchequer, it is impossible to ascertain ; 
but, certainly, on the 12th of March, 1829, we find him 
moving for accounts of all moneys paid to the Bank of 
England for the management of the public debt of 1828 ; of 
allowances made by the public to the Bank ; of the charges 
for the management of South Sea stock ,• of the balances of 
public money in the hands of the Bank, including the 
balances of the accountant-general in the Court of Chan- 
cery ; of unclaimed dividends ; of the amount of advances 
made by the Bank to the government on account of exche- 
quer bills, &c, between the months of August, 1828, and 
February, 1829; of the number of branch-banks of the 
Bank of England, established under the act authorizing the 
same, together with the dates and places of their establish- 



142 LORD ALTHORP. 

ment. His lordship's motion was acceded to, but it does 
not appear that it led to any immediate practical result ; 
for in the following year, June 26th, 1830, his Majesty 
George IV. died, and this was followed by a dissolution of 
parliament. 

On the accession of his present Majesty to the throne, 
Mr. Secretary Peel moved, as a matter of course, that 
the house should take into its consideration the subject of 
the civil list, proposing at the same time to take a vote 
upon account, and postpone the final settlement of the 
amount until a new parliament should have been called 
together. Lord Althorp remarked upon this, that he could 
not presume to say what delay the consideration of the civil 
list might occasion ; certainly much delay was not desirable, 
and therefore he was not inclined to press the point. With 
respect to the other question, he considered it to be one of 
the last importance. If mooting that question would give 
the slightest pain to the illustrious Prince upon the throne, 
no one would more regret touching upon it than he should ; 
but he felt it to be his duty at once to allude to it. The 
ministers, and the house in general, would incur a heavy 
responsibility if they delayed, longer than was absolutely 
necessary, to make that provision which would, as far as 
possible, remove the inconveniences arising from the recent 
demise of the crown. And as to the other question touched 
upon by the right honourable baronet, he hardly knew what 
course should be pursued ; but it appeared to him that the 
debate ought to be adjourned for twenty-four hours — he 
asked for no longer delay ; and the interval would enable 
honourable gentlemen to turn the subject in their minds, 
and to come with propriety and satisfaction to a decision. 
He made the proposition for a delay of twenty-four hours, 
in any spirit rather than that of the slightest feeling of 
disrespect to the illustrious personage who now filled the 
throne. 

Lord Althorp' s proposition was, no doubt, intended to act 
as a feeler of the pulse of the Commons at the commence- 



LORD ALTHORP. 143 

inent of a new reign, and to pave the way for a trial of 
strength between the ministry and their opponents. It was 
accordingly seconded by Mr. Brougham, who, to give it 
effect, said, he felt it his duty to recommend to the house 
to settle the civil list in the new reign, before its members 
met their constituents. The people had a right, he said, to 
demand such a discharge of their duties at the hands of their 
representatives. He entertained no apprehension that the 
House of Commons would so far forget its duty to the 
crown, nor yet its duty to the people, as not to provide for 
the comfort and splendour of the Monarch. It was the duty 
of that house to provide, in the best manner it could, for 
the well-being of the commonwealth, and to see that it Was 
exposed to no new risks. He then adverted to the question 
of a regency, in the event of the demise of his present 
Majesty ; and strongly urged, that the house should, with 
as little delay as possible, take that question into its deli- 
berate consideration. He adverted to the possibility of the 
Duke of Cumberland claiming the office of regent as his 
right ! He therefore called upon the house not to facilitate 
its separation by adopting the plan of ministers, until the 
question of a regency was settled, and every possible ar- 
rangement made to protect the country from those risks 
to which, at this critical moment, it was exposed. He con- 
sequently seconded the amendment proposed by his noble 
friend, Lord Althorp ; but he could not conclude without 
again declaring the profound respect and cordial attach- 
ment which he had humbly presumed to express for the 
illustrious Prince who had yesterday received the congratu- 
lations of that house on his accession to the throne. 

On a division taking place, there was a majority of only 
46 in favour of ministers, which appeared to be hailed as 
ominous of their declining power and influence, and it 
^rew from Mr. Brougham some severe and sarcastic re- 
marks : " Amongst all the arguments used on the other 
side," he said, " there was one which he had not heard in 
that house — he meant, the threat of resigning! c If you 



144 LORD ALTHORP. 

leave government in a minority, I will resign ; and then, 
where will you get a field-marshal to superintend your 
finances, and regulate your law-courts ?' (alluding to a 
threat in the upper house.) "If," said Mr. Brougham, "I had 
had the bad fortune to hear that threat uttered in this 
place, I should have stated the grounds on which I deemed 
it my duty not to listen to the threat, but to look with 
equanimity on what some might consider the last national 
calamity !" He conceived it barely possible for the united 
kingdom to endure the going out of office of a considerable 
portion of his Majesty's ministers ! Let them not lay the 
flattering unction to their souls, and indulge fond hopes 
from the measure they contemplated; that hope might 
meet with such a disappointment as should lead them to 
look back even to this parliament with some of the " plea- 
sures of memory." Their case might resemble that of 
Prince Polignac. He must needs send the representatives 
of France to their constituents ; and what were the con- 
sequences ? They were at this moment choosing a new 
assembly; and that great nation was up — not in arms, 
that might be controlled — but up in the panoply of rea- 
son, to the joy of all freemen, and especially ourselves ; 
and they had resolved to set at nought the paltry intrigues 
of Prince this, and Duke that — and to care no more for 
them than for a knot of Jesuits, or a set of regicides. 
They were now up ; and we should see, in that country — 
as would be seen in this — that the day of force was gone by; 
and that he who would rule this country by royal favour, 
or military power, might be hurled down from his height. 
"Him I accuse not," exclaimed Mr. Brougham, (alluding 
to his Grace of Wellington ;) "I accuse you, (addressing 
himself to the ministerial benches,) his flatterers — his mean 
fawning parasites !" 

This caustic appeal roused Sir Robert Peel's indignation, 
who rose, and vehemently demanded, whether the honour- 
able and learned member meant to accuse him with being 
such — " Does he presume to say of me," said Mr. Peel, 



LORD ALTHORP. ] 45 

"that I am the mean, fawning parasite of any man?" 
When the uproar had ceased, Mr. Brougham coolly ex- 
plained, that " it was both absurd and ridiculous to suppose 
he could intend any thing personal to the right honourable 
gentleman. No, I allude," said he, "to the votes which have 
passed, to the resolutions which have been come to, to the 
cries which have been heard; and I have as much right 
to answer those cries, as they to utter them. I spoke of 
parasites as of the pessimum genus inimicorum : this shall 
ever be my course of conduct, and this is the course of 
conduct which it becomes the house to adopt." Mr. Peel 
courteously accepted the apology, and said, he was con- 
vinced that the expressions were not intended to apply to 
him, and, moreover, that they were uttered in the warmth of 
debate, increased by interruption — to which Mr. Brougham 
nodded assent. 

On a subsequent day, (Friday, July 2,) when the house 
had resolved itself into a committee of supply, Mr. Hume 
concurred with Lord Althorp, in condemning the course 
which ministers had pursued, and thought the house had 
acted inconsistently with its duty, in not supporting the 
motion which the noble lord had submitted on a former 
night. He thought the arguments of his lordship unan- 
swerably proved, that the civil list could at no time be 
settled with such advantage to the community as at the 
present moment. Mr. Brougham, too, conjured the house 
to pause before they adopted the course now recommended by 
ministers. All that he had heard, seen, or read, within the 
last few days, only tended to increase his anxiety for the 
weighty and awful responsibility which attached to them 
at the present perilous juncture, and he hoped they would 
acquit themselves of it as became the representatives of a 
free, powerful, and enlightened people. 

Ministers having so far succeeded as to obtain a vote 
for the necessary supplies, parliament was dissolved on 
the 24th of July, and the new one convened in November 
following. One of the first measures that came before 

u 



146 LORD ALTHORP. 

the house was the settlement of the civil list, and this gave 
rise to a long debate, the issue of which was, that ministers 
were left in a minority of twenty -nine ; and Mr. Brougham 
having given notice that he should bring forward the 
question of parliamentary reform, the Duke of Wellington 
thought it advisable to retire from the premiership, which 
broke up the administration.* On the formation of the 
Whig cabinet, Lord Althorp was appointed to the office 
of chancellor of the exchequer, which he has subsequently 
filled — an office of no little difficulty in the present day, 
when the country is clamorous for retrenchment and a 
diminution of taxes. How far his lordship will be able to 
carry into effect those plans of relief which he so strenu- 
ously urged upon his predecessor in office, time alone can 
disclose ; but assuredly he stands pledged to much in this 
way. On the 12th of February, 1830, he stated it as his 
opinion, that the reductions proposed by the chancellor 
of the exchequer would be of but little avail to the people ; 
and on the 15th of March, when the budget was produced, 
he protested against subjecting the nation to additional 
burdens, for the sake of supporting the sinking fund. 
When Mr. Hume brought forward a motion, during the 
same session, for abolishing the very expensive office of 
lord-lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Althorp supported it, on 
the ground that, in consequence of the facility of com- 
munication, the sister kingdom stood no more in need of a 
separate government than any of the northern counties. 

Of the very able services which Lord Althorp has ren- 
dered to his noble colleague, Lord John Russell, and through 
him to the whole country, in carrying the reform bill 
through the Commons, amidst the unprecedented oppo- 
sition with which it has had to contend, the public must 
be well aware. The cool, collected, unimpassioned self- 
possession which has marked his whole deportment through- 
out this arduous conflict, is only to be equalled by his 

* Life and Times of William IV., p. 640. 



LORD ALTHORP. 147 

patient perseverance, his straight-forward course in the 
pursuit of his great object. It is needless to recapitulate, 
as it is paiuful to dwell upon, the variety of paltry strata- 
gems to which the enemies of the bill have had recourse, 
in order to impede its progress, and harass its friends in 
every possible way, in the hope of compelling them to 
abandon it in disgust — which, had it been in almost any 
other hands than those to which it was fortunately com- 
mitted, must have been its fate. But the two noble lords 
evidently proceeded on the maxim — a ne cede inaiis, sed 
contra audentior ito" and success has crowned their labours. 
They will be able to review the scenes through which they 
have passed during the protracted season of fifteen months 
devoted to the carrying of this great national measure, 
with the purest satisfaction, arising from conscious recti- 
tude, and the attainment of a great public good ; and that 
satisfaction must be enhanced by a recollection of the 
difficulties they had to contend with, and the obstacles they 
had to surmount. Of this satisfaction nothing can deprive 
them, and it will be heightened by the tribute of applause 
from a grateful country. 

This brief sketch of Lord Althorp's public life and 
services, imperfect as it is, must not be concluded without 
adverting to one trait in his lordship's character, too im- 
portant to be left unnoticed. We advert to the striking 
proofs which he has afforded, since he took office, of what 
has been termed his " transparent candour," or an undis- 
sembled frankness in all his official concerns as a servant 
of the public. There seems an utter repugnance in his 
nature to the trickery and finesse which characterize the 
generality of modern statesmen. Of the truth and just- 
ness of this observation, many instances might be adduced, 
which have occurred during the short period that he has 
been in office ; but we select one, and that because it is 
the most recent. 

On Monday, February 6th of the present year, the sub- 
ject of the revenue was introduced by Mr. Coulburn, his 



148 LORD ALTHORP. 

lordship's immediate predecessor in office, who declared 
himself anxious, in the present state of the public purse, 
to obtain from government such information as might calm 
the fears for the future which were generally entertained 
on this subject. He described the present year as wholly 
unprecedented ! Amidst all the difficulties and expenses 
of the war, it had never happened, he said, that the revenue 
had fallen short of the expenditure. And the result was 
the more extraordinary, because, only three months before, 
Lord Althorp had anticipated a surplus of half a million ; 
instead of which, there was a deficiency of seven hundred 
thousand pounds. So that, in the short space of one 
quarter of a year, the finances had changed for the worse, 
to the amount of one million two hundred thousand pounds. 
Elated with this happy discovery, Mr. Goulburn resolved 
to avail himself of the opportunity which it afforded him 
of having a slap at the reform bill, and thus facetiously 
proceeded. He admitted that "the time of the chancellor 
of the exchequer was very much engaged, and perhaps he 
had not leisure to instruct Earl Grey better on the subject 
of the revenue. He might have been engaged in assisting 
the noble paymaster to frame a new constitution — or in 
assisting Lord Palmerston in those conferences in which 
he bore so distinguished a part — or in assisting the premier 
himself in the disinterested distribution of patronage to 
his very numerous relatives, connexions, and friends; but 
he could not avoid thinking that the noble lord would 
have best consulted his own character, and the interests of 
the country, if he had condescended to go down to the 
treasury, and look a little into the accounts of his own 
particular department ; so as to be able, when he appeared 
before the house, to give statements which were not cal- 
culated to display a delusive advantage, and terminate in 
the disappointment and injury of the people ;"— with much 
more in the same vapouring style. 

But what said Lord Althorp to all this, and what was 
the line of conduct which he pursued under these taunts 



LORD ALTHORP. 149 

and sarcasms ? Very different indeed was it from what 
would have been pursued by a Pitt or a Perceval — a Castle- 
reagh or a Vansittart — or yet a Goulburn. 

Instead of denying a plain matter of fact, and striving to 
escape undetected amid an imposing array of complicated 
accounts which none of his hearers could satisfactorily 
comprehend, Lord Althorp honestly confessed the naked 
truth. He admitted that a surplus of revenue over expen- 
diture was desirable, though he could not admit that, at 
present, the deficiency was so great as to have produced 
either alarm or dissatisfaction. He defended himself from 
the charge of over-confidence in his calculation of the pro- 
duce of the taxes ; he had merely contended, as he was 
entitled to do, that three-quarters of the year being past, 
the chances of error in respect to the anticipations of the 
remaining quarter were proportionably diminished. He 
acknowledged that, in one respect, in framing his calcula- 
tions, he had fallen into an error. In the last quarter, the 
beer duties had expired, and no mention of them occurred 
in it : this had produced an error of ,£350,000. There was 
a second item, in which he had been deceived by the cal- 
culations of Mr. Goulburn ; that gentleman calculated on 
an increase in the spirit duties of £450,000, whereas there 
had been an actual decrease of £100,000. In the third 
place, a very heavy bill had been drawn on the Treasury on 
account of the Rideau Canal, of which ministers had not 
the slightest anticipation. These, with the stagnation of 
trade which had occurred during the last quarter, were 
the causes of the deficiency of which Mr. Goulburn com- 
plained. 

The downright simplicity and honesty with which Lord 
Althorp admitted these facts, was perfectly confounding to 
his assailant, who anticipated nothing less ; nor could any 
thing have happened of a nature so truly appalling to the 
whole tribe of financial quacks and mystifiers, as the decla- 
ration that the present administration were bent upon 
establishing such a degree of clearness in the public 



150 LORD ALTHORP. 

accounts, as must enable every man throughout the king- 
dom, who bends his attention to it, to comprehend, without 
difficulty, its financial situation and concerns. The matter, 
however, did not rest merely in the disappointment of Mr. 
Goulburn. He had the temerity to affirm, that this year of 
a Whig administration was the first in which the expen- 
diture had exceeded the revenue ! On this subject he was 
taken up by Mr. Powlett Thompson, vice-president of the 
board of trade, in a way which he little expected — and as 
Jie observations were offered in defence of Lord Althorp, 
and for the purpose of repelling an unmerited and unpro- 
voked attack upon him, we shall here record the substance 
of what was said. 

" Mr. Goulburn spoke with horror of the alarming fact 
of the expenditure exceeding the revenue : was this, then, 
the first time/' asked Mr. Thompson, u that it had been 
the case ? He sneered at the places held by the relatives 
of Lord Grey : had he forgotten the attempt, just before 
they quitted office, to quarter Mr. Bathurst and Mr. Dun- 
das, the sons of two cabinet ministers, on the pension 
list ?" Mr. Thompson proceeded to compare the deficiency 
of revenue during the present year with the deficiency of 
former years. He would not go further back than 1823, 
because it was to be recollected, that the parliament had 
then pledged itself, by a distinct resolution, that there 
should be an efficient sinking fund of five millions, which 
might be considered as a portion of the public expenditure. 
In 1823, the deficiency in the revenue, independent of the 
payments to the sinking fund of £5,000,000, which par- 
liament had by repeated resolutions declared should be 
maintained, was £2,949,000 ; in 1824, £1,007,000; in 1825, 
£2,125,000; in 1826, £6,747,000, (being a larger amount even 
than the sinking fund ;) and in 1827, ,£6,603,000. In 1828, 
the deficiency was reduced to £959,000 ; and in 1829, to 
£807,000 ; and in 1 830 there was a balance on the other 
side of £978,000. Besides this statement, there also ap- 
peared, in evidence taken before the committee of finance, 



LORD ALTHORP. 151 

on the admission of the honourable member for Harwich, 
that there was a deficiency in the income of the country, 
amounting to £127,000. He deplored the deficiency as 
much as any man ; but he denied that it never occurred 
before. The only difference was this — that now there was 
no concealment whatever. Ministers stated plainly and 
fairly to the public the real state of the country. They did 
not borrow money, for the purpose of paying the debt ; 
nor call a sum paid by the Bank, and purchased by long 
annuities, actual income received. They did not mystify 
the public accounts, but stated them honestly and openly ; 
and were prepared to abide by the result. The right hon- 
ourable gentleman had been pleased to sneer at the noble 
lord (the chancellor of the exchequer,) for not foreseeing, 
in October last, that a deficiency in the revenue would take 
place ; but did the right honourable gentleman forget that 
he himself came down to the house in the middle of the 
year 1800, and said that he expected to receive an annual 
sum of £600,000 from the increase of the spirit duties, 
£450,000 of which was to be received in the present year ? 
How had that expectation been verified ? Instead of an 
increase of £450,000, there had been a deficiency of £100,000. 
And what was the present deficiency owing to ? Was it 
owing to a lavish and wanton expenditure, or was it 
not rather occasioned by the money of the people being 
allowed to remain in their pockets, ready at any time to 
be drawn thence, on the demand of the state ? He was 
aware of the system which had hitherto prevailed, and he 
dared to say that it would have been much more grati- 
fying to some honourable gentlemen, to have found a large 
surplus, even if the money had been wrung from the people 
by increased taxation. But in that case there would have 
been in reality no greater surplus than existed at present, 
for the money now, instead of being spent, remained in 
the pockets of the people — was fructifying there, and would 
come forth when called for. He did not believe that 
national credit had been affected by the deficiency in the 



152 LORD ALTHORP. 

revenue ; for the funds had exhibited no indication that 
public confidence had been shaken. But supposing that 
the noble lord (the chancellor of the exchequer) had fore- 
seen this deficiency ; would he have been justified in with- 
holding from the country that relief which was experienced 
by the repeal of the duties on coals and printed cottons ? 
The right honourable gentleman had vented a great deal 
of sarcasm on the various changes which the noble lord's 
schemes of finance had undergone \ but had the right hon- 
ourable gentleman himself committed no blunders ? Had 
he forgotten the session of 1830 ? Did he never make any 
change in his proposition respecting the duties on rum and 
sugar ? Had he forgotten the memorable evening when 
his bill, so properly termed the unintelligible sugar bill, 
was discussed ? The liberal measures in commercial policy 
commenced when the honourable gentlemen opposite were 
in office. Those measures received the constant support 
of the present ministers, when they sat on the other side of 
the house. How different had been the conduct of the 
gentlemen opposite, to the present government ! He would 
not say they were influenced by party motives, but there 
w T as such a thing as going away when questions were under 
discussion, upon which government had a right to expect 
their support. Upon the question of the timber duties, an 
attempt was made to justify a departure from principle by 
drawing a distinction between a commercial and a finan- 
cial measure. What was the conduct of honourable gen- 
tlemen opposite, with respect to the motion for a com- 
mittee to inquire into the glove trade ? The case was 
exactly parallel with the motion for a committee on the 
silk-trade in 1829. The same principle governed both 
cases. Yet, strange to say, the very authors of the prin- 
ciple voted against the committee on the silk-trade, and for 
that on the glove-trade. They who, when they were the 
colleagues of Mr. Huskisson, were too happy with him to 

" Share in the triumph and partake the gale/' 

now turned their backs upon ministers, when they were 



LORD ALTHORP. 153 

attempting to work out the policy of that lamented states- 
man. No doubt the right honourable gentleman opposite 
had good reason for opposing the sugar-refinery bill, which 
was only following up a measure introduced by himself 
whilst in office. There was, however, no difference in the 
principle of the two measures, and he challenged the right 
honourable gentleman to shew that there was. Under these 
circumstances, he would not impugn the motives of the 
right honourable gentleman, but he must be allowed to 
doubt his authority. He believed that the explanation 
which had been made by his noble friend would be satis- 
factory to the country. He believed so, because the country 
placed confidence in the purity of the noble lord's inten- 
tions, and the manliness of his character. He thought that 
the results predicted by the noble lord would be received 
by the country in the same spirit with which he had 
foretold them, and that the noble lord would be spared the 
necessity of imposing further burdens on the country." 

Lord Althorp does not rank high as an orator : his fair 
fame and high character rest upon a surer basis. A gen- 
tleman who saw and heard him, at the public dinner which 
was given to him and Lord John Russell at Stationers' 
Hall^ to commemorate the triumph of the reform bill in the 
House of Commons, thus happily describes the matter. 
"The chairman, Sir Francis Burdett, proposed Lord Al- 
thorp's health. The toast was hailed as it ought to have 
been ; and the feeling of personal regard hi which Lord 
Althorp is held, mingled itself in the testimonies that were 
given in universal acclamation to his public conduct. When 
Sir Francis Burdett pronounced an encomium on his in- 
comparable temper, there was a loud and unanimous re- 
sponse to the praise, which every one felt to be founded upon 
unquestionable truth. Lord Althorp rose. I have often 
seen him, but never beheld him so excited as he was at 
this moment. His countenance preserved its expression 
of predominant bonhommic, (good nature,) but lost that 
aspect of quiescence which it ordinarily wears, and became 

x 



154 LORD ALTHORP. 

animated by emotions of lofty and triumphant goodness. 
He underwent a singular change. The low, obscure, un- 
certain, and hesitating tones, in which he speaks in the 
House of Commons, were put by. He even laid aside the 
huskiness of thought, as well as of voice, in which he too 
frequently delivers himself, and shewed that he has within 
him a far better oratorical materiel than he generally con- 
veys to his hearers the idea that he possesses. Clear, 
distinct, and even impassioned, conscious at once of the 
purity of his purpose and of its glorious success, he spoke 
with a fervid integrity, and a forcible impressiveness, w T hich, 
if transferred to his parliamentary enunciation, would be of 
signal service, not only to himself, but to the public. He 
owned that pride which he felt in the victories of peace 
which he had won ; he avowed his passion for a meri- 
torious and honourable fame; and acknowledged the plea- 
sure which he derived from the popularity that he had 
obtained by measures as useful to his country, as they are 
creditable to himself. The speech was hailed with rap- 
turous concurrence in every sentiment which it contained, 
and brought out the expression of a feeling, which induces 
me to consider Lord Althorp as one of the main sustain- 
ments of the government. He is evidently an object of 
warm individual liking, as well as of public respect. He 
commands the confidence of all those who either know or 
hear him. He is a personification of old English unadul- 
terated honesty, and gets an easy possession of the under- 
standing, by making a ready lodgment in the heart." 




^%. 






HENRY RICHARD VASSALL. BARON HOLLAND. F. R. S-R S 




USHER. SON. & . ■ 



LORD HOLLAND. 155 



THE RIGHT HON. 



HENRY RICHARD FOX, LORD HOLLAND, 

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. 



This nobleman is the nephew of that illustrious statesman, 
Charles James Fox, and the son of Stephen, the second 
Lord Holland, who died in 1774, at which time the son 
was little more than a year old. His mother was Lady 
Mary Fitzpatrick, a daughter of the Earl of Upper Ossory. 
He was born at Winterslow House, in the county of Wilts, 
on the 21st of January, 1773. and, being deprived of both 
his parents in his infancy, the charge of his education 
devolved on his guardians, who sent him to Eton, at which 
time the Rev. Jonathan Davies was head -master of the 
College ; but in a few months, his death made way for the 
appointment of Dr. Heath, who occupied that station for 
so long a period, and with such uniform celebrity and suc- 
cess. In the year 1790, his lordship quitted Eton for the 
University of Oxford, where he completed his studies at 
Christ Church, was created Master of Arts in 1792, and 
on coming of age, two years after, took his seat in the 
House of Lords, though he did not then enter upon his 
parliamentary duties. 

The state of the Continent, at this time, had greater 
attractions for Lord Holland, than the dull debates which 
were nightly going on in the " hospital of incurables ;" 
and accordingly his lordship, being furnished by his uncle 
with letters of introduction to the different courts of Europe, 
proceeded to visit Copenhagen, France, and Switzerland. 



156 LORD HOLLAND. 

He was present when Louis the Sixteenth accepted the con- 
stitution, after his attempt to leave the country, and his 
seizure at Varennes. 

A long residence in that then distracted country, however, 
becoming perilous, he returned home, and in March 1793, 
again embarked at Portsmouth, on board the Juno frigate, 
commanded by Captain, afterwards Sir Samuel Hood, for 
Corunna : the Spanish admiral, Gravina, who fell at Trafal- 
gar, was his fellow-passenger, and ever after a warm friend. 
With the exception of Catalonia and Valencia, Lord Hol- 
land then visited the whole of Spain ; making the lan- 
guage, the habits of its various people, its literature, and 
government, the objects of his study ; nor can we reason- 
ably doubt that the misrule, disorder, and misery brought 
before his view, in this and subsequent visits, tended in no 
slight degree to strengthen him in those principles of free- 
dom, of which he has ever since been the decided friend 
and advocate. From Spain he passed into Italy, living for 
some time with Lord Wycombe, the elder brother of the 
Marquis of Lansdowne, at Florence ; and in 1796 returned 
to England. 

In the year 1797* his lordship was united to Elizabeth, 
daughter and heiress of Richard Vassall, Esq., a lady of 
exquisite beauty, congenial taste, talents, and acquirements ; 
and in consequence of his marriage, he assumed the name 
of Vassall. 

On the 5th of January, 1798, he entered upon his par- 
liamentary career, which he commenced by condemning 
the policy of the war into which Mr. Pitt had plunged the 
country. His maiden speech was on the second reading 
of the assessed tax bill, brought in by ministers avowedly 
to support the war. Lord Grenville was at that time 
secretary of state, and Lord Holland replied to his defence 
of the bill. The country had then been nearly five years 
engaged in war, during which, as his lordship contended, 
the state of the country had grown worse and worse. He 
was therefore decidedly against voting any further supplies, 



LORD HOLLAND. 157 

until a change of men and measures had taken place. By 
voting these enormous supplies, he maintained, that they 
were only adding fuel to the fire which must consume them- 
selves. He accused the ministers of having trepanned the 
country into war. They had stated that the war was not 
likely to be of long continuance, nor an expensive contest. 
At one time the people were told that twenty-five millions 
would be sufficient, and within half a year half as much 
more was called for. " Ministers now affect to be greatly 
alarmed," said his lordship, " lest the French should come 
upon our coast — God avert the calamity ! But will this 
bill prevent them? Ministers have constantly raised the 
hopes of the people, and as constantly disappointed them. 
They went to war, to prevent the opening of the Scheldt ! — 
have they succeeded ? They then said a great deal about 
protecting our allies ? — have they protected any ? None of 
these things are done, although upwards of two hundred 
millions are expended, and the constitution of the country, 
in many of its parts, totally subverted. If you would have 
the vigorous co-operation of the people, restore to them the 
constitution, and give them a ministry in which they can 
confide ; nothing else can retrieve you. They will not 
assist a ministry that is appointed by court intrigue ; they 
will not confide in those who are falsely called the repre- 
sentatives of the people, many of whom they know to be 
nominated by the members of this House, and there- 
fore it is impossible they should speak the voice of the 
people.' ' 

In the final discussion of the same measure, Lord Hol- 
land made his second speech, in reply to further observations 
on the part of Lord Grenville. The latter had charged him 
with a wish to change the fundamental basis of the British 
constitution, and with having reviled it as unfit for a 
rational people to live under. But against this misrepre- 
sentation, his lordship protested. (( He had not said a word 
against the constitution. He would never speak ill of the 
dead ! The genuine constitution of England had every 



158 LORD HOLLAND. 

excellence that could endear it to a free people ; but, 
alas ! it was no longer in existence. What he wanted, 
and he thought he had expressed himself in clear language, 
was, to revive that constitution in its purity ; and the means 
was, not by any innovating course, but by restoring to the 
people a just representation in parliament. In doing this, 
he had no hesitation in saying, that the species of reform 
that had been accurately described in another place, met 
with his perfect concurrence. 

Not long after this, the Duke of Bedford moved a vote 
of censure against the cabinet, which was warmly sup- 
ported by Lord Holland, who described the calamities and 
distresses of the country to be so great, and the dangers 
which menaced it, from the present war, to be of such 
number and magnitude, that he was astonished how any 
one could be thoughtless or sanguine enough to imagine 
that there was the smallest hope of a successful issue, par- 
ticularly under the administration of those whose rash- 
ness first brought the nation into the war, and whose im- 
potence and incapacity had rendered the war, more than 
any other, shameful and disastrous. " Lofty declamation, 
without energy/' said his lordship — " boastful eloquence, 
without vigour — cunning, without wisdom — feeble efforts, or 
temporizing expedients, will never rescue this country from 
the dangers which press upon it from all parts." 

Again adverting to the profligate manner in which minis- 
ters squandered the public money by subsidizing foreign 
powers, Lord Holland thus proceeded : 

" My lords ! it is impossible but you must remember 
that, at the beginning of every session, the minister has 
said to parliament — ' There are your expenses for the year ;' 
and that, invariably and constantly, the sum has been 
doubled before the end of the session. This is called e an 
unforeseen accident/ Subsidies were unexpectedly found 
to be necessary, and the ordinary mode of supply was de- 
parted from. These were as unlucky and as wrong as all 
the other parts of the minister's politics ; and here too they 



LORD HOLLAND. 159 

plead error. But can they say that they were not cautioned 
against those subsidies ? Were they not forewarned, at the 
time, that the subsidized powers would desert the alliance, 
and that the treasures of the nation would be squandered in 
vain ? I will not dwell upon the desertion of Prussia, said 
his lordship, because this is an old affair, and indeed was 
from the beginning so obvious, that it must be familiar to 
your lordships ; but Austria was subsidized, and Sar- 
dinia was subsidized, to carry on the war. Holland did 
not desire our interference ; but they all began and carried 
on the war, merely because this country persuaded them 
to do so." 

In 1799, Mr. Pitt and his associates brought in a bill to 
suspend, for the fourth time, the habeas corpus act, and 
carried it through both houses by a great majority. Lord 
Holland, however, after opposing it manfully in its pro- 
gress through the upper house, finding his efforts unavail- 
ing, recurred to his privilege as a peer of parliament, and 
entered his protest upon the journals. From this period, 
his lordship was accustomed to take a leading part in dis- 
cussing all the great questions which came before the 
house. When the income tax was proposed, he pointed 
out many imperfections in the bill that was introduced for 
levying it, particularly its inequality — hereditary fortunes 
and life annuities being placed exactly on the same footing. 
He also considered the public faith as in some measure 
violated, by the tax on funded property, and on this occa- 
sion quoted an apposite example from the conduct of the 
French government, which, having agreed to deliver up 
certain subjects of the crown of Portugal, in compliance 
with a recent engagement to the court of Madrid, sent off 
the prisoners to Barcelona, but at the same time despatched 
a frigate after them, observing, a We released you as Span- 
ish allies — we now capture you as Portuguese." 

It was during this same year, 1799, that the ministers 
proposed to lay the public press under restraints — a mea- 
sure which was sure to meet with the warmest opposition 



160 LORD HOLLAND. 

from Lord Holland. Accordingly, when the bill for that 
purpose was brought up, he animadverted upon it with 
great severity, and also on the several prosecutions which 
ministers had instituted against what they termed seditious 
publications during the war. His lordship instanced the 
cases of Mr. Gilbert Wakefield, and the editor of the 
"Courier" newspaper, both of which he stigmatized as 
unjust, and dwelt feelingly on their severity. And here 
it may be mentioned, that, during Mr. Wakefield's confine- 
ment in the King's Bench prison, Lord Holland paid him 
frequent visits, as also did Mr. Fox and the Duke of Bed- 
ford ; a favour which that gentleman acknowledged in the 
second volume of his own life, p. 150. 

Soon after this, Lord Holland moved the house for an 
address to his Majesty, praying that a treaty might be 
entered into with the French government — a measure which 
the ministers affected to scout, at the moment, though they 
themselves, during the same session of parliament, actually 
consented to a negociation; pending which, nevertheless, 
they talked in a haughty tone, and threw out severe and 
pointed insult. On this occasion, after allowing that France 
had often abused her superiority, his lordship asked, ' What 
had been our own conduct towards neutral powers ? Had 
we not violated the neutrality of the Grand Duke of Tus- 
cany, in spite of the most solemn treaties ? Had we not 
violated the neutrality of Genoa ? What was the conduct 
of our allies ? Did not Russia violate the neutrality of 
other states ? Did she not prescribe to the King of Den- 
mark, that no clubs should be permitted in his dominions ? 
He was aware, that to prove that we or our allies were 
guilty of the same crime, did not exculpate the French ; 
but when he saw such unjustifiable proceedings on the 
part of those who made the crimes of France the cause 
of the war, it proved to him that these were nothing but a 
pretext. 

On the 12th of February, 1800, his lordship moved for 
an inquiry into the causes of the failure of the late expe- 



LORD HOLLAND. 161 

dition to Holland, which he characterized as calamitous 
and disgraceful ; observing, that " he knew the weather 
and the climate of the house in which he spoke ;" and he 
was not mistaken, for his proposition was negatived. 

It was not long after this, that Mr. Pitt retired from his 
post ; and Mr. Addington being called to the helm, an 
opportunity was seized of negociating with France, which 
terminated in the peace of Amiens. Lord Holland, whose 
health had suffered greatly from the premature decease of 
his eldest son, (Stephen Fox,) now embraced the oppor- 
tunity of retiring to the Continent, and fixed upon Spain 
for his residence, on account of its salubrious climate. 
The various changes occasioned by the French Revolution, 
had, at this time, rendered the Continent a new world, 
which Lord Holland was anxious to explore ; and availing 
himself of the short interval of peace, he proceeded to 
Paris, where he had shortly the satisfaction of being joined 
by Mr. Fox, the main object of whose visit was, ostensibly, 
the collecting of materials for his historical work. In com- 
pany with his uncle, Lord Holland was introduced to 
the First Consul, who thus addressed him, " You are going 

to Spain ?" e Yes/ "And what the d 1 are you going 

therefor?'' — a question which some years after he might, 
with more propriety, have put to himself! During his 
stay at Paris, he enjoyed frequent and intimate intercourse 
with many celebrated men, such as Talleyrand, De La 
Fayette, Chevalier D'Azara, the Marchese Luchesini, and 
others, whom the extraordinary events of the times had 
brought together in that capital. 

Quitting France, he proceeded to Spain, and, taking up his 
abode at Barcelona, with Lady Holland and his family, his 
lordship applied himself with much success to the study 
of Spanish literature ; and on his return home, after a lapse 
of nearly three years, gave to the public, as the fruit of his 
studies, the lives of Lope de Vega, and Guilhen de Castro, 
" once," as he beautifully expresses it, " the pride and 
glory of Spaniards, who, in their literary, as in their politi- 

v 



162 LORD HOLLAND. 

cal achievements, have, by a singular fatality, discovered 
regions, and opened mines, to benefit their neighbours 
and their rivals, and to enrich every nation of Europe but 
their own." 

When the court of Madrid was threatened to be involved 
in the calamities of war, Lord Holland hastened to the 
capital, and, having obtained the necessary passports for 
leaving the kingdom, he set out on the 14th of November, 
1804, in company with Mr. Frere, secretary to the British 
embassy, and arrived at Lisbon on the 10th of December, 
where he prolonged his stay during the winter months, and 
returned to Holland House early in the ensuing spring. 
His lordship now advocated the political principles he had 
previously avowed, with increased zeal. On the 24th of 
May, 1805, he supported Lord Darnley's motion for an 
inquiry into the state of our naval affairs, on which occa- 
sion he exposed to merited reprobation Lord Melville's 
extravagance in naval contracts, especially for ship build- 
ing. "The first lord of the admiralty," he said, "had 
entered on office with great promises, but was destitute of 
novelty in every thing but the catamaran system !" This, 
however, was harmless sport, in comparison of the more 
serious warfare which his lordship carried on against the 
same nobleman, shortly afterwards, for the private use 
which he made of the public purse committed to his hands, 
and for which he was dismissed from the admiralty, struck 
from the list of privy councillors, and impeached by the 
parliament of his country. It is indeed true that a majority 
of the peers pronounced Lord Melville " not guilty" — but 
Lord Holland united with several other peers in recording 
their protests on the journals against such acquittal. 

During the Fox and Grenville administration, Lord Hol- 
land took office as lord privy seal, and consequently shared 
the fate of the rest of the members of that short-lived 
cabinet, which did not long survive the death of Mr. Fox ; 
on his dismissal from office, he returned to the opposition 
benches. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader, that the 



LORD HOLLAND. 163 

Grenville administration was broken up by the "No Popery" 
cry, his Majesty George the Third having taken alarm at 
the proposition of Lords Grenville and Howick, to do that 
for the Catholics of Ireland, which the Duke of Wellington 
and Mr. Peel have since done ! On the meeting of the 
new parliament, the address was moved by the Earl of 
Mansfield, 26th of June, 1807 — on which Lord Holland 
delivered his sentiments in a speech of considerable length, 
particularly replying to Lord Rolle, who had seconded the 
address. 

"If the arguments of the noble lord who had just sat 
down," said his lordship, " were to be adopted as the rule 
of conduct in that house, then all freedom of debate was 
at an end, and their lordships would have nothing to do 
but re-echo every speech which the ministers, for the time 
being, chose to put into the mouth of his Majesty. Such 
doctrines were the most dangerous and unconstitutional 
he had ever heard. He objected also most strongly to the 
introduction of the King's name, and the King's opinions, 
into a debate in that house, as had been done upon this 
occasion. The noble lord had talked of imbittering the 
latter days of his Majesty ? My lords, is it to be endured, 
that debates in this house are thus attempted to be in- 
fluenced ? If such opinions are to prevail, there is an end of 
the liberties of the people." Referring to the recent dis- 
solution of parliament, his lordship proceeded to condemn 
both the time and the mode of doing it. As to the former, 
it was a time of great irritability, and collision of opinion — 
a most improper period for a dissolution of parliament, 
when, instead of a cool and dispassionate appeal to the 
people, it could only be an appeal to their prejudices and 
passions. And as to the manner of doing it, the noble lord 
insisted that the entrance of that misguided monarch, 
Charles the First, into the House of Commons, was not a 
more outrageous violation of the constitution. "I, who 
think the influence of the crown has increased, is increas- 
ing, and ought to be diminished, am a friend to frequent 



1C4 LORD HOLLAND. 

appeals to the people, but not by means of dissolutions. 
Let parliaments, instead of septennial, be triennial, or I 
would not object to their being annual ; let there be stated 
earlier periods for a recurrence to the sense of the people ; 
but if parliaments are to be overawed with the threat of 
dissolution, they become subject to the will of the crown ; 
for many would weigh in the balance a seat which they 
may instantly lose, and a seat for six years, which must 
necessarily have an undue influence upon their votes." 

In 1808, petitions were presented to both houses of 
parliament in favour of Catholic emancipation, which gave 
rise to considerable discussion. Lord Holland, in de- 
livering his sentiments, said, he did not think it necessary to 
enter upon the various polemical points which had been 
brought forward in the course of the debate. The question 
for parliament to consider was, what was the state of 
Ireland, and what the remedy proper to be applied to it in 
the present exigency. If four millions of the people of 
Ireland were necessary to the safety of that country — if 
Ireland were necessary to the safety of the empire — the 
measure ought to be acceded to. With the danger of the 
present day, he contended that no preceding period ought 
to be compared. These penal laws were in his mind 
always odious, but peculiarly so at present, when all the 
pretext for their original enactment ceased to exist. The 
noble lord replied in a strain of very impressive eloquence 
to the assertion " that the peasantry of Ireland cared not 
a farthing about the object for which the higher orders of 
their persuasion were so solicitous." What, he would ask, 
bound a man to the glory of his country ? What made 
the lower orders rejoice in the honours and achievements 
of their generals and admirals ? What made their hearts 
beat with exultation at the mere mention of such a name 
as Nelson's ? What, but the principle and feeling which 
must excite pleasure in the Irish peasant's breast, when 
informed of the advancement and distinction of one of his 
own persuasion ! 



LORD HOLLAND. 165 

Lord Holland's liberal principles have always rendered 
him a great favourite with the Protestant dissenters. Ac- 
cordingly, he has generally been their organ in the House 
of Peers. In 1811, when Lord Sidmouth proposed to 
introduce a bill for the purpose of amending the Toleration 
Act, he was chosen to present to their lordships' house, 
the petition of the three denominations of the London 
dissenters against it. The alarm which was excited 
throughout the kingdom by the first mention of Lord Sid- 
mouth's proposal to meddle with the rights and privileges 
of the dissenters, it is not forgotten, produced such a mass 
of petitions, that both houses of parliament were deluged 
by them ; insomuch, that when Lord Holland rose to 
address the house on the second reading of the bill, he was 
literally hemmed in with the piles of parchment committed 
to his charge, so that it was with no little difficulty he 
rose from his seat. His lordship's appearance was some- 
what ludicrous, being surrounded with petitions ; but, though 
the occasion produced extraordinary excitement, yet he 
spoke with less velocity, and more distinctness, than is 
usual with him. The subject was quite congenial to the 
noble lord's feelings, and his words flowed apace. 

It was on the 9th of May, that Lord Sidmouth moved, 
in the House of Lords, for leave to bring in a bill for 
amending and explaining the acts passed in the reign of 
William and Mary, and also of the 17th of George the 
Third, as far as they applied to Protestant dissenting min- 
isters. His lordship, after explaining the purport of his 
bill, and what he proposed to effect by it, proceeded to 
shew the great increase that was annually taking place 
in the number of dissenting preachers of late years, which 
he imputed, partly to the increase of population, and of 
the religious spirit of the people, and partly to the plu- 
ralities and non-residence of the clergy, together with the 
deficiency of churches in many parts of the country, which 
he thought called for the attention of parliament. At p re- 
sent, his lordship remarked, we were unfortunately in 



166 LORD HOLLAND. 

danger of having an established church, and a sectarian 
people ! 

Lord Holland immediately rose, to declare his total dis- 
sent from the principles of the bill. One fundamental 
error, he said, ran through the speech of his noble friend, 
namely, that the right of any man to teach and preach was 
derived solely from the permission of the government under 
which he lived. For his part, he held it to be the unalien- 
able right of every man who thought himself capable of 
instructing others, to do so, provided his doctrine was not 
incompatible with the peace of society. He thought it 
highly imprudent to meddle with the act of toleration, and 
that the evils arising from an abuse of the exemption 
granted to dissenting ministers, was not of magnitude suf- 
ficient to justify the interference of the house. The bill, 
however, was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. 
It was between this and the second reading, that the dis- 
senters poured in their petitions in a manner such as never 
before had been witnessed ! When, therefore, on the 21st 
of May, the bill was to be read a second time, the house 
were astounded at the mass of petitions with which the 
noble lords were deluged, and the mover was left alone 
in its support. In his speech on the occasion, he com- 
plained of the misunderstanding that prevailed respecting 
the bill, and laboured to shew that it was not intended to 
set aside the toleration act, to which he declared his ad- 
herence, but only to restrain persons from assuming the 
functions of a preacher or minister, without sufficient tes- 
timonials to his qualifications. In conclusion, he expressed 
his wish that the bill should be read a second time, in 
order that it might go to a committee, and receive the ne- 
cessary amendments. 

The archbishop of Canterbury then rose, and declared 
his full conviction of the right of separatists from the 
national church to profess their own systems of religious 
opinion. The bill in question he considered as having two 
objects in view — that of producing uniformity in construing 



LORD HOLLAND. 167 

the act of toleration, and that of rendering dissenting min- 
isters more respectable, by excluding unfit persons from 
the office. These objects, his grace thought laudable in 
themselves ; but as the dissenters were the best judges of 
their own concerns, and as it appeared, from the great 
number of petitions on the table, that they were hostile to 
the bill, he thought it would be unwise to press the mea- 
sure against their inclination. — The dignified prelate was 
followed by Lord Erskine, the ex-chancellor, who told their 
lordships, that if the bill had been postponed some weeks, 
ten times the number of petitions would have poured in 
against it. His lordship then proceeded to shew, that there 
was no necessity for such a measure as Lord Sidmouth's bill. 
If a man inculcated sedition or blasphemy from the pulpit, 
there were laws already in existence by which he might be 
punished. And with respect to the exemptions granted 
to ministers, the law was clear. If a man were a teacher 
of religion, and had no other avocation, he was the pastor 
of a flock, from which it was the meaning of the toleration 
act that he should not be abstracted, to serve in civil or 
military offices ; but if this were not the case, he could 
claim no such exemption. He then moved that the bill be 
read a second time that day six months. 

Lord Holland now addressed the house at considerable 
length, and began with commenting on the assertion, (of 
Lord Sidmouth,) that the majority of the petitioners pro- 
bably did not understand the measure against which they 
petitioned ; an assertion which he pronounced " singularly 
offensive and unbecoming. " He then proceeded to main- 
tain the broad principle of religious toleration which he 
had before advanced, offering various strictures on the 
reasons that had been alleged in favour of the bill, and 
availing himself of a remark of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury with great effect, that a the scriptures are a bountiful 
largess to the world — a great and free gift to all mankind — 
not bestowed for the exclusive benefit of a particular 
church, but for the use and advantage of the whole world." 



168 LORD HOLLAND. 

Several other lords now spoke in reprobation of the bill, 
but not one in its support ; on which Lord Sidmouth briefly- 
replied, and the question being put on the motion for 
deferring the second reading, it passed without a division. 
Thus terminated this singular business, which will long 
be memorable for the surprise which it occasioned to the 
noble mover, and to many others, by reason of the violent 
opposition the bill encountered from the body of dissent- 
ers. It evinced the extreme jealousy with which they 
regard that great palladium of their rights and privileges, 
the toleration act. Add to which, that another beneficial 
result from this measure was — what seems not to have 
been in Lord Sidmouth' s contemplation — namely, that of 
shewing the high-church party, how, notwithstanding the 
diversity of sentiments and practices that obtain among 
them, the dissenters can be brought to unite heart and 
voice in the common cause ; and also the strength they 
possess when thus acting in union — a species of know- 
ledge which, if they were already formidable to the estab- 
lished church, must tend to render them much more so. 

In the same year, 1811, Lord Holland brought forward 
the subject of ex officio informations, which of late had 
multiplied considerably. His motion went merely to the 
production of such documents as either were or ought to 
be public to all the kingdom, concerning matters that re- 
lated to the administration of justice in the case of indi- 
viduals accused of libel. It was not the object of his 
motion to meddle with the law of libel as it then stood — 
he admitted the difficulty of defining a libel, though he 
thought the law had not solved that difficulty as he could 
wish to see it done in a complete Utopia. One great point 
to which he would call their lordships' attention was, that 
the crime of libel, in reference to the state, was placed on 
a different footing from all others, with the exception of 
treason. In both these cases, the persons who must be the 
agents of government could not but have a bias towards 
viewing offences as great crimes, even where they could 



LOUD HOLLAND. 169 

not be denominated such by any just definition. In the 
case of treason, the law had guarded against the circum- 
stance by a careful definition of the crime ; but nothing 
of the kind existed in the case of libel. It was evident 
that even lawful discussion was often thought to be libel- 
lous by persons in power, where it was disagreeable to 
them, and in opposition to their views. His lordship 
then proceeded to consider the particular point of the 
power vested in the attorney-general to file his informa- 
tions ex officio. He did not mean to dispute the legality 
of such a mode of proceeding, though this had been 
called in question by high authorities in the law; but 
to shew that they were never meant to be carried to the 
extent now complained of. For this purpose, he gave a 
history of their introduction, and quoted Blackstone's 
account of the object of the power thus granted, which was, 
that immediate prosecutions might be commenced against 
such enormous misdemeanours as disturbed the govern- 
ment, and impeded the exercise of the royal functions. 
" If then/' said his lordship, " I am able to shew to this 
house, that, not only such prosecutions have been insti- 
tuted against such crimes as were considered of an in- 
ferior nature, and not of that dangerous description which 
alone required them, but also that no prosecution has been 
followed in a great proportion of these cases, and that, by 
this practice, the filing of an information was, in many 
cases, merely fining the party in the expenses ; I will 
assert, that I have proved an abuse in this power, which 
calls upon your lordships to search into the instances, 
and to devise some remedy against the repetition of the 
abuse." 

His lordship then mentioned the fact, that from 1801 
to 1806, only fourteen informations ex-officio were filed ; 
and that in the three succeeding years, they amounted 
to forty-two, of which only sixteen had been brought to 
justice : and he adverted to a case of nolo prosequi having 
been granted on a prosecution for libel by the then 

z 



170 LORD HOLLAND. 

attorney-general in favour of the Morning Post, a minis- 
terial paper, as a proof that such power was partially 
exercised. He stated the ulterior proceedings which he 
should propose, were his motion agreed to. In that case 
he should move certain resolutions ; one of which would 
be, to confine the filing of ex-officio informations to a 
certain period from the publication of the paper charged 
with being libellous ; another, that it be compulsory on 
the attorney-general to bring the matter to trial within 
a certain time, or to state to the court the causes of delay ; 
and that after a verdict had against the defendant, judg- 
ment should be prayed against him within a limited period. 
He should also be disposed to move for the repeal of 
the late acts of parliament which enabled the attorney- 
general to hold to bail any one against whom he chose to 
file an information. After some further remarks, relative 
to the liberty of the press, his lordship concluded by 
moving, i( That there be laid before that house a list of all 
the informations ex officio filed by the attorney- general from 
January 31, 1801, to January 31, 181 1, with the names of 
the persons against whom the informations were filed." 
Motion refused ! 

During the same session of parliament, the case of the 
Irish Catholics came before the House of Lords, on a peti- 
tion presented by the Earl of Donoughmore. The lord- 
chancellor (Eldon) strenuously opposed the house going 
into committee on the subject, and was answered by Lord 
Holland. He spoke with great animation in refutation of 
the chancellor's arguments, contending that, in cases like 
the present, the onus probandi lay, not upon those who 
claimed, but upon those who refused, the rights questioned. 
Though it might be often unsafe to discuss abstract rights, 
yet his lordship thought no one could properly understand 
questions of this nature, whose mind was not well instructed 
respecting the grounds on which civil and religious liberty 
rests. He charged the noble and learned lord (Eldon) with 
calumniating the Revolution, by the way in which he had 



LORD HOLLAND. 1/1 

spoken of it, as if it had nothing further in view than pro- 
viding that the king should be a Protestant. Lord Holland 
contended that it embraced much higher interests ; it was 
a great question, between power and prerogative — the power 
of the crown, and the rights of the people. The proposal 
for making the Test Act a fundamental law was rejected 
both then, and at the union with Scotland ; and it was in 
vain to say that such laws were inherent in the constitution 
of England, since they did not subsist from the date of 
Magna Charta to the Reformation, nor from that period till 
the times of Charles the Second. As to the matter of the 
supremacy, his lordship asked, " Was not Scotland a part 
of the kingdom ? yet the Scotch church totally rejected such 
a doctrine. Tf in the decrees of councils, and other Romish 
documents, there were uncancelled doctrines repugnant to 
the principles of the British government, there were doc- 
trines in the homilies of the church of England decidedly 
in opposition to the bill of rights. And with respect to 
the objection of the unfitness of the present time for bring- 
ing on the present discussion, he thought, on the contrary, 
that of all periods it was the fittest, as the concession would 
come with the best grace, now that the successes in Por- 
tugal had removed all immediate danger of an invasion of 
Ireland ; so that any favour shewn to the Catholics could 
not be attributed to fear.'' 

The time, however, was not yet arrived for the voice of 
reason to be heard in this matter ; prejudice and bigotry 
still swayed the counsels of Britain, and the friends to 
liberty and conscience, had only to persevere, and wait for a 
more auspicious season. Mr. G rattan, the celebrated Irish 
orator, in pleading for this boon to the Catholics, on one 
occasion remarked, in his classical style, " When I see 
Britain grown up into a mighty empire ; when I behold her 
at the head of the nations of the earth ; when I contemplate 
her power and majesty, I own that I am deeply astonished 
to find her descending from her elevation, to mix in the dis- 
putes of schoolmen, and the wrangling of theologians, who, 



172 LORD HOLLAND. 

while they seek for their own purposes to torture their coun- 
trymen^ endanger the security of their common country." 

Two of the important topics last adverted to, as having 
occupied the enlightened mind and powerful intellect of 
Lord Holland, during the session of 1811, were again 
brought forward in 1812, and once more ably argued. 
These topics were, ftr officio informations, and the liberties 
of protestant dissenters. On the 10th of July, Lord Castle- 
reagh moved the bringing in of a bill to repeal certain acts, 
and amend other acts, relating to religious worship and 
assemblies, and persons teaching and preaching therein. 
He stated, that in consequence of certain recent decisions at 
the quarter- sessions, doubts had arisen as to the question of 
qualification ; and that the object of his bill was to place the 
dissenters in the situation in which they practically stood 
prior to such decisions. The bill was brought, and read a 
first, second, and third time, when Mr. W. Smith took occa- 
sion to congratulate the house on the unanimity with which 
it had hitherto passed, and hailing it as a favourable omen 
of the growing liberality of the age. As an Act of Tolera- 
tion, he said, it was certainly the most complete which had 
been passed in this country ; and he concluded by proposing 
a clause " to continue the exemptions now enjoyed by the 
toleration act, without requiring a fresh oath;" which was 
agreed to. When the bill reached the upper house, Lord 
Holland warmly approved of it, and gave it his support. 

His lordship now renewed the subject of ex officio infor- 
mations, relative to which, on the 3rd of July, he presented 
to the house two bills — the object of the first of which he 
stated to be, to prevent delay between the commission of 
the offence and the filing of the information, and between 
the latter and proceeding to trial. The second bill was 
intended to repeal so much of the act of the 48th of George 
the Third, as related to holding persons to bail on ex officio 
informations. The bills were read a first time, and ordered 
to be printed. The second reading being moved on the 
17th July, Lord Holland rose, and made his introductory 



LORD HOLLAND. 1/3 

speech on the subject ; but as the whole of his argument 
was of a legal kind, it does not admit of abridgment. Lord 
Ellenborough started many legal objections to it, and pointed 
out various inconveniences to which it would give rise, and 
concluded by moving " that it be rejected." The bill was 
defended by Lord Erskine, who manfully opposed the Chief 
Justice — but it was finally lost by a majority of nine. There 
were several other subjects before the house, which called 
forth Lord Holland's powers during the session of 1812, 
particularly a motion by his friend the Marquis of Lans- 
downe, for suspending the orders in council, February 28th, 
which he ably supported ; and, in reply to Earl Bathurst, 
remarked that it was disgraceful to the legislature, and dis- 
gusting to the people, that measures which affected the best 
interests of the country, should be discussed, not upon their 
own merits, but as questions of consistency on the part of 
this or that administration. 

The fall of Napoleon gave peace to the continent of 
Europe, soon after this ; and in the year 1814, the allied 
sovereigns visited this country. Lord Holland received, 
through the medium of the Duchess of Oldenburgh, a mes- 
sage from the Emperor Alexander, intimating his wish for 
an interview. The day appointed for this was the llth of 
June, at half past five o'clock, when his lordship proceeded, 
in company with Lords Grey, Grenville, and Erskine, to the 
Pulteney Hotel, Piccadilly, where they were received very 
graciously by the Emperor, who entered into a long and 
interesting conversation with them, chiefly on political sub- 
jects, as connected with the party in opposition. In the 
autumn of the same year, Lord Holland visited the conti- 
nent, and, after spending a few w r eeks at Paris, went by the 
Simplon, Milan, Bologna, and Florence, to Rome, where 
he remained for the winter. At the approach of spring, he 
proceeded to Naples, where he had an opportunity of seeing 
much of the unfortunate Murat, who was then on the point 
of entering upon his desperate enterprise, to the north of 
Italy. Leaving Naples, his lordship travelled homewards. 



174 LORD HOLLAND. 

making his route through Rome, Florence, Venice, and the 
Tyrol, Munich, and Frankfort, to Brussels. 

It was during Lord Holland's residence at Naples, that an 
incident occurred which is worth mentioning, and this seems 
the proper pl-ace for doing it. His lordship, who was 
accompanied on his tour by the Duke of Bedford and Lord 
Conyngham, was, together with these two noblemen, pre- 
sented to the King of Naples, (Joachim Murat,) in the latter 
end of February, 1815. In the course of conversation, his 
Neapolitan majesty informed them, that the Emperor of 
Russia, who had no constitution at home, was for giving 
new ones to every country in Europe, and asked his illus- 
trious visitors what they thought upon the subject. Lord 
Holland promptly replied, " Constitutions, sire, cannot be 
given — they must be the growth of time." In the course of 
a few hours, the Duke San Theodore, who had been pre- 
viously known to Lord Holland as Neapolitan ambassador 
at Madrid, called upon him, and stated, that King Joachim 
had quoted his lordship, as giving him advice not to call his 
estates, or establish any constitution, although he had 
already pledged himself so to do. Lord Holland declared 
that he had been misunderstood, and disclaimed the inter- 
pretation which his majesty had put upon his words ; and 
at the duke's request, his lordship drew up, in the form of a 
letter, his views upon this subject. The original draft fell 
into the hands of the Austrian government, having been 
seized upon the person of a gentleman bearing despatches 
from Joachim to Lord William Bentinck, and was quickly 
magnified into treasonable importance. In consequence of 
the gross misstatements which were currently circulated on 
the occasion, Lord Holland was compelled, in self-defence, 
to print what he had written, which he did under the title 
of " A Letter to a Neapolitan Nobleman," and distribute it 
among his friends. It is singular, that, after sinking into 
oblivion, this letter should have, very recently, again been 
publicly referred to, and in a manner likely to create miscon- 
ception as to its contents. It is a plain and manly applica- 



LORD HOLLAND. 175 

tion of the principles of a freeman to his conception of the 
constitutional wants of a foreign state groaning under 
feudal institutions, bearing wholly on the formation of new 
political regulations, and without the slightest reference to 
the correction of long-established abuses in any existing 
kingdom. But the whole of this curious affair affords strik- 
ing proof, if any indeed were wanting, of the distance at 
which the continental governments were then left by the 
people of England, in point of liberal principles and poli- 
tical science in general. 

In 1816, when the bill to legalize the detention of 
Napoleon Buonaparte, as a prisoner of war, was brought 
before the House of Lords, Lord Holland raised his voice 
against it \ not, it would seem, from any political motive, 
for he was not countenanced in his opinion by the party 
with which he usually acted. Though his lordship wished 
to aid the natives of the Peninsula, and preserve them 
from becoming the slaves of imperial and imperious France, 
yet, when the despot who threatened the world with the 
terror of his arms was fallen from his high estate, the 
noble lord advocated a more generous treatment than 
Napoleon received from the agents of the government at 
St. Helena. His motion, however, for papers connected 
with this subject, was, in 1817? lost by a large majority. 
Nevertheless, until death relieved the prisoner, his lordship 
never ceased to deprecate, what he deemed the unwarrant- 
able conduct of government towards him. And while the 
noble lord was vehemently exposing in the senate, the pet- 
tiness of treatment and personal inconveniences to which 
Napoleon was subjected ; it is creditable to Lady Holland, 
that she was silently employed in bestowing those thou- 
sand little attentions which her sex alone could devise and 
minister. When the noble Eagle was " hawked and 
moused" at by Low underlings, her ladyship was employed 
in forwarding to Saint Helena books, journals, and many 
of those apparently trifling articles of domestic comfort, 
to the importance of which only female minds are alive ; 



176 LORD HOLLAND. 

and in this way she contributed to assuage the captivity 
of the vanquished Emperor. The latter felt grateful for 
those little attentions, and in testimony of his gratitude, 
the magnificent box, with the invaluable antique gem 
which enriches its lid, formerly consigned by Pope Pius 
the Sixth to Napoleon's possession, on the signing of the 
treaty of Tolentino, was, under the happier influence of 
grateful feeling, again conveyed by the latter, with these 
words, in his own hand-writing — "L'Empereur Napoleon 
a Lady Holland, temoignage de satisfaction, et d'estime." 
Lord Holland has illustrated this memorial in the following 
Latin and English lines : 

" Hanc iterum egregiae pietatis premia? gem mam, 

Victori intacta misit ab urbe Pius ; 
Hanc tibi dat meritam Dux, et captus, et exsul, 

Quod sola es casus ausa levare suos." 

" This gem, twice destined to reward 

The deeds of generous pity, 
Braschi gave him, whose conquering sword 

Spared Rome's imperial city. 

He, exiled, fallen, the prey, the jest, 

Of mean, unmanly foes, 
Grants it to you, oh ! just bequest, 

Who felt and soothed his woes." 

From this digression, we return to trace Lord Holland 
in his senatorial capacity. 

In the year 1819, Lord Liverpool brought in a bill for 
placing the custody of the King's person (George the 
Third) in the hands of the Duke of York, with an allowance 
to his Royal Highness of ten thousand pounds a year, as 
a remuneration of his services in this station. On the 
26th of January, when the second reading of the bill was 
ordered, Lord Holland objected to it, on the ground that 
an imperium in imperio would be established by it, in the 
person of the Duke of York, so far at least as respected 
all the offices on the establishment which it was intended 
to confer upon him. He did not object to vesting the care 



LORD HOLLAND. 177 

and custody of the afflicted monarch in the Duke of York, 
whom he undoubtedly considered, from his station, his high 
character, and the relation in which he stood to his Majesty, 
to be the fittest person who could be chosen for that high 
trust; but he thought the bill was, by the clause relative 
to the Windsor establishment, made inconsistent, and that 
to render it an intelligent piece of legislation, it was abso- 
lutely necessary that the clause should be struck out. — 
On a former occasion, when he (Lord Holland) thought 
the Windsor establishment much too large for any pur- 
poses of comfort to our afflicted monarch, lords of the bed- 
chamber started up to say, that they who had stuck by 
the King in his prosperity, would not desert him in his 
adversity ; and that they would not take away one iota 
from the splendour which surrounded their sovereign. 
What security was there now, that lords of the bed-cham- 
ber might not again start up, to declare that they would 
not take away any of the splendour which surrounded the 
monarch ? Surely it became the house to pause before 
they sanctioned an establishment, without knowing of what 
that establishment was to consist. If they agreed to the 
clause in its present shape, without any qualification, they 
would allow a principle of larger extent than the noble lord 
would himself, upon reflection, be disposed to recognize. 

Soon after this, the foreign enlistment bill having passed 
the lower house, was introduced into the House of Lords 
by Earl Bathurst, in a speech of considerable length, June 
28th — at the conclusion of which Lord Holland rose in 
reply. He began by remarking on the vast variety of 
motives which had been adduced for passing this bill, and 
also the various grounds on which it had been defended by 
ministers and their friends. If in the ordinarjr transactions 
between man and man in common life, said his lordship, 
a person was found to state various and contradictory mo- 
tives for a particular action, his conduct would lead to a 
suspicion, that those alleged motives were mere pretences, 
and that the real ones were concealed. If, m addition to 

2a 



178 LORD HOLLAND. 

the variety and inconsistency of his statements, we found 
that he accounted for his conduct on grounds of so roman- 
tic a nature as indicated the absence of all our usual feel- 
ings, and a neglect of our most cherished interests, it 
would not be uncharitable to imagine, that he not only 
aimed at concealment, but that his real motive, if disclosed, 
was of two odious a character to be openly avowed and 
defended. Now, when he recollected the course pursued 
respecting this measure, he could not but feel that the 
description now given was very applicable to it. When 
he called to mind what happened, more particularly in 
another place, where it was introduced on the ground of 
correcting an anomaly in our criminal law, by persons that 
opposed themselves to any revision or improvement of the 
criminal code, he could not but suspect the alleged mo- 
tive. That ground was afterwards deserted, as being found 
too narrow for the superstructure to be raised upon it : 
and then we were told that the measure was necessary, to 
preserve the principles of neutrality, Subsequently it had 
been discovered, that this foundation was still too con- 
fined, and now the house was called upon to adopt the 
measure before it, because the country was pledged to it 
by the modification introduced into our practice by the 
stipulations of a particular treaty, which was completely 
at variance with the argument in its favour drawn from 
the principles of neutrality. It had been said that the 
interests of the country were on the other side of the ques- 
tion, and the noble earl himself seemed to maintain the 
same opinion in his reasonings from analogy; but if it 
was against the commercial interests of England that the 
bill should pass, it was still more decidedly against the 
feelings of Englishmen ! After replying to various argu- 
ments brought in favour of the bill, Lord Holland went 
on to state the dangers which would result from this new 
doctrine of neutrality. Should the present law be found 
insufficient for its purpose, the King of Spain might come 
forward, backed by the Amphictionic council of Europe, 



LORD HOLLAND. 170 

the assembled congress, and demand stronger measures. 
Ministers might then find that a police must be established, 
the executive armed with new and extraordinary powers, 
and emigration prohibited. The freedom of our press 
might next be attacked, at the instigation of Ferdinand the 
Seventh. His lordship said he was the more opposed to 
this act, when he considered it as one of a multitude of acts 
which seemed to be in contemplation, and that it went pari 
jure with the alien act. He would not proceed one step 
further in such a policy. 

On the 30th of June, a circumstance occurred in the 
House of Lords, which seems to have been peculiarly gratify- 
ing to the feelings of Lord Holland — namely, the reversal 
of Lord Edward Fitzgerald's attainder. This nobleman, for 
his indiscreet conduct in Ireland, about the time of the 
breaking out of the French revolution, fell under the dis- 
pleasure of government, and fled the kingdom, in conse- 
quence of which he was outlawed, leaving a son and daughter 
under a disgraceful stigma. The son entered the army 
under the command of the Duke of Wellington, who bore 
testimony to the brave, and honourable, and excellent con- 
duct of the young man, during the time he had been 
acquainted with him. Lord Liverpool brought in a bill, as 
an act of grace, on the part of the crown, to reverse the 
attainder of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, by which the blood of 
his two children, Edward Fox Fitzgerald, and Louisa Maria 
Fitzgerald, had become corrupted, and to restore these two 
unfortunate individuals to their full rights, as British sub- 
jects. Lord Liverpool stated several reasons on which the 
bill was grounded, among which was, the meritorious con- 
duct of the young man in serving his country with distinc- 
tion in the field, and concluded with remarking, that " The 
crown, in proposing this act of grace, was performing what 
was peculiarly grateful to the feelings of the Prince Regent \ 
and he had no doubt that it would be equally grateful to 
those of their lordships, to mitigate the severity of a measure 
passed in unhappy and unfortunate times." 



180 LORD HOLLAND. 

Lord Holland rose under feelings which he declared him- 
self unable to restrain, so powerfully were they at that mo- 
ment excited. He must express his gratitude, he said, to 
his Royal Highness for the act of grace he had caused to be 
proposed, his acknowledgments to the noble earl for the 
honourable and manly manner in which he had moved it, 
and his thanks to the gallant duke for his testimony in 
behalf of one of the individuals who were to profit by it. 
" He felt great satisfaction, he said, at the manner in which 
the preamble was worded, both on public and private 
accounts : with the private reasons it would be improper to 
trouble their lordships ; and with the public ones, it would 
be both injudicious and ungrateful to interfere on an occa- 
sion where unanimity was of so much importance." The 
bill was read a first time, and on the 7th July it was carried 
into effect. 

Soon after the opening of parliament in 1821, Earl Grey, 
in the House of Lords, wished to institute an inquiry into 
the conduct of the allied powers, Russia, Prussia, and Aus- 
tria, respecting Naples, where something of a revolutionary 
spirit had manifested itself, which drew down upon them 
the indignation of the holy alliance. The speech of the 
noble earl on this occasion, which was eminently distin- 
guished for its comprehensive views and liberal principles, 
was intended to ascertain how far Lord Liverpool and his 
colleagues were disposed to sanction the interference of 
these powers with the concerns of an independent state, in 
crushing the spirit of freedom, and preventing the Neapo- 
litans from obtaining a redress of their grievances, and fixing 
a limit to arbitrary power. As no notice has been taken 
of this masterly speech in the life of Earl Grey, and the 
better to enable the reader to enter into the merits of Lord 
Holland's very interesting address to which it gave rise, it 
may not be improper, in this place, to introduce an abridged 
account of the whole debate. 

On the 20th of February, Earl Grey rose to move for 
such further information as was necessary to obtain a view 



LORD HOLLAND. 181 

of all the circumstances by which their lordships might be 
enabled to form a correct judgment on the conduct of his 
majesty's ministers, relative to Naples. He then proceeded 
to notice the changes that had recently taken place in that 
government, and the manner in which the allied sovereigns 
had chosen to interfere in the matter. Of this interference, 
explanations had been given in the Hamburg Correspondent, 
in the preceding month of December, in a document pur- 
porting to be a circular of the allied powers. In this paper 
a claim was set up, which was nothing less than the right 
of a general superintendence of the states of Europe, and of 
the suppression of all changes in their internal government, 
if those changes should be hostile to what the holy alliance 
called the legitimate principles of government. Those 
monarchs, it appeared, had assumed the censorship of Eu- 
rope, and sat in judgment on the internal transactions of 
other states, and even took upon themselves to summon 
before them the monarch of an independent state — to pro- 
nounce judgment on a constitution, which, in concert with 
his people, he had given to his country, and threatened to 
enforce their judgment by arms. This, Lord Grey insisted, 
was to declare plainly, that all changes of government, 
which did not square with their ideas of propriety, were to 
be put down — a principle than which nothing more unjust, 
nothing more atrocious, could be advanced. 

Such a monstrous principle as that upon which the allied 
powers professed to act with respect to Naples, Lord Grey 
contended, had never been heard of in the history of the 
world. That a people offering no encouragement to rebel- 
lion in other nations, and announcing no projects of foreign 
aggression, but merely making improvements, or operating 
changes in its own internal government, should present a 
fit subject of complaint, remonstrance, or interference, on 
the part of its neighbours, was such a monstrous principle 
as had never been maintained by any writer on public law, 
nor ever before acted on by the most profligate ambition. 
" Look at the situation and conduct of the people that were 



182 LORD HOLLAND. 

so menaced/' continued the noble earl, " no force was 
offered to independent states — no aggression had taken 
place, or was threatened — no principles subversive of 
general order were professed : the laws were preserved and 
enforced ; the sovereign was maintained in his office ; and 
merely because the monstrous system on which the govern- 
ment had formerly been conducted (a system which had 
destroyed the resources, and depressed the energies, of the 
people of that country) had been improved, and the power 
of the king limited by his own consent : although every 
thing was done inoffensively, and without tumult or con- 
fusion, yet the holy alliance threatened to overthrow the 
constitution which had been established, and to destroy the 
improvements which had been effected, lest they might 
excite the hopes of neighbouring states to attain similar 
advantages. This was the reason of their interference ; this 
was the necessity on which they justified their departure 
from the principles of international law. There never was 
a revolution, in the history of the world, brought about in a 
more peaceful manner, or exhibiting itself in a less offensive 
form to neighbouring nations. Not a drop of blood, so far 
as he was informed, had been shed ; no tumults or violence 
had taken place ; the property of no individual had been 
invaded; the king was not only maintained upon his throne, 
but had sanctioned the limitations of his authority, had 
given his consent to the constitution by which it was hence- 
forward to be regulated ; and yet it was against this revo- 
lution that the vengeance of the allied sovereigns was 
denounced in the general principle of interference which 
they professed ; and this country was called upon to sanc- 
tion the application of a law, which would condemn in the 
abstract every attempt of an independent state to improve 
its government, or better the laws for its internal regula- 
tion. He held in his hand a diplomatic note of Campo 
Chiaro, in which that minister appealed to the sovereigns of 
Europe in favour of the revolution effected in his country, 
and justified it as being neither dangerous nor offensive 



LORD HOLLAND. 183 

to foreign states. The allied sovereigns, with this explana- 
tion before them, and acquainted with the conduct and cir- 
cumstances of the Neapolitan revolution, had interfered on 
the general principle of a right to interfere, and had thus 
the merit of acting openly, and without disguise, not aggra- 
vating the violence of injustice by the meanness of duplicity 
and fraud. He could not but declare, that he considered 
this as one of the most monstrous instances that the world 
had ever heard of, and the conduct of our government, with 
respect to it, demanded the strictest scrutiny and the most 
explicit explanation." 

Earl Grey continued : It was said, that the revolution of 
Naples was the work of the Carbonari — a sect formed in 
1812, and at that time encouraged and protected by the 
allies, and supported by them as an instrument against 
France. The object which that sect then professed to pur- 
sue was a constitution for Italy, and the expulsion of the 
French power from that country ; it was then a favourite 
with the allies. Let their lordships look at the revolution 
which took place in our own country, in 1688, and he would 
ask them if it could have been carried into effect without 
the combinations of those great men who restored and 
secured our religion, our laws, and our liberties, and with- 
out such mutual communications among them as would 
bring them under the description of a sect or party. And 
with regard to the revolution at Naples, though it had been 
brought about by a smaller number than such a powerful 
and long-established body as the Carbonari were, that cir- 
cumstance, in his opinion, would not have impeached its 
merits, or have given the allies any additional right of inter- 
ference, especially when it was considered that it was 
adopted by the old people, without being imposed upon 
them by any force or violence. They not only showed a 
passive acquiescence in the operations of this sect, but 
actively concurred in establishing the constitution which 
they introduced ; and what was at first a sect, became at 
last, according to an expression which he had heard used, 



184 LORD HOLLAND. 

<( the universal people." That the revolution was the effect 
of the general will, might be proved by the rapidity with 
which it was established, and the unanimity with which it 
had been supported. We had seen, during that great change, 
none of the usual heats and animosities with which revolu- 
tions are frequently accompanied — none of those tumults 
and conflicts which arise from difference of opinion. It was 
established in a few days, without confusion or blood, and, 
he believed, had no parallel in the history of the world. 

They were told, said Earl Grey, however, that the Nea- 
politan revolution had not only been the work of a sect, 
but that they had employed the army as the instrument 
in effecting their purpose. But if so, he did not see any 
more strength in this objection than in the former. If 
they were to have armies, they must reconcile themselves 
to the idea, that when a soldier enlisted into them, he did 
not surrender the feelings of a man — that he remained a 
citizen when under arms, and must sympathize with his 
countrymen. In a revolution, the army must always take 
one side or the other : it must support the sovereign against 
the people, or aid the people in demanding their rights 
from the sovereign. God forbid that it should always and 
in all circumstances take the side of arbitrary power ! 
God forbid that tyranny, however monstrous or oppressive, 
should always be defended by the army ! He rejoiced to 
consider that soldiers when enlisted did not cease to be 
men, and that sovereigns were sometimes taught, by their 
taking an opposite side, that their best guards and protec- 
tion were the confidence and love of the people. God 
forbid that in all circumstances they should support arbi- 
trary power against the just claims of liberty, and that 
language like the following should be held to nations 
desirous of improving the system of their government — 
language, however, which was held, in effect, by the pre- 
sent interference ; for thus it was that the allied sovereigns 
addressed the people : " Reform you may have, but it 
must come of our free will, and you must not employ the 



LOUD HOLLAND. 185 

only means, or use the only instrument, by which it can 
be procured. The sect, or the army, which has assisted you 
must be disbanded or punished ; and after you have done 
so, we shall give you that portion of liberty which we 
shall think proper to dispense." What, asked the noble 
earl, would have been our position at the time when our 
ancestors exerted themselves to establish that constitution 
which they had handed down to us, had the army, which 
was then less than it is now, continued firm to that mis- 
guided monarch, James the Second, in opposing the just 
claims of his subjects ? How lamentable would have been 
our situation, and how much would the recovery of our 
religion and our laws have been impeded, had the army 
at that time acted so as to earn the approbation of a body 
of sovereigns like the holy alliance ! Divesting the prin- 
ciples promulgated in the circular, and the conduct of the 
allies, of all pretexts, what language did they hold out to 
the people of Naples, but the following ? " You shall have 
no liberty, but what is agreeable to our will. We cannot 
permit it to be enjoyed in our states, nor will we allow it 
in you. As we are resolved not to give freedom ourselves, 
we will not have free neighbours. Naples might encourage 
the people of Germany, and the people in the north of 
Italy, to demand a similar boon. It might incite the in- 
habitants of Breslau, or of the banks of the Rhine, to seek 
for those constitutions which have been long promised and 
always delayed ; nay, it might even penetrate into the 
frosts of Russia, and elicit a new spark in the breasts of 
those who expelled Buonaparte from their inhospitable 
wilds. Expect not, therefore, that we can permit you to 
improve the system of your government. Overthrow the 
constitution you have recently established, or prepare for 
the full infliction of our wrath." 

In concluding his speech, which in every respect was 
worthy of a British statesman, Earl Grey remarked, that 
the sovereigns of Europe had met to declare, that no new 
reforms should be permitted, but such as emanated from 

2 b 



18G LORD HOLLAND. 

themselves, or had received their sanction. He now, there- 
fore, called upon ministers to explain their conduct, in ap- 
pearing to favour such a confederacy, and in committing 
the government to acts so derogatory from the interests 
and the honour of the country. He called upon them to 
explain why their conduct had been so different in the 
two cases of Spain and Naples, which were so similar in 
their nature. When the Spanish revolution was effected, 
no suspension of intercourse had taken place ; and he 
wished to know why our relations with Naples should have 
been placed on a different footing. He asked these ex- 
planations for the honour and safety of the country, which 
had been compromised by the undecided, temporizing, and, 
he would add, pusillanimous conduct of his Majesty's min- 
isters. He should rejoice to find that the noble earl 
(Liverpool) could make these explanations satisfactorily ; 
but, at any rate, he should sit down with the consciousness 
of having discharged his duty, even though he might be 
disappointed by the vote of the house in obtaining the 
papers for which he moved. The noble earl then moved 
for copies or extracts of all communications between his 
Majesty's government and foreign governments, relative 
to the affairs of Naples. 

The Earl of Liverpool, in opposing the motion, entered 
upon an elaborate apology for the holy alliance, and insisted 
that the revolution at Naples was the effect of a military 
mutiny, and that the contagion was spreading to Sicily, 
which made it necessary for the allied sovereigns to inter- 
pose, and arrest its progress. 

Lord Holland then rose, and prefaced his speech by 
remarking, that the last time he had the honour of address- 
ing their lordships on this subject, he had supposed a 
dialogue to pass between the Emperor of Austria and the 
British government ; and he had somewhat irreverently sug- 
gested that they might borrow the materials from the bur- 
letta of Tom Thumb. He was now, however, of opinion, 
combining recent occurrences with the circular then upon 



LORD HOLLAND. 187 

their table, that they had really adopted a dialogue from 
another work of a similar kind. He recollected that Sir 
Christopher Hatton, in the Critic, thus addresses the gal- 
lant Raleigh : 

" Tell me, thou champion of thy country's fame — 
For there's a question which I still must ask, 
A question which I never ask'd before — 
What mean these mighty armaments, 
This general msuter, and this throng of chiefs ?" 

The stander-by immediately asks, " How came Sir Chris- 
topher Hatton never to ask that question before }" and the 
author immediately replies, " What, before the play began ? 
how the plague could he }" Sir Walter Raleigh then 
goes on to inform Sir Christopher Hatton of many things 
with which he is very well acquainted, when the stander- 
by again interferes, and asks the author, "Why, as Sir 
Christopher Hatton knew all that, did Sir Walter Raleigh 
go on telling it him ?" To whom the author replies, 
rather indignantly, " He knows it well enough, it is true, 
but the audience are not supposed to know any thing of the 
matter — are they ?" Now the ministers of England, Aus- 
tria, and Naples were just situated like the characters in 
this drama; England, who knew what was in agitation, 
sent this circular to Austria, who also knew what was in 
agitation, and kept it back from Naples, that was in the 
situation of the audience, and knew nothing at all about 
it until the knowledge of it had become as useless as it 
was unnecessary. " But/' said the noble lord, " we took 
the earliest opportunity of stating the disapprobation which 
we felt at the mode in which the revolution at Naples was 
effected ; and surely we are at liberty to express that dis- 
approbation/' The noble lord, most undoubtedly, was at 
liberty so to do ; but then, to whom ? If he was such a 
lover of neutrality, as he professed himself to be, to whom 
ought he to have expressed it ? To the offending parties 
themselves, surely, and not to their enemies. The noble 
lord, however, in his breathless haste to prejudge the ease. 



188 LORD HOLLAND. 

reversed the whole matter — never said a word to the Nea- 
politans, but pointed out all their faults to their Austrian 
enemies ; and yet this the noble lord calls acting with 
impartiality ! He would put a case to their lordships to 
shew more distinctly the nature of this impartiality. 
" Suppose/' said his lordship, " that I have two friends ; 
one a little weak timid man, and the other a great raw-boned 
hulking fellow. Suppose also that by some means or 
other the little fellow offends the great one. Well, I go to 
my great tall strapping friend, and say to him — " That's a 
strange meddling little fellow, I don't like him — I totally 
disapprove of his conduct." Quitting his house, I return 
home, and order my porter never to admit the little fellow 
into my house again \ and, though I pass by his house 
every day, I never call upon him, so that I give him no 
opportunity of entering into explanation with me about 
his conduct. I then say to myself, "How impartial I am !" 
and am quite vexed if any body doubts it. In a few days 
afterwards, I walk along the streets, and see the huge fel- 
low trampling the little one under his feet, and belabouring 
his sides most unmercifully with a great oaken cudgel ; 
I pass on, and don't interfere, except to make a speech, 
and to tell all my acquaintance, that my little friend has 
behaved very ill, and that I don't approve of his conduct. 
Should I, after this, be entitled to the character of an im- 
partial man V 

Having contrasted the impartiality of a man acting in 
this manner with the alleged impartiality of the British 
government towards the people of Naples, Lord Holland 
proceeded to ask, Why the secretary for foreign affairs 
had, in the circular to which his name was affixed, entered 
into discussion with the Emperor of Austria ? That grave 
emperor, it was well known, hated discussion : he had lately 
told the world so. But he likewise hated learning, and 
loved its opposite. The circular, therefore, notwithstand- 
ing its other faults, might please the royal and imperial 
palate — for, certainly, it was better calculated than any 



LORD HOLLAND. 

document which had ever preceded it to captivate an indi- 
vidual who was not to be captivated by beauty of style or 
clearness of composition. What occasion, however, was 
there for him to interfere at all with this grave and potent 
emperor, and to state his disapprobation of such and such 
principles of action, unless they were in pursuit of one 
common object ? What that object was, it was not for 
him at present to declare ; and he should therefore leave 
the circular for a while, and advert to what had fallen from 
his noble friend, the Earl of Liverpool. He had told them 
that though there might be cases in which he should not 
disapprove of an army taking a part in the accomplish- 
ment of a revolution, he could never approve of one which 
originated with, and was entirely effected by, a military 
body. His lordship said he would not enter into a discus- 
sion of that principle at present, but would content him- 
self with saying, that he hoped the recent events of Spain 
Portugal, and Naples, where such glorious deeds had been 
achieved by the soldiery, would operate as a warning to 
the great despots of the earth ; or if not to them, at least 
to their subjects, teaching the former that it is better to 
rest their force upon the affections of their people, than 
upon the bayonets of their soldiers ; and the latter, that 
the power of tyranny, however formidable in the outset, 
cannot long resist the united attacks of liberty and know- 
ledge. In making this declaration, he was indulging a 
feeling that was common to all who had the love of liberty 
at heart, though the noble earl had the boldness to assert 
that it had never been the feeling of the people of 
England. 

Lord Holland was very ready to admit, that Naples was 
not so important a power in the European system as France ; 
and some persons might imagine, that an outrage upon its 
independence was therefore comparatively unimportant. 
But the invasion of Naples originated in the same spirit — 
it was the offspring of the same policy which led to the 
combination against France. It was, if he might so speak, 



-* 



190 LORD HOLLAND. 

" a cub of the same litter ;" it bore about it all the marks 
of its lineage and extraction — 

" Sic canibus catulos similes, sic matribus hasdos." 

Let what might take place under such circumstances, the 
British people would still express their sentiments ; nor 
would their attention be withdrawn or confused by any of 
the productions of the foreign department. 

The noble earl (Liverpool) had distinctly stated, that it 
never was in the contemplation of his Majesty's government, 
to go to war with Naples ; and, for his own part, he felt 
perfectly assured that such was not their intenticn. The 
best illustration of their views was undoubtedly to be drawn 
from their recorded statements and doctrines ; but he was 
disposed to give implicit credit to this declaration of the 
noble lord. What their lordships had to consider at pre- 
sent was, the question, whether the British government had 
openly avowed to the world, or clearly intimated to the 
King of Naples, the principles on which it was determined 
to act. Had the British government, or had it not, made 
known to Europe, in time for any useful or practical pur- 
pose, that it would lend no countenance or sanction to the 
enterprise of the northern powers ? might not an earlier 
declaration of the views of England have had some influence 
with other states ? that it was a supposed countenance on 
our part which encouraged the confederacy, was, he thought, 
as evident as it could be made in the jargon or unintelligi- 
ble stuff that had issued from the foreign office on this sub- 
ject. The more he attempted to analyze those documents, 
the more rigid and chemical the means by which he 
carried on that analysis — the stronger was his conviction 
that the British government had acted in a way which 
favoured the aggression upon Naples. The confederated 
kings alluded to their subsisting alliances with this county, 
in proclamations which boasted of their moral and physical 
strength, but which indicated that their alliance was upon 
the last alone. 

The Earl of Liverpool had rested the defence of his 



LORD HOLLAND. J 91 

government on principles of foreign policy ; but Lord Hol- 
land considered them to be widely different from those 
which he had called upon parliament to approve, and on 
which he would continue the war in Spain. On that occa- 
sion, the noble earl had most truly stated the nature and 
limits of those causes that might lawfully lead to foreign 
interference with the domestic concerns of an independent 
people. The noble lord had then clearly shown how far it 
might become the interest of this country to enter deeply 
into those concerns. But whatever might now be said by 
the noble lord or his colleagues, he feared it was too late 
to apply a remedy. The die was cast, and, far as it was 
from his intention to undervalue the force of a British army, 
he must still say, that the real strength of England lay in 
its influence and authority — in its money and its character. 
This had been the case since the reign of Henry the Eighth, 
and, yet more emphatically, since the reign of Elizabeth. 
It was then that the genius and spirit of modern civilization 
were most advantageously displayed, and that principles 
were established which might serve as landmarks for suc- 
ceeding ages. Queen Elizabeth, with a sagacity that seemed 
constitutional in her, and which, with various blemishes and 
defects of character, still made her the greatest woman that 
ever mingled with political affairs, acquired a mighty 
influence on the continent, without any trespass on national 
independence. She became the rallying point of the pro- 
testants in Europe ; and to her wise and magnanimous 
policy was protestantism indebted for its early protection 
and support. Without dwelling on the faults of a succeed- 
ing race of princes, he should say that many public misfor- 
tunes had arisen out of their departure from the same course. 
Upon prudential motives, as well as on grounds of public 
right and of general policy, he would call upon the noble 
lord to consider the probable effects of that course in which 
he was engaged, as regarded Naples. He had often heard 
him, in the instance of Spain, insist on the energy belong- 
ing to popular sentiment, and on the force which always 



192 LORD HOLLAND. 

accompanied the efforts of a free people. He had heard 
the noble lord maintain, not only that the war was popular 
in Spain, but that its success was owing to its popularity. 
This was an argument, and a most powerful one, for repel- 
ling the atrocious usurpation of Buonaparte. That usurpa- 
tion was one of the most unjustifiable aggressions ever com- 
mitted ; it had been deservedly condemned ; and most 
readily did he join upon this point in the verdict of condem- 
nation, passed as it was upon one whom he must still regard 
as a great man, and to whom, in his adversity, he was the 
more willing to pay the tribute due to his talents and 
virtues. 

But the noble lord (Liverpool) had himself said, that 
from the period of the occupation of Spain, the French 
power Degan to lose its stability ; in which sentiment he 
fully agreed with the noble earl. By the violent usurpa- 
tion of the Spanish throne, the ruler of France destroyed 

himself — 

(l eo ictu sese confecit" — 

from that moment general opinion became arrayed against 
the French government, and that general opinion w T as the 
cause of the ultimate success of the allied armies. But if 
general opinion had such an effect during war, did the 
noble earl think that it ought to have no effect during 
peace ? The noble earl was too much of a statesman not 
to know that wars must again occur; and, when that 
was the case, we could place no dependence but on the 
justice of our conduct, our magnanimity, and our fairness 
of nroceeding towards the rest of Europe. We had had 
an opportunity, by a seasonable and strong remonstrance, 
to place ourselves at the head of the popular opinion. The 
Carbonari, who were now regarded as so dangerous, had 
taken their origin in secret societies in Germany, insti- 
tuted for the double purpose of shaking off the yoke of 
France, and the powers allied with France, and of estab- 
lishing freedom on a better foundation than before. They 
had been encouraged for that purpose in almost every part 



LORD HOLLAND. 193 

of Europe ; and he believed they had been encouraged for 
that purpose in Italy. Every state in Europe, while thus 
struggling against France, promised a free constitution to 
its people. He must do Austria the justice to say, that 
she had violated no promise of this kind, for she had 
given no promise of liberty to her subjects. But, with 
the exception of Austria, all the states of Europe, even 
Russia, had promised free constitutions to their subjects, 
and all violated their promises. It had been said that the 
example of Naples might be dangerous to neighbouring 
despotisms. Mere vicinity was, he believed, the ratio 
suasoria of the interference, whatever ratio justificatoria 
might be assumed or pretended. His lordship declared he 
would not give five years' purchase, for the stability of a 
despotism, in any territory near the place where freedom 
was fairly established. He agreed with the noble earl, that 
there was danger, and he rejoiced exceedingly that there 
was danger to a despotic government, from the mere vicinity 
of freedom. But the mode of meeting the danger was, 
not by attacking the free government, but by improving 
their own. What more monstrous proposition could be 
stated, than that, because our own government is bad, we must 
protect it by attacking a neighbouring good government — 
because our state is founded in rottenness, we must attack 
a neighbouring state whose foundation was pure — because 
our own habitation was founded on stubble, we must pro- 
hibit a neighbour, within the enclosure of a strong wall, 
from lighting his pipe, for fear of our straw-built fabric ! 
Was ever any thing so contrary to reason, to justice, to 
good feeling, stated among men ? He was sure, and he 
wished that truth could be conveyed to the ears of the 
monarchs who were leagued against national liberty ; he 
was sure, whatever differences might exist on questions 
of policy and measures of state, there was not a man within 
the walls of that house, who could lay his hand on his 
heart, and say that the motive of the Austrians was not 
this monstrous desire of preserving its own rottenness by 

2 c 



194 LORD HOLLAND. 

destroying the purity of a neighbouring state. Lord Hol- 
land then concluded, by expressing his ardent and confi- 
dent hope, that those who attempted to stop the tide of 
freedom and improvement, which had set in so strongly 
and so auspiciously, would themselves be overwhelmed 
in the torrent, and that the spirit which manifested so 
many favourable indications of its soundness and strength, 
would fully accomplish its object, by renovating cor- 
rupted states, and establishing the liberty and security of 
nations. 

The enlightened and liberal sentiments uniformly per- 
vading this speech, so characteristic of the noble lord who 
delivered it, and so worthy of a British statesman, senator, 
and patriot, have induced us to give it at considerable 
length, from a conviction of its utility to the cause of con- 
stitutional freedom. It merits to be preserved and per- 
petuated by every possible method. Earl Grey closed the 
debate by observing, that the course pursued by ministers 
in the present unwarrantable enterprise against Naples, had 
degraded the character of the country, and done more to 
destroy the first principles of the independence of nations, 
and the dearest interests of kingdoms, than any thing 
within his memory or knowledge. 

When the Marquis of Lansdowne moved the Unitarian 
marriage bill, May 4th, 1824, he found an able supporter 
in Lord Holland, who rose to reply to the lord- chancellor, 
Eldon, on whose speech he was not a little facetious. After 
the former long discussion which had taken place, Lord 
Holland remarked, that he did not expect so much warmth 
and anxiety expressed on the motion for going into the 
committee. On coming down to the house, instead of 
employing himself in considering the important bill before 
them, he had taken up a volume of the correspondence of the 
amiable poet, Cowper, in which he met with a story which he 
would relate. Cowper tells us, that, one day, as he was walk- 
ing along the sea- shore, he met with a great lawyer, whom, 
in language somewhat familiar, he called Sam Cox, who 



LORD HOLLAND. 195 

appeared meditating deeply on the vast expanse of waters 
before him. Cowper asked him what he was musing on ; 
when he replied, he was thinking how strange it was that 
the vast element he was contemplating, should produce so 
contemptible a creature as a sprat ! His lordship went 
on to remark, that what he felt was the converse of what 
was felt by this great lawyer ; for, he was at a loss to con- 
ceive how this sprat in legislation, this miserable bill, could 
have produced so great a commotion in the house, and that it 
should be thought by the reverend bench to disturb the peace 
of the church. He was equally at a loss to know how the 
learned lord on the woolsack could think that his abstruse 
refinements and latent doubts should be brought into ques- 
tion by this little bill. He would recommend it to the 
noble and learned lord, not to cry " Wolf 1" at every little 
mouse on the floor. He should not be so ready " to rin 
an chase, wi' murd'rin' prattle," the " wee, sleakit, cowrin' 
tim'rous beastie !" 

Although Lord Holland was an ostensible opponent of 
Lord Liverpool's administration, yet, when, on the political 
decease of that nobleman, Mr. Canning was invested by his 
sovereign with the premiership, his lordship avowed his 
determination to give him his support, as far as consistency 
and principle would permit him to do it ; and, accordingly, 
he took his seat on the ministerial benches. Being some- 
what taunted with a charge of inconsistency on this score, 
his lordship spoke to the following effect in vindication of 
his conduct, on the 17th of May, 1827, and it is only an 
act of justice to the noble peer to record his defence. 

"It has always been my endeavour to abstain from 
troubling your lordships with any observations at any time, 
except upon questions at the moment under your considera- 
tion, or likely soon to be brought before you for discussion ; 
but it is the fashion now-a-days, since the recess at least, to 
introduce discussions totally irrelevant to the consideration 
of any subject, involving no general principles on which it 
would be likely that your lordships' decisions should be 



196 LORD HOLLAND. 

required, but only making professions of faith on the one 
side, or examining into professions of faith on the other ; 
not only with respect to the government, but to those indi- 
viduals who are connected with it, or intend to give it their 
support. It has happened that recently I have changed, not 
so much my company as my seat, and some observations 
have been made upon that circumstance ; and I am put 
upon my trial, not for any opinion I have expressed — not 
for any vote I have given— not for any principle I have 
entertained — but for the seat I have thought fit to occupy. 
I am called on to explain why I have changed my seat, and 
why those who have acted with me, have changed their 
seats at the same moment. It has been said, that I and my 
noble friends have hitherto disagreed with his majesty's 
government. That is not strictly true ; though, if we had 
disagreed upon all questions, our disagreement would have 
been much more strong with those who have quitted his 
majesty's service, than with those who have remained in it ; 
yet we are charged with inconsistency by those who have 
quitted that service — a charge which I again deny. It 
seems to me, that in point of consistency our case and their 
own are nearly similar ; for if they claim the merit of con- 
sistency in opposing a government with which they find 
fault, surely we have our equal claim to that merit in sup- 
porting a government which we see approaches most nearly 
to those principles we have so long advocated. 

" The noble lord who spoke last but one, put the question 
of our conduct upon that of Catholic emancipation, and 
seemed at a loss to comprehend the course we have pursued, 
as he supposed that the present government would act with 
regard to that question upon the same principles as those 
which had distinguished the administration of Lord Liver- 
pool. Now, I hold that not to be exactly the case, because 
I do not think that the present government holds, entirely, 
the same principles as Lord Liverpool's government did. 
I have always heard it stated, that a person most inimical to 
the Catholic claims was at the head of that government. 



LORD HOLLAND. 19/ 

One of two things is true — either it was as I state, or it 
w r as not. I am alluding to what has been stated as one of 
the reasons for the resignation of those noble lords who 
have lately quitted his Majesty's service ; of whose resigna- 
tion I do not complain, since it will be better for my argu- 
ment, if what they have done be founded upon right reason- 
ing — and I say, that whether the general principles of Lord 
Liverpool's government are to be departed from or not, this 
I know, that the present head of the administration differs 
so far at least from Lord Liverpool, that he is not inimical 
to the Catholic claims. 

"The noble earl who lately addressed your lordships, 
seemed to suppose that those who were favourable to these 
claims, and who now gave their support to the government, 
ought to have required, if they had been dealt fairly with, 
that as there was a majority in the cabinet, the government 
should be pledged to concede the Catholic question ; at 
least, this appeared to me to be his opinion, when he called 
on me to explain why I sit here, and why, without the cer- 
tainty of carrying that question, I gave my support to 
government ? My reason is shortly this — that without any 
such absolute pledge, I can forward the claims which I have 
long supported. What, my lords, on the one hand, is likely 
to be the consequence of my taking my seat on this side of 
the house ? I am willing to try the propriety of the change 
I have made, even upon the Catholic question alone ; and 
I say, that when I had reason to believe that that govern- 
ment, which was composed of individuals to whom I felt I 
could unite myself upon that question, might not have been 
constituted, as it now is, without my support, and beyond 
this, that those to whom I am opposed upon that question, 
might then have formed the government, I was justified in 
affording that support which would answer, if not the imme- 
diate success, at least the ultimate advantage of that ques- 
tion which I had so long advocated, and would prevent the 
adoption of those measures which, throughout my political 
life, I had opposed, deprecated, and lamented. The same 



198 LORD HOLLAND. 

arguments, therefore, upon which noble lords on the other 
side maintained their consistency, are sufficient to prove the 
consistency of my noble friends and myself. I say, there- 
fore, that we are not fairly without a test of the consistency 
of both parties 5 and noble lords upon the opposite side of 
the house can easily determine, if they please, whether a 
majority of your lordships can justify their opinions by your 
own, and can afford to place your confidence in his Majesty's 
ministers. 

u Those noble lords have been called a factious opposi- 
tion, and they seem jealous of the expression ; but I think I 
may assure them, that when they have sat there a little 
longer, they will not be so jealous of the use of that expres- 
sion. At present, however, I do not wish to fix it upon 
them. I am willing to believe that there is nothing factious 
or unconstitutional in their conduct ; but I must say, that 
from what I have observed of them, they are a little im- 
patient. I will apply to them an improvement of a tale of 
Doctor Swift, made by a noble earl who lately held a blue 
ribbon, and as that improvement seems to me much better 
adapted to the purposes of my argument than to those to 
which his lordship applied it, I must be allowed to quote it 
upon this occasion. The tale, as he stated it, was this : — 
About twenty-six years ago, a complete change of a very 
curious kind occurred in this country ; all the men were 
changed into women, and all the women into men ; in that 
change the maids of honour became officers of the blues, 
and the officers of the blues were converted into maids of 
honour. 

" The noble earl said that those officers of the blues who 
became maids of honour, though they might at first walk 
with too great manliness of step, and in other respects con- 
duct themselves rather indecorously for elegant and deli- 
cate females, yet, on the whole, at the end of a fortnight 
or a month, they became as respectable, as decorous, and 
as genteel, as the real maids of honour had been before 
them ; but that the maids of honour who had become 



LORD HOLLAND. 199 

officers of the blues were converted into such a set of 
troublesome, impatient, quarrelsome persons as had never 
been seen before; they gave themselves up so much to 
swearing, brawling, blaspheming, and drinking, and were 
so constantly at the head of troops of blackguard boys, 
kicking up such riots, that there was no place into which 
they went, that it was not feared they would destroy. 
Such was the description which the noble earl gave of the 
change in the maids of honour; and that description, I 
think, may apply to the noble lords opposite, although I 
am quite unwilling to describe their conduct by the term 
factious. I say, my lords, I will not call them factious, 
because I hold it to be their undoubted privilege, as mem- 
bers of parliament, to enforce their opposition to the ad- 
ministration in every constitutional way ; and I only wish 
that, in doing so, they would bring the matter to a plain 
issue, by putting a direct question before the house, instead 
of adopting means which I think derogatory to the dig- 
nity of the house, and to men engaged in the service of the 
country — I mean, the course now employed of throwing 
dirt upon one another, without any definite object. I am 
required to explain what are the principles of the admin- 
istration, and how far they are engaged to act one way 
or the other, and to what extent my honourable friends and 
myself agree or disagree with them. That question will be 
best answered by our conduct ; but as it is put with a view 
of casting imputations upon us, I will answer those impu- 
tations, by asking, in my turn, what vote have I altered, 
what opinion have I changed, what principle have I aban- 
doned, since I quitted my former seat ? I answer, none. 

" This is not the first time that I have been seated on this 
side of the house, nor the first in which I have supported 
ministers in whom I thought I could place confidence. 
When last I was seated in this place, the question of 
Catholic emancipation had lately been moved and rejected 
in both houses of parliament, and an administration was 
then formed, that intended to pursue a lenient, prudent, and 



200 LORD HOLLAND. 

conciliating system, and to keep that question at rest for 
the time. So far, therefore, that administration was similar 
to the present ; yet, when I then sat on this side of the 
house, I was not taunted with inconsistency, although I 
felt, at that time, as strongly as I do now, the importance 
of conceding what is called Catholic emancipation. I do 
not mean to say, that I will not, either in this house or out 
of it, do every thing I can that I think calculated to forward 
the determination of that question ; and I ask whether I 
should have been forwarding it, when, by my hesitation to 
support the present government, I should have been assist- 
ing in the attainment of power by those who entertain, 
what I am willing to admit, is a constitutional, a sincere, 
but at the same time, an inveterate opposition to the success 
of that question ? Those who entertain the strongest 
opinion against the concessions claimed by the Roman 
Catholic are now no longer part of the government. 

" The noble earl, who recently addressed your lordships, 
supposed that my noble friends and myself had been in 
constant opposition to Lord Liverpool's government. In 
that opinion he was incorrect ; for I must say, that for the 
last three years, there has not been one division in this 
house on which I have voted, without having the honour 
of the concurrence of the noble earl at the head of the 
council ; and I think I may add, that, with the exception 
of divisions upon the Catholic question, there have only 
been two within that time, in which I have been opposed 
to Lord Liverpool himself. If the right honourable gen- 
tleman, now at the head of his Majesty's government, 
adopts, in many cases, the same principles which I have 
long advocated, must I oppose him, because he does not 
agree with me in all ? Must I go to him, and say, iC Do 
you renounce the opinions you formerly held regarding the 
principles of Mr. Pitt, with which I never can concur, for 
if you do not, I never can support your government. ,, I 
say, my lords, can I go to him, and put these questions, 
and insist upon his agreeing with me in every thing, before 



LORD HOLLAND. 201 

I consent to afford him any portion of my support ? I say 
not ; and I further assert, that if men always pursued such 
a line of conduct, disagreements could never end, and all 
administrations would as much resemble a rope of sand, 
as did those noble lords now sitting on the cross bench, 
who, when they retired from his Majesty's councils, declared 
that they had not acted in concert in so doing. I agree 
in the opinion stated by a noble lord, who had held office 
nearly forty years, and who for some years had thought of 
resigning before he could possibly make up his mind upon 
the subject, that the right of resignation is a sacred right 
belonging to a minister — a right which he may at any time 
exercise, and which I should have been sorry to have pre- 
vented any of those noble lords from exercising at any 
time they might have thought fit. I am at a loss to con- 
ceive even, on what grounds the noble lords opposite differ 
from myself, since I do not, by my change of seat, pledge 
myself to support the government in all cases whatever, 
and since, in supporting a continuation of that foreign 
policy which has been pursued for the last three years, I am 
only supporting that to which those noble lords themselves 
must be supposed to have given their full concurrence so 
long as they continued members of Lord Liverpool's govern- 
ment. But if the difference between these noble lords and 
myself is small, it must be at least equally small between the 
present administration who continue those measures, and 
my noble friends and myself, who have so frequently before 
that period pressed them on the attention of the govern- 
ment. When I consider what has recently been the policy 
of government with regard to the corn laws, with regard to 
the commercial system of this country, and her relations 
to foreign powers, I cannot, for the life of me, help thinking 
that these measures would not have happened to have been 
adopted, if the right honourable gentleman had not been 
in the government; and that if he should be no longer 
there, a different line of policy would immediately be 
pursued. 

2d 



202 LORD HOLLAND. 

" There are certainly some subjects on which I differ 
from the right honourable gentleman ; one of these is, the 
subject of parliamentary reform : yet I know no right which 
any body possesses, to tell me, that because I differ from 
him on that subject, I have no right to support him on any 
other. I formed a part of the government twenty years 
ago; and although I then held the same opinions that I 
do now upon the subject of reform, yet I did not then think 
it necessary to submit that question to the house. I have 
supported it from the time of my early youth; I have 
always differed from the right honourable gentleman upon 
it : and I declare, in all sincerity, and from the bottom of 
my heart, that I shall not vote differently upon that sub- 
ject in whatever part of this house I may take my seat. 
Agreeing, therefore, as I do with the present administra- 
tion upon many measures, I shall support them in all those 
measures in which we do concur ; but I shall not be in- 
fluenced, by my change of seat, to support measures with 
which I do not agree. I differ from the present opposition 
in many things, but in none more than in the course they 
are now pursuing, in which, crimination on one side will 
lead to recrimination on the other 5 neither of which can 
be indulged in without lowering the character and honour 
of those who employ such means, in the eyes of the people. 
But when I hear, as I have heard, a noble duke calling the 
right honourable gentleman at the head of the adminis- 
tration, the most profligate politician he ever heard of, I 
cannot avoid recollecting that that noble duke has for 
some time supported that right honourable gentleman as 
minister for foreign affairs, and as the manager of the 
affairs of his Majesty in the House of Commons. That he 
has supported the right honourable gentleman, is true ; 
he has supported the administration regularly, I cannot 
say cordially, because lately I must acknowledge I have 
witnessed in him some coldness, especially upon that topic 
on which I for one have given the right honourable gen- 
tleman my cordial, disinterested, and uniform support. 



LORD HOLLAND. 203 

I confess that, looking at all these circumstances, I cannot 
conceive how those noble lords can find fault with us, who 
are convinced of the necessity and importance of car- 
rying that question, for the support we are willing to give 
to a government favourable to our view of it, when they 
must know that we do so, because we conceive we shall 
serve our own principles better by supporting the present 
government than by opposing it, and, thereby risking the 
formation of a government entirely opposed to us upon that 
subject. I do maintain, my lords, that I am not to be 
charged with inconsistency for supporting the right hon- 
ourable gentleman, because I withheld my support from 
him during the two last years in which he was a member 
of Lord Liverpool's administration — an administration, the 
head of which, and the majority of which, by their oppo- 
sition to the question which I advocate, afforded me suffi- 
cient grounds for opposing them. But when I find that 
there are topics on which I can agree with that right hon- 
ourable gentleman, I feel, as I always have felt, ready to 
afford him my support, in order to further those measures in 
which we both concur. There are topics on which we may 
still disagree, and one of which, I mean the repeal of the 
Test and Corporation acts, will probably soon come under 
the consideration of the house ; and I declare, that if I am 
called upon to move it, I will do so, let me sit whwe I 
may. 

" I would ask those who idolize the memory of Mr. Pitt, 
whether he never formed part of an administration where 
differences existed upon certain subjects ? I ask them 
whether, while he was chancellor of the exchequer, he did 
not move the subject of parliamentary reform ? I ask them 
whether, year after year, he did not recommend the abo- 
lition of the slave trade ? And although I have heard, that 
if he had applied all the abilities he possessed to the car- 
rying of that measure, it might have succeeded sooner, yet 
I never did hear him attacked for forming part of an ad- 
ministration in which he differed from many of his col- 



204 LORD HOLLAND. 

leagues upon those two subjects. If those noble lords will 
go into the history of Mr. Pitt's life, they will find that 
he advocated measures in which he differed from those 
persons with whom he was associated : and they will also 
discover that he even formed part of what he himself 
thought at the time a provisional government. To the 
utmost extent, therefore, can I defend myself and my con- 
duct upon the example of Mr. Pitt. I beg to apologize to 
your lordships for having detained you so long upon this 
subject ; but perhaps you will permit me, as I have en- 
tered upon the discussion, to say a few words upon what 
has fallen from noble lords on the other side of the house 
upon another subject. I am ready to acknowledge their 
right of resigning. I will suppose that all that has been 
said upon the subject of concert, is mere stuff, and idle 
rumour; but then I must say — and they will excuse me 
the use of this term — that they acted very foolishly, if, on 
determining to resign, they did not concert together for 
the purpose of rendering that resignation effectual in the 
way they proposed, and if they did not combine together 
for the purpose of inducing his Majesty to reconsider the 
appointment of those to whom he had committed the ad- 
ministration of his government. I find no fault with them 
for having exercised the right of resignation ; indeed, there 
is no proceeding that has given me such hearty joy for 
many years past, since I think, with them, that what has 
happened must be a great step towards the accomplishment 
of those measures which they deprecate, but which I have 
always supported. But the noble lords must not take 
advantage of these things in both ways — they must not 
say that they will oppose the government because they 
fear the consequences of its measures will be to exclude 
the exclusionists, and will ultimately lead to some relaxa- 
tion of those laws which we wish to see ' relaxed ; and 
also, at the same time, turn round upon us, who disagree 
with them, and call for our support in their opposition to 
measures with which we concur. Some of these noble 



LORD HOLLAND. 205 

lords are opposed to the right honouraole gentleman, be- 
cause they say he will carry the question to which they 
are hostile, and to which we are friendly — while others 
maintain, that we must be stupid or blind if we do not 
see that it is his intention to abandon that question en- 
tirely. They give us both sides of the picture — they shew 
us the black and the white — they tell us what they like 
and what they dislike, and would have us agree with them 
in both ; but I say, that they, as well as we, must make 
our option. Mine is already made. I think that I am 
justified in supporting the government, because I agree 
with them in some things, although there are circumstances 
which I could wish to be otherwise. I will give the noble 
lords opposite all the advantage which they think they can 
obtain from this declaration. I speak openly, and I say 
again, that there are circumstances in the present admin- 
istration which 1 could wish to be otherwise. I think this 
will generally be found to be the case in human affairs. I 
think we shall seldom witness an instance in which, when 
a number of men are united together, there may not be some 
among them who will not see things they could wish to be 
altered. The obedience of men to the interests of party, 
for the support of principles which they hold just and 
necessary, is seldom known to be founded upon an entire 
concurrence with every petty measure which their party 
may find it necessary to propose. It is sufficient if in 
the majority of the great objects of their union, their 
opinions concur. In the present instance, I give my sup- 
port to the administration, because I believe that by so doing 
I am assisting the cause of civil and religious liberty, more 
than I could do by joining the opposition. 

"The noble lord who has, till recently, maintained his 
seat on the woolsack, made a declaration a short time since, 
the sincerity of which I acknowledge, although I believe 
that he came to a mistaken conclusion, since I cannot but 
think that, throughout his life, he has been opposed to the 
real liberty of the country. I have, therefore, always been 



206 LORD HOLLAND. 

hostile to him in his political capacity; but I have received 
so much courtesy from him, that I entertain, if he will per- 
mit me to say so, a great regard for him personally. From 
our political differences, therefore, it is not to be wondered 
at that I should be surprised when I heard him make the 
declaration I have alluded to, and when I heard him state 
that his reason for resigning, was for the sake of religious 
and political liberty. I could not but be surprised at such 
a declaration, because I saw that he imagined he forwarded 
the interests of religious liberty, by refusing one-third of 
the people of this country admission to civil rights on 
account of their religious opinions, and because I recol- 
lected that during the thirty years in which I have been 
in parliament, there has not been one measure for the 
abridgment of civil liberty, which he, and those now con- 
nected with him, have not uniformly supported. I have 
changed my seat, for the purpose of resisting and contend- 
ing against those measures which these noble lords have so 
long supported ; and in doing so, I do not think that I am 
liable to the least charge of political inconsistency." 

When the Protestant dissenters, in the beginning of the 
year 1828, came to the determination of applying to par- 
liament for a repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, they 
naturally turned their attention to the choice of a proper 
person in each house to prefer their claims and advocate 
their cause. Accordingly, Lord John Russell was selected 
for the Commons, and Lord Holland for the House of 
Peers. Of Lord John Russell's able exertions in this im- 
portant cause, and of their successful issue, an account has 
already been given, in the sketch of that noble lord's public 
life and labours. But it would be unjust to Lord Hol- 
land, to pass over unnoticed, in this place, the eminent 
services which he rendered to his country, in the instance 
before us. His lordship's speech on moving the second 
reading of the bill, which had passed the Commons, and 
been read a first time in the House of Lords, though much 
too long to be given entire in this place, cannot, with any 



LORD HOLLAND. 207 

propriety, be wholly omitted. The view which his lord- 
ship took of the whole matter of these statutes was so com- 
prehensive, and his argument, founded upon them, so con- 
stitutional, his deductions so clear and convincing, and the 
entire subject placed in so luminous a point of view, that 
it exhibited a perfect acquaintance with it in all its bearings, 
and seemed to leave no point untouched. In fact, copious 
as the speech was, it scarcely admits of abridgment ; and 
though reduced to the necessity of doing it, we are in 
justice bound to say, that it is not without injuring it as a 
whole. 

It was on Thursday, April 17th, 1828, that Lord Hol- 
land moved the order of the day for the second reading 
of the bill for repealing the Corporation and Test acts 5 
which being done, his lordship rose, and spoke to the fol- 
lowing effect : 

" I have now, my lords, to propose the second reading 
of that bill, which, as I observed when it went through its 
first stage, is anxiously expected by large, loyal, and 
respectable classes of the community : a bill solicited by 
numerous petitions to both houses of parliament, amount- 
ing, exclusive of those laid upon the table this day, to no 
less than eight hundred and sixty-one : a bill which has 
been brought up from the Commons of the United King- 
dom, and recommended to your adoption, in the shape in 
which it now stands, by a vote of that branch of the legis- 
lature almost unanimous. 

" Your lordships well know, that if you give this mea- 
sure a second reading, you sanction its principle ; in other 
words, you thereby express your conviction, that it is just, 
expedient, or necessary, and perhaps all, to abrogate the 
sacramental test as a qualification for civil and temporal 
office, and to substitute for it a simple and plain decla- 
ration, that the powers conferred by such office shall not 
be employed to weaken, injure, or disturb the church es- 
tablished by law. Such is the principle of the bill : and 
although this measure, or measures of this nature, were, 



208 LORD HOLLAND. 

during the last century, frequently proposed in another 
place, and even more frequently agitated and discussed in 
pamphlets, public meetings, and, I believe, I may add, 
pulpits ; yet the principle was never distinctly brought 
under the consideration of this house of parliament since 
the period when our great deliverer, William the Third, re- 
commended the adoption of the very measure now pro- 
posed in some memorable words, to which I shall probably 
have occasion to advert in the course of these proceedings. 
It is indeed well known, that George the First, at the period 
of his accession, was, as well as his ministers, anxious to 
introduce some measure of this description, and a clause 
for the purpose was actually proposed to be inserted in 
" A Bill for strengthening the Protestant succession" — but 
in a way so indirect and ludicrous, that we cannot wonder 
it was rejected. 

" With that exception, no such proposal has been made 
to this house since the period of the Revolution : and I 
think it a fortunate and auspicious circumstance, that, up 
to the time at which I am speaking, no opinion directly 
hostile to the measure I recommend, has ever been ex- 
pressed by a British House of Lords. Here, then, is a 
bill, which, having glided smoothly through all those peril- 
ous passes which proved so fatal to its predecessor, has 
safely arrived at this 

" Region, mild of air, serene, and calm," 

where, until this day, not a breath of adverse wind has 
blown upon it — 

" Semperque innubilus aether 
Integit et large diffuso lumine ridet. M 

• c My lords, I hail the omen: I consider it auspicious, 
both as to place and season. Happy indeed will it be for 
this house, creditable to this parliament, and glorious to 
the reign in which we live, if future historians shall have to 
record, that an act of mercy, which alike broke asunder 
the chains of the crown and the fetters of the people, was 
as obviously and undeniably the result of deliberate wisdom 



LORD HOLLAND. 209 

and dispassionate justice, as the laws imposing those chains 
and fetters had been obviously and undeniably the offspring 
of precipitation, fear, suspicion, and alarm. 

u I am well aware that an important duty devolves upon 
the individual who proposes for adoption a measure with 
such an object ; that in order to give to it its due character 
of deliberation and solemnity, he is called upon to state at 
full length, and with all possible clearness, the nature, his- 
tory, and operation of the laws he proposes to repeal. To 
that undertaking I now proceed, not altogether calm and 
confident, but yet, I trust, undismayed; though I cannot 
but reflect on the intricacy of the subject, and the difficul- 
ties which surround the origin of these statutes, passed 
in one of the most interesting, but complicated, periods of 
our history. When I recollect that the state of the law 
is involved in many technicalities and perplexities, I fear 
I may have been rash in stepping forward to engage in a 
task much above my powers, and, in some respects, incon- 
sistent with pursuits so entirely unprofessional as mine. 
Your lordships, therefore, must forgive me, if, from anxiety 
to be clear, I should unfortunately deviate into prolixity." 

Lord Holland then proceeded to a history of the passing 
of these acts, which he accompanied with an explanation 
of the actual state of the country in regard to matters of 
policy and religious parties, which shewed him to have 
something more than a mere superficial acquaintance with 
the subject before him. "The general design of the Cor- 
poration act was to effect a purpose possibly salutary, pos- 
sibly necessary, but certainly of a temporary nature. Many 
of its provisions have expired, others are repealed ; and in 
those points, as in others, it forms a complete contrast to 
the Test act, and is as much at variance with it in its sub- 
sequent fate and treatment, as it was in its original design, 
history, and principle." 

Dismissing the Corporation, his lordship proceeded to 
the passing of the Test act, which, he said, sprung from 
a deep-rooted suspicion, in the public, of the possessor of, 



210 LORD HOLLAND. 

and a yet deeper of the presumptive heir to, the crown. 
It was wrested from the king, (Charles the Second,) who 
had recourse to every subterfuge to avoid it. The money 
bill was actually withheld until the crown had given its 
consent to the Test act. It was, in truth, a stigma, per- 
haps well merited, but a stigma fixed on the reigning 
prince and his family ; and it was known and felt to be an 
invasion of what had always been the true, ancient, and 
lawful prerogative of the crown. It followed the declara- 
tion of indulgence — it arose out of cabals, irritation, and 
violence scarcely paralleled in our history. His lordship 
thus proceeded : " But why do I argue such a point ? Read 
the act : look to the ingredients of the drug — look to the 
label upon it, and doubt, if you can, what disorder it was 
intended to remedy. What say the title and the preamble ? 
Do they say, the act is directed against protestant dis- 
senters ? that it is to enforce conformity ? to secure 
the crown ? to form a bulwark for the church ? to 
strengthen the alliance between church and state ? &c. 
No, not a word of all this. It is "to prevent the danger 
arising from popish recusants, and for quieting the minds 
of his Majesty's subjects.'' After dwelling at some length 
in proof and illustration of the objects which the framers 
of the bill had in view, his lordship proceeded : 

"This is the key to the whole transaction; and the 
Test act was consequently passed to guard against, a popish 
prince and a popish successor, then, to all appearance, an 
inevitable inconvenience. But all such dangers have now 
vanished. We have happily got rid of the Stuarts : they, 
and the dangers they menaced, are buried and gone with 
all the Capulets. We have no dread of a popish prince, 
or popish successor ; we have neither : the thing is impos- 
sible, and the provisions then devised against its conse- 
quences are now clearly unnecessary and inapplicable. 
Our laws secure us a protestant prince, and a protestant 
succession ; and even with regard to our Roman Catholic 
fellow- subjects, the danger, if any, of their admission to 



LORD HOLLAND. 211 

their rights, is otherwise amply provided against. I will 
not dwell on the terrible penalties inflicted by the Test 
act, not only for non-compliance, but for mere neglect of 
its provisions. My lords, they are terrible — loss and in- 
capacity of office, incapacity of inheriting legacies, of acting 
as guardians or executors, and fines to an enormous amount : 
punishments, m short, equivalent almost to civil death and 
outlawry itself. 

u What I have endeavoured to prove is — that the original 
intention and present effect of this act are at variance ; 
that the principles from which it sprung are almost the 
reverse of those which its continuance on the statute book 
sanctions, and on which its supporters defend that con- 
tinuance. The act meant to protect, assist, and co-ope- 
rate with Protestant dissenters — it now oppresses or de- 
grades them. It was directed against Roman Catholics 
only — they are now excluded by the operation of other 
acts." 

Lord Holland next proceeded to point out how the Test 
act interfered with the prerogative of the crown : — What, 
said his lordship, is this prerogative, but the right of the 
prince on the throne to call for the services of all his liege 
subjects, and the right of rewarding them for the honest 
and zealous discharge of those services ? And what power 
more grateful to a generous mind, more congenial to the 
feelings of a prince of the house of Brunswick, or more 
conducive to the real benefit of the community? Why, 
then, are such portions of our fellow- subjects to be debarred 
from the honour of serving a monarch to whom they are at- 
tached, and why are we to withhold from him the preroga- 
tive of rewarding them ? 

" Reward, 
The part of heaven in kings ; for punishment 
Is hangman's work, and drudgery for devils."* 

It is that noble and godlike prerogative which this iniqui- 
tous, impious, and unnecessary law, in principle, books to 

* Dry den. 



212 LORD HOLLAND. 

disfigure and abridge. The principle it would establish is 
this — that a man's religion, not his character, his talents, 
or his actions, fit him for office, or entitle him to reward. 
The lesson it teaches is this — that the gratitude of the state 
shall be limited to those with whom it agrees in religion — 
not extended to those on whom it depends for support, 
or from whom it derives strength and prosperity — that the 
zeal, the labour, the devotions of the subject shall be 
checked, if he cannot, on matters purely speculative and 
abstract, either agree, or affect to agree, with certain dog- 
mas and theories of authority. After he has i( scorn'd de- 
lights, and lived laborious days," animated with a zeal to 
serve his prince and his country, and to raise his name 
among the benefactors of mankind, and when he expects 
to find the fair guerdon of his exertions, then steps forward 
this accursed law, and says, " No : you have earned 
these honours, it is true, but I shall snatch them from you ; 
you have shewn the zeal and borne the burden of a subject, 
but the fame, the reward, the distinction shall never be 
yours — and why? because (O shame !) because you have 
some conscientious scruples about the manner of taking 
the sacrament of the Lord's supper." And, are there men, 
and Englishmen, who will maintain that there is in all this 
no persecution, no hardship, no injustice ? Can they, with 
the praises of the constitution flickering on their lips — of 
that constitution, one principal maxim of which is, that he 
who contributes to the state, has a share of its power ; 
that all born under it, are eligible according to their merits 
— can thev, I say, after vaunting their attachment to such 
a constitution, have the face to assert, that those who are 
debarred from its enjoyments suffer no injury, and have 
no right to complain ? Shall they tell me, that I am in- 
dulged with paying the taxes and performing the duties of 
a subject, and that it is a circumstance which must endear 
to me the government of the country ; that the privation 
of power, emolument, and fame is a mere trifle, a nothing ; 
I can have no right, no political power : I may be thankful 



LORD HOLLAND. 213 

for living in a country where I may enjoy my personal 
liberty, my property, and my opinions ; while they, forsooth 3 
are revelling in the possession of that very power, striving to 
procure it, enjoying it when obtained, and attached to the 
constitution from whence they derive it — for it is a little 
remarkable, my lords, that those who maintain that the 
privation of political power is no great evil, are, in their 
own persons, mighty lovers of that same article, and annex 
no small value to the monopoly of it — I say, these said 
persons kindly undertake the task of persuading me, that 
it is no grievance to be excluded, without any fault of my 
own, from enjoyments so gratifying to them, and to which, 
but for these statutes, I might have reasonably aspired ! 
Such is the lesson these laws inculcate ; such the language 
by which they must be defended !" 

The noble baron next called the attention of their lord- 
ships to the tendency of these penal statutes, as affecting 
the case of conscientious clergymen of the established 
church. "Another principle sanctioned by the Test act," 
said Lord Holland, "is the right of the state to render 
religious ordinances subservient to purposes purely politi- 
cal. It has always been a matter of astonishment to me, 
how persons sincerely and deeply impressed with a sense 
of religion, and with the importance and solemnity of that 
religious rite in particular, could reconcile to their con- 
sciences the selection of the Lord's supper as a test and 
qualification for worldly offices. Mark the operation of 
this law, and consider the extent and consequences of the 
profanation, which, if it does not compel, it tempts so many 
to commit ! To the scoffer, the man of no religion, it pros- 
titutes the most sacred institution of the chureh. He has 
no scruple, though he may have no desire, to take the com- 
munion : but this law makes it his interest to do so ; and, 
to serve his interest, the clergyman must administer it to 
him, and that for his security ! But what security is there 
to the state, in a test which its bitterest enemies can take, 
and which is not so likely to disarm their enmity, as to 



214 LORD HOLLAND. 

invite their impiety and derision ? The infidel and the 
hypocrite are admitted — the conscientious dissenter is ex- 
cluded. What is the justice, where is the sense, of such 
a proceeding ? What is the nature of that device which, 
miscalled protection, lets in your enemy, if enemy you 
have — lets in the unprincipled, and excludes none but the 
conscientious ? If a man be a dissenter upon conviction, 
this law exposes him to temptation. Does he resist that 
temptation ? the state is deprived of the services of an 
honest man. Does he yield ? — where is your security 
against his opinions, or, if you will have it so, his hostility ? 
Do you think it is disarmed or mitigated, because you have 
galled him in the tenderest point, wounded his conscience, 
and disturbed his repose ? 

" But/' said Lord Holland, " it is not dissenters alone 
that are exposed to such painful trials by this law — look to 
its operation on the churchmen, both laymen and clergy. 
It tempts the former to commit a sin which may embitter 
the remainder of their days. The doctrine of the church is, 
that every communicant must approach the table of the 
Lord with faith, charity, repentance, and a stedfast pur- 
pose to lead a new life : he must be prepared to partake 
of the ordinance in a temper of mind suitable to such a 
covenant transaction-; nay, more, the absence of such a 
disposition, at such a moment, is a sin, and visited with 
anathemas dreadful even to repeat ! But what says the 
law ? It says to the member of the church, when ap- 
pointed to office, " You must either renounce your pros- 
pects and your office, or you must take this awful sacra- 
ment, without reference to your being properly prepared to 
do so, or not." It says to him, at the moment his ambition 
is gratified, and worldly prospects are opening before him 5 
that is, in the hour of his elation and prosperity, a season 
surely not particularly propitious to self-abasement and 
repentance. " Eat and drink, at the risk of your salvation 
hereafter ; or refuse, at the certain loss, to yourself and your 
family, of all worldly advancement and property here." — 



LORD HOLLAND. 215 

My lords ! can there be a system more horrid, or torture 
more refined, than this ? One's reason revolts, one's heart 
recoils, at so iniquitous, so cruel an alternative. The in- 
genuity of man can scarcely devise a more exquisite tor- 
ment for a mind impressed with religious awe, and at the 
same time glowing with zeal and affection for his country, 
his family, and his friends. 

" Nor is it the communicant alone who is exposed to 
these cruel dilemmas. The clergyman who, in the dis- 
charge of his sacred functions, is sincerely and painfully 
anxious to discharge his duty aright, is placed by this law 
in a cruel and perplexing predicament." After adverting 
to what is required of a clergyman by the canons and rubric 
of the church, in relation to this matter, his lordship thus 
proceeded to illustrate his subject. "Now, my lords^ what 
might happen ? I will suppose a possible case : I will 
suppose that a king should appoint a lord-chancellor, not 
quite so moral as the famous Lord Shaftesbury, and a secre- 
tary of state not quite so pious and religious as the equally 
famous Lord Bolingbroke.* I will further suppose, that 
to some subordinate situation in the law, was advanced, at 
the same time, a smart barrister, who was more remarkable 
for his ready acuteness, learning, and vivacity, than for 
sweetness of temper or mildness of disposition. Now, let 
us conduct these three persons together to church, to 
qualify for their recent appointments : and there we will 
further suppose that the parish priest, without being an 
absolute Parson Adams, has yet the simplicity to imagine 
that his spiritual duties supersede all other considerations, 
and that, in observing the injunctions of his ecclesiastical 
superiors, and the canons of his church, he can incur neither 
injury nor reproach, or offend the laws of either God or 
man. Well, then, when the two noblemen and the lawyer 
present themselves, the clergyman thus addresses the first : 
4 My lord, I really am very sorry, but I cannot receive you 
at the communion-table : really, there are some circum- 

* Two notorious infidels ! 



216 LORD HOLLAND. 

stances so notorious respecting your lordship's moral 
character and conduct, that I must conscientiously con- 
sider you as one of the bad livers from whom I am com- 
pelled to withhold the sacrament. And as to you, my lord,' 
turning to the secretary of state, ' I really have seen in 
manuscript and in print such writings, and have heard 
from credible authority such language of your lordship's, 
respecting the very rite I am about to administer, and the 
Deity whose altar you now wish to approach, that, till I 
am enjoined by my ecclesiastical superiors to communicate 
with blasphemers and infidels, I must decline handing the 
bread and wine to your lordship. As to you, sir,' turning 
to the lawyer, f it is equally impossible for me to admit 
you. Why, it is notorious you have brought law-suits, 
and fomented disputes without end, among my parishioners. 
You are not upon speaking terms with one-half of them, 
and there is a want of charity and good-fellowship in all 
your conduct in the parish 5 which clearly brings you within 
the description of persons to whom I am precluded from 
offering the holy sacrament.' 

" Now, what, as the law stands, would be the answer 
to the clergyman so conducting himself according to the 
strict duties of his sacred profession ? Possibly the two 
lords might withdraw themselves in silence, and with that 
politeness and courtesy which the habits of such high 
station, and an intercourse with members of this house, so 
naturally create. But not so the little lawyer, who, by the 
terms of my hypothesis, is a captious, sharp, and dispu- 
tatious practitioner. What he would say, might be some- 
thing to this effect : c You decline to give me the sacra- 
ment, do you, Mr. Reverend? Very well, we shall soon 
see who will win at that game. I shall have you in Banco 
Regis in no time. I'll have swinging damages from you. 
You have spoilt my preferment, lost me my place, and 
you shall pay for it. I'll let fly my little Per Quods at 
you, and we shall soon see who will smart for the costs.' 
I know it may be said, the clergyman may justify — he may 



LORD HOLLAND. 21 7 

plead the fact and the law, and get a verdict in his favour. 
Be it so — still there is the anomaly of a secular court de- 
ciding on a matter purely spiritual, namely, the fitness of 
a man to take the holy sacrament, and the propriety of 
the conscientious motives which induced the priest to 
refuse it. My lords, this anomaly is, as far as it goes, an 
indignity to the clergy. Let me not be told, that no church 
but that of Rome, would so consider it ; that no priesthood 
but such as are popish, hold their heads so high, or view 
with any jealousy even an unnecessary and unusual inter- 
ference of secular authorities. It is not so. All churches 
— even Protestant churches —feel in some degree such a 
jealousy. I will not quote Bishop Gibson, and others of 
minor authority ; I will go to the first and great authority 
among Protestants — to the early reformers themselves. 
What will the learned lord say to Luther himself ? Speak- 
ing of the mania of meddling with ecclesiastical matters, 
which it seems that some of the learned profession of the 
law were infected with even in his day, he has the following 
passage : but when I read part of it, I must beg the house 
and the right reverend prelates to recollect, that certain 
strong phrases in it are not mine, but those of an intrepid 
and sanctified reformer. 'I could wish,' says Luther, 
* the lawyers would appear in the game, so would I 
thoroughly try to teach them what subjectum juris is. I 
acknowledge Jus is a fair spouse, so long as she reinaineth 
in her own bed; but when she strideth into that of another, and 
will rule divinitie in the church, then she becometh a great 
strumpet, and* — [illud quod dicer e nolo, my lords, for the 
word is too strong for polite ears.] e I never read such 
fundamental and fearful examples of heart's-hardening, as 
in lawyers. They far surpass the Jews, Pharaoh, and the 
others. In a word, they are next neighbours to the devil. 
My heart panteth and quaketh whenever I think of them.' "* 
Lord Holland concluded his long and able address with 
examining how far the annual indemnity bills could be 

* Luther's Works. 
9 i? 



218 LORD HOLLAND. 

considered an antidote to all the mischief and misery that 
are fairly attributable to the Corporation and Test acts. 
But though to follow him closely in all his reasonings on 
this point, is incompatible with our limits, we cannot 
refrain from quoting, in this place, the following interest- 
ing passage. 

" It is a whimsical circumstance, that one of the most 
practical grievances which the present state of the law 
actually produces, falls exclusively on members of the 
Church of England. The grievance I allude to has shifted. 
During the first half of the last century, it lay heavy on 
the dissenters, but it has since shifted in a more mitigated 
shape upon the Church-of-England-man. In either case 
it elucidates that great truth, that a vicious principle can- 
not be admitted in legislation, without inflicting injustice 
in some quarter or other, in a greater or less degree. Your 
lordships know, that in most corporations there are places 
of burden as well as emolument. Now, by common law, 
all subjects are obliged, under certain penalties, to take 
those offices, when imposed on them by the corporations 
to which they belong. In the course of last century, this 
usage, combined with the Corporation act, was ingeniously, 
but wickedly, perverted to the purpose of extorting money 
from the dissenters who scrupled to take the sacrament 
in the prescribed form. Such was the case in London. 
The corporation was in the habit of choosing non-conform- 
ist sheriffs — they knew they would not qualify, and they 
compelled them to pay the fine ! I am sorry to mention 
such a practice in a body like the Corporation of London ; 
but I rejoice to think that that very body who, fifty or sixty 
years ago, acted with such bigotry and injustice, has justly 
and liberally petitioned this house to repeal those odious 
laws which they formerly held in such superstitious vene- 
ration, and which they turned to such iniquitous purposes. 
I am afraid the magnificent pile of the Mansion House was 
raised out of these fines, and has been for that very reason, 
somewhat severely, but not inaptly, called " the Palace of 



LORD HOLLAND. 219 

Intolerance," The practice went on, till one, who had, 
in his own sphere of life, that sturdy, honourable, and per- 
severing spirit which distinguished the immortal Hampden, 
and which is of more common growth in English bosoms 
than in any other, was marked out as its victim. Mr. 
Evans — for the names of such unbending and useful men 
should be commemorated — resisted the attempt to impose 
the office upon him, or yet the fine ; he fought his case 
intrepidly in all the courts of law, and through all the 
fields of chicanery and persecution, where his enemies were 
enabled to drag him — and he finally appealed to this house. 
That appeal drew forth the ever-memorable judgment of 
Lord Mansfield, one of the greatest magistrates and ac- 
complished orators that ever graced the forum or the 
senate. That speech and that judgment, whatever may 
have been his political delinquencies — and, I am sure, I 
do not know of any, though he was lavishly accused of them 
in the libels of the day — but, I repeat, whatever they were, 
that noble speech and judgment, teeming with wisdom, 
philosophy, justice, and philanthropy, made large amends 
for all of them. They secured justice at the time : they 
have perpetuated benefits to posterity. In that speech, 
Lord Mansfield declared that he read the preface of De 
Thou's History of his Own Times every year of his life, 
and never without tears of gratitude and admiration for the 
just sentiments of religious liberty which it inculcates. 
My lords, one may say without exaggeration, that the very 
speech in which his study of that great and impartial his- 
torian is recorded, should be studied as earnestly and as 
frequently by all who wish to imbibe the true principles of 
philosophical toleration and Christian charity in legislation. 
He decided, that the toleration act had not, as some nar- 
row minds had imagined, merely rescued the dissenters 
from punishment and persecution ; it had acknowledged 
their rights, protected their worship, and, in some sense, 
established their religious profession. After such an 
acknowledgment, you could not convert their adherence 



220 LORD HOLLAND. 

to that dissent which you had legalized, into a crime, and 
visit it with fine and punishment. Just and benevolent 
judgment ! which rescued the dissenter from extortion and 
vexation. But what were its other consequences ? Why, 
it threw on the members of the Church of England in cor- 
porate towns an undue proportion of the burdens. The 
dissenter urges his dissent, and escapes his fine — the con- 
formist must bear the burden. It comes in consequence 
more frequently upon him, and he must pay the fine. Pass 
this bill, and both are upon an equality. " 

Here we stop, and take leave of this invaluable speech, 
so honourable to Lord Holland, merely apprising the reader 
that what has now been given, scarcely amounts to one 
half of it, and that the whole is very deserving of his 
deliberate perusal. It abounds throughout with the noblest 
sentiments of civil and religious liberty, at the same time 
reprobating every species of tyrannical usurpation over con- 
science. But before we take a final leave of the subject, 
it is proper we should record, that the bill for the repeal 
of the Corporation and Test acts was read a third time, 
passed, and received the royal assent on the 29th of April, 
1828. 

On the 17th of May following, Lord Holland presided, 
for the third time, at the anniversary meeting of the Protes- 
tant Society for the Protection of Religious Liberty, at 
the City of London Tavern, when a vote of thanks being 
moved to him for the eminent services he had rendered to 
the dissenting body at large by his parliamentary labours, 
Lord Holland rose, amidst deafening bursts of applause, 
which continued for two or three minutes, and were again 
and again renewed; when, at length, they had subsided, 
he spoke as follows : 

" Gentlemen, I really am afraid that I shall not be able 
to address you. I feel myself so overwhelmed with emotions 
of gratitude for the manner in which you have greeted me this 
day, and in which you have now received the mention of 
my name, that I really fear, in attempting to address this 



LORD HOLLAND. 221 

meeting, my voice and my whole frame will fail. How- 
ever, I will begin by stating, that when the too favourable, 
and, I may almost say, the too partial judgment of your 
estimable secretary, and of the committee of gentlemen 
who manage the affairs of this institution, offered to me 
the honour of again presiding at this meeting, I had some 
hesitation and scruple as to availing myself of what I con- 
sidered so great a favour. In addition to those consider- 
ations of personal habits and personal health, which are 
fast advancing, and fast proceeding to disqualify me from 
attending meetings so vast, so intelligent, so animated as 
this ; exclusive of them, I felt there was some sort of arro- 
gance and presumption in rising, for the third time, to 
return you my thanks. I felt that to preside three times 
at these meetings, partook a little of the nature of that 
monopoly against which we have directed our energies, and 
which, I may say, we have almost, in principle, exterminated 
and destroyed. 

u Gentlemen, these considerations, perhaps, were such 
as should have induced me to decline the honour. But 
when I reflected upon what would probably be the main 
business of the day, I confess frankly, pardon the weak- 
ness, I could not resist the pleasure, the delight, of stand- 
ing up in this place, and in this society, for the protection 
of civil and religious liberty, and congratulating you upon 
the repeal of the Test and Corporation acts, now happily 
achieved. I feel, indeed, that the share your kindness and 
partiality have ascribed to me, is considerably exaggerated. 
Such are my feelings. But, at the same time, I am not 
made of such stone and wood, as not to feel grateful for 
the kindness you have expressed. I feel that your suc- 
cess is to be ascribed, in some greater measure perhaps 
than you are aware, to the sentiments which were so 
beautifully expressed by Mr. James at the commencement 
of this meeting, and which, I can assure you and him, were 
more gratifying to my heart than any personal eulogies 
that could be pronounced : I mean the sentiments of 



222 LORD HOLLAND. 

respect and pious regard to one, who scattered those seeds 
of which we now reap the fruit ; for the seeds were sown 
by one whose name I can hardly trust myself to mention, 
even at this distance of time. It was indeed Fox who 
sowed these principles in gloomy, and many times in sea- 
sons of trouble, misrepresentation, and calumny ; but who 
was not deterred from acting consistently, uniformly, and 
steadily, to promote the harvest we this day enjoy. Hence 
arises the deduction, that we should not neglect to sow 
the seeds of good principle, deterred by inclement seasons 
or tempestuous skies ; for when the seeds are implanted, 
and especially in the bosoms of Englishmen, the period 
will at length come round, the tree will ultimately bear 
the fruit, and our posterity shall have the benefit, and bless 
our names. 

iC Gentlemen, I receive with heartfelt gratitude the thanks 
you may have expressed. I will say more ; I will say that 
constantly to have had this great object in view ; if to 
have kept the eye fixed upon it ; if to have exerted every 
little energy I had for its attainment ; and if you value the 
motives and conduct that come from the bottom of the 
heart ; if these wishes, these emotions, be deserving of your 
thanks, even your thanks I have deserved. It will be a 
satisfaction to the latest hour of my life, to have been 
allowed to fight in the ranks upon such an occasion ; and 
that you should have imagined that those endeavours had 
been useful, is a source of more rapture to my heart. But 
I cannot think that those endeavours, however zealously 
and unremittingly devoted to the cause, have been quite 
so necessary as you suppose. The real cause is due to 
another source. The main cause to which success should 
be ascribed, is the justice of the cause. Truth, consistently 
and steadily pursued, always gains the victory. The next 
thing to which the success is owing, is the wise, the judi- 
cious, the temperate, firm, and loyal conduct of the pro- 
testant dissenters. And when I utter this expression, I 
entirely agree with the reverend gentleman to my right 



LORD HOLLAND. 223 

(Mr. Adkins,) who said, that wherever a protestant dis- 
senter was to be found, or wherever, in other words, there 
was a puritan dissenter, there was to be found a friend 
to civil and religious liberty — a friend to the excellent con- 
stitution under which we live. To their judicious, liberal, 
and consistent conduct, the success is greatly due. But it 
is still more owing, perhaps, to the general improvement 
of public opinion, to education, and the liberal principles 
that diffusively prevail. These are the three great 
causes. But if any part of the success be attributable to 
individuals, I must say, that to Lord John Russell it is 
more due than to any other man. It required all the 
energy of his unblemished character — all the firmness of 
purpose which is hereditary in his noble race — it required 
all the sobriety of judgment, the moderation of temper, as 
well as the ability and profound constitutional knowledge for 
which he is distinguished, for carrying, successfully, such a 
measure through the Commons house of parliament. To him, 
therefore, as an individual, I think you are under the great- 
est obligation. I will not enumerate many other persons, 
though I cannot help expressing the satisfaction I feel, 
that you have named, in your resolution, my worthy and 
excellent friend, Mr. William Smith ; whose parliamentary 
career, I will venture to say, is equal to any which the an- 
nals of parliament afford, for steady, uniform, and honour- 
able conduct. 

" Gentlemen — I have told you what it was that induced 
me to accept the honour you have conferred. It was the 
pleasure of congratulating you upon the great event, and 
in congratulating you upon that event, it was my intention 
to have explained the nature of the evil happily removed, 
but that has been done so much more ably and eloquently 
in the report, the resolutions, and the addresses you have 
heard, that it will be unnecessary for me to dilate upon 
that theme. He takes a very narrow view of this subject, 
who imagines that it is the mere act of the repeal, the 
mere benefit which directly flows from the event, at which 



224 LORD HOLLAND. 

we alone rejoice. Not protestant dissenters only, but the 
public have gained by the event. The consequence of the 
existence of those laws, as it has been stated, and elo- 
quently described, was <( hatred, malice, and all unchari- 
tableness." The principles upon which those laws were 
founded, were the principles of intolerance and persecution. 
They were a disgrace to the statute book. Had the com- 
mon law and constitution of England been consulted, they 
would never have existed. They were foreigners to the 
glorious principles of native Englishmen. To the ancient 
law of the land, they were unknown ; and I firmly believe 
they were as repugnant to the principles of religion, as to 
all the principles of civil right. In God's name, then, let 
us rejoice that they have fallen. I will not follow up the 
general principle, so far as to affirm that no exception can 
exist ; but the burden of proving the necessity for that 
exception is with those who maintain its being. It is not 
necessary for a man to concur with the opinions held by 
the rulers of the state, to entitle him to his rights as a 
subject. The principle laid down in the canon of inspi- 
ration, is, " Render unto Csesar the things which are Caesar's, 
and unto God the things which are God's." But what man 
shall tell me, that Caesar is to interfere with the things of 
God ! In rendering "to God the things which are God's," 
are we to be injured in our liberty for the manner and 
mode in which we render them ? There may be excep- 
tions, I might allow, but all the exceptions which now 
exist, seem to me unjust, and directly contrary to the fun- 
damental principles on which we profess to act. But they 
are merely exceptions, and as mere exceptions they must 
henceforth be strictly argued. For myself, I am quite cer- 
tain, that those principles are not only to be found in the 
ancient law of the land, and in the principles of every free 
government, but, above all, they are written in the hearts 
of those whom I address. 

" A French gentleman, (the Reverend Mr. Scholl,) in a 
very interesting, as well as clever speech, said, he knew 



LORD HOLLAND. 22o 

little of this institution, but by name. I think we can say, 
this institution has earned, and well deserved, its name. 
But when I come here to say, ' I congratulate you upon 
the repeal of the Test and Corporation acts," I congratu- 
late you, not merely as Protestant dissenters, but as 
Englishmen — as Christians — as men. If I congratulate this 
institution, I congratulate it because I think it has been a 
fellow-labourer in the vineyard, and has considerably con- 
tributed to the triumph we have obtained. I congratulate 
this institution, because it is founded upon principles that 
go to the destruction of all exclusive laws. It is called 
"The Protestant Society for the Protection of Religious 
Liberty." It is not called " Protestant" from an exclusive 
feeling, either to Jew, or Mahometan, or Papist ; but be- 
cause it is founded on the very principle of Protestantism 
itself; namely, the right of private judgment in matters 
of religion. To the principle — the principle — we must 
recur then. We must make no distinctions. If I have a 
right to private judgment, I have a right to surrender my 
will, or to withhold it, as I choose. All we mean by main- 
taining the right of private judgment in matters of religion 
is, that the strong arm of Caesar shall never interfere with 
God. With respect to the origin of this society, since 
our friend (Mr. Scholl) has said he is ignorant, I will take 
the liberty of saying a few words upon the subject. Gen- 
tlemen, about seventeen years since, there was an intention 
somewhere of interfering with the toleration act, of requi- 
ring securities, (for some people are fond of securities,) be- 
fore a man could be allowed to preach to his fellow- subjects. 
This originated somewhere, and I will imitate a man who 
said, ' More I do not choose to recollect;' I do not wish to 
recollect the birth-place of the design, but such was the 
attempt. I had the honour to inform the public of my 
view of the consequences of that attempt, and upon that 
occasion I had the satisfaction of receiving the thanks of a 
very respectable, learned, and pious body. When they 
came to me, and I gave them my assistance, they asked me 

2g 



226 LORD HOLLAND. 

( what they could render in return ?' I answered, ' All I want 
of you is, if you are pleased with the defence of your own 
rights, then, whenever any body stands in need of such 
assistance, allow me to call on you for your co-operation 
in their defence. A year did not elapse before I had occa- 
sion to sign the draft ; and I must say, that it was duly, it 
was gloriously honoured. A meeting was called by men 
favourable to intolerance in Wiltshire. I invited my friends 
among Protestant dissenters to redeem their pledge. Well 
was it redeemed. The Protestant dissenters hastened to 
support me. The intolerants were scattered ; and energy 
and union in a good cause then prevailed. After the at- 
tempt to which I have referred, this society was formed; 
namely, as you have already heard by our good friend so 
near me (Mr. Wilks) ; and since its formation, it has never 
slumbered heedless at its post. Nor will it slumber 
while religious liberty needs protection ; or the funda- 
mental principle of .protestantism and dissenterism may be 
infringed. 

" When persons, indeed, have seen individual opinions, 
and speeches, and sermons, they have raised a charge 
against the whole body of Protestant dissenters, and said, 
Though these people call out for toleration, and though they 
ask for religious liberty, yet they are not willing to grant 
to others that which they claim. But I always have said, 
and now repeat, I have found it quite the contrary. Now 
if you feel any gratitude to me upon this subject, (and I 
wish I deserved it more,) I make the same answer to you 
that I made seventeen years ago, i Assist me to assist others 
who need to be assisted/ I can only assure you, and what 
I say here I have said in my place in parliament, that 
though I should rejoice to find that the great victory you 
have gained over intolerance and persecution shall lead to 
a further victory, and to further improvement of the statute 
book, yet it was not with this view I acted. For if I was 
convinced that every man in this immense assembly was 
an enemy to Catholic emancipation, I would have struggled 



LORD HOLLAND. 227 

for your wishes, nor to you should justice have been by 
me denied. Certainly, without having any particular reli- 
gious tenets to bind me to the body of Protestant dissenters, 
I have ever had a powerful predilection for them. Yet it 
was not on that account that I urged the repeal of the Test 
and Corporation acts. And now, when I recommend the 
repeal of acts still more oppressive on six millions of our 
fellow-subjects, it is not from any great love, or great 
admiration, for their particular ritual or creed. But shall 
I grasp, or allow other puny arms to grasp, the lightning 
and thunder, and punish by exclusion those from whom I 
differ ; and persecute and proscribe those who, as honest 
men, adhere to the ritual and creed of their forefathers, 
and to which their judgment and their will adhere? No, 
no, no ! Such are my rules of conduct ; such the princi- 
ples you have aloud proclaimed. These are the grounds 
on which I think this institution was wisely founded. 
The founders have acted up to their principle, and now 
gather, joyfully, some of their summer fruits. A gentle- 
man to the right, (Dr. Cox) mentioned that he looked for- 
ward to the funeral of this institution. I look forward to 
it also ; but I hope it will remain in vigour as long as its 
energies shall be required. As long as there be any thing 
imperfect, such as the matters mentioned in your resolu- 
tions ; or as long as the principle of persecution lingers 
on in life, I trust it will abide and flourish all along, and 
cling most closely to the sacred principles which Protes- 
tants as well as Protestant dissenters, must profess. Enjoy 
the relief you have acquired, and extend to all the benefits 
of your energy. But, exhausted, I must sit down, and I sit 
down with an overflowing heart, thanking you again, and 
again, and again, for the attention and kindness you towards 
me have uniformly shewn." 

It still remains for us to take some notice of Lord Hol- 
land's exertions in the cause of the Roman Catholics of 
Ireland ; but on this we are compelled, by the extent to 
which this memoir has already carried us, to be very concise. 



228 LORD HOLLAND. 

The Catholic relief bill, as it was called, having passed 
the Commons, was brought up and read a first time in the 
House of Lords, on Tuesday, March 31st, 1829, when the 
Duke of Wellington proposed that it should be printed, and 
read a second time the following Thursday, which being 
objected to by several noble lords as being too early a day, 
Lord Holland spoke at some length against procrastinating 
a measure of such importance to the empire, and so impe- 
riously called for. Some noble lords had complained of 
being taken by surprise. " Talk of surprise," said his lord- 
ship," it is monstrous, it is laughable to hear of such a 
thing. It may be a matter of surprise that the noble duke, 
with his acute and penetrating powers of mind, should have 
been so tardy in giving to this question the benefit of his 
support ; but to say that it is matter of surprise this ques- 
tion should come under the consideration of parliament this 
session, is so inconsistent with common sense, that I won- 
der how any man can assert it. No delay was necessary 
on the principle of the measure, as it had been before the 
country long before many noble lords had the honour of 
sitting in that house. 

But it was on the 6th of April, when the order of the 
day for the second reading of the bill for fixing the quali- 
fication of freeholders in Ireland, was moved, that Lord 
Holland spoke most largely on this subject. It was in 
reply to the Earl of Winchelsea, that he rose, and began 
by expressing his satisfaction at finding that the noble lord 
(Manners) did not think the coronation oath contained any 
bar to the legislation of parliament on the subject of 
Catholic relief. The noble earl (Winchelsea) admitted that 
parliament had a right to change the constitution of the 
country : and, moreover, that they could effect one change 
which the noble earl appeared to have much at heart, which 
was, that the spiritual lords should be turned out of the 
house, and that their revenues should be equalized. This 
was rather a bold proposition, said his lordship — a 
stroke of sweeping reform, to come from such a quarter. 



LORD HOLLAND. 229 

According to the terms of the coronation oath, the sove- 
reign was bound to maintain the church and the clergy of 
this kingdom in their rights and privileges. It had been 
said that the Irish tenantry were now swayed by the priests. 
For himself he must say, that he was not fond of an undue 
influence on the part of priests of any class : he was as 
free from that weakness as any man could well be ; but if 
slaves were to be driven, he would rather they were driven 
by drivers of their own choice, than by persons of whom 
they less approved, although they might happen to be the 
original drivers. The conduct of the Irish electors since 
the year 1825, so far from being an aggravation of their 
offence, his lordship thought, was directly the contrary. 
"It was to their praise,'' he said, " t;hat these poor unhappy 
and most unfortunate men, who had been long labouring 
under the yoke which your ambition imposed upon 
them — these slaves and serfs of the land — was it to be 
spoken to their condemnation, that, impelled by religious 
and strong political notions, they had incurred the risk of 
actual destitution and punishment by opposing their task- 
masters ? Though it might be true, that the basis of the 
English constitution and representation consisted in pro- 
perty, it was false that the overweening property of one 
man could constitutionally command the votes of others. 
The really guilty men were the proprietors of land in Ire- 
land, who, for the basest, lowest, and most grovelling of 
political objects, had bestowed rights and privileges upon 
their fellow-countrymen." After all, his lordship acknow- 
ledged that he could not vote for this bill with the same 
degree of pleasure and satisfaction as he had felt when, 
two days ago, he went below the bar in support of the 
measure of emancipation, with a mass of talent, liberality, 
and learning — a constellation of all that was brilliant and 
benignant in human nature, such as perhaps had never 
before been enclosed within that narrow space. The noble 
lord, after noticing the assertion, that the present was a 
terrible infringement on the Irish elective franchise, and 



230 LORD HOLLAND. 

glancing at the argument relative to the different value of 
£40 noWj and in the time of Henry the Eighth, proceeded 
to observe, that, although, for the reasons already stated, 
and in accordance with the evidence taken in 1825, he was 
willing to vote for the second reading of the bill, yet, 
much as he wished to reconcile his mind to all the clauses 
and provisions suggested by those individuals who had so 
nobly, wisely, and magnanimously brought forward the 
measure of relief, he could not deny that there were clauses 
in the present bill to which he could not give his hearty 
concurrence. 

After particularizing his objections, Lord Holland con- 
cluded with an apology to the house for saying a few words 
about himself, explanatory of the motives and reasons for 
acting as he did. "The noble earl (Winchelsea) had com- 
plimented persons on this side of the house for their con- 
sistency. He (Lord Holland) neither boasted, nor wished 
to be thought proud of his consistency. His whole object 
was to think as justly, and act as honestly, as he could. 
And if he happened to be consistent in his public actions, 
it was simply because his opinions had not changed. If 
they had undergone an alteration, he trusted he had virtue, 
honour, patriotism, and honesty enough to act on the 
change. He wished to shew, by his actions, that these 
were his real opinions — the sentiments on which he had 
always acted ; and therefore he wished to shew the sharp- 
shooters of the opposite party, who endeavoured to bring 
down every body, that he was a fair mark for them. He 
wanted to shew them that he had — not a white feather — 
that he did not believe he possessed — but a few discoloured 
feathers, and that, therefore, they might have a slap at him. 
Should their lordships, after what had been already done 
in the meditated alteration of the law, attempt to halt, and 
disappoint the expectations which had been so generally 
excited throughout this and the neighbouring kingdom, 
he could not contemplate the dangerous effect of such a 
line of conduct without being appalled at the too probable 



LORD HOLLAND. 231 

consequences. This was the most powerful of all the 
reasons that have been recapitulated in favour of the bill ; 
and, impressed as he was with the weight of this argument, 
he could not but give it his sincere support." 

Here, then, we take leave of Lord Holland's parliamen- 
tary career, presuming that we have traced it in a way 
sufficiently minute, through a period of almost forty years, 
to enable every reader to judge for himself of the noble 
lord's principles as a statesman, his accurate knowledge of 
the laws and constitution of his country, his love of free- 
dom, and inflexible attachment to the cause of civil and 
religious liberty. Educated in the school of his immortal 
uncle — a man whose genius has cast so brilliant a lustre 
on England— his whole political life bears testimony to his 
proficiency as a pupil, and how much he has profited by 
the lessons of his instructor. The liberal principles early 
implanted in his mind have been strengthened and invigo- 
rated by study, and the experience acquired by an inter- 
course with the world, at home and abroad. He is a scholar, 
without the least taint of pedantry ; and he possesses all the 
superiority of talent, and goodness of heart, which command 
esteem and inspire affection. Yet, as an orator, his lord- 
ship does not by any means rank high. This is, in a great 
measure, owing to ' the mighty soul working out its way' 
with a vigour too overpowering. His lordship's thoughts 
o'ermaster his words ; and the more he struggles, often the 
more he is at a loss for the * current coin of debate/ Nor 
does the vehemence of his action, or the fine and deep tones 
of his voice, compensate for this hesitation — a defect which in 
some degree characterized his renowned relative, but which 
early practice in public speaking, such as was enjoyed by 
Brougham and Jeffery in the Speculative Club of Edinburgh, 
might have corrected or removed. Lord Holland is ener- 
getic, copious, and effective : but his utterance is imper- 
fect, and his gesticulation inelegant. But, notwith- 
standing this defect in Lord Holland's oratory, which ren- 
ders it somewhat ungraceful, he is almost sure to bear 



232 LORD HOLLAND. 

away the hearts of his hearers at the end of a debate ; for 
his benevolence is more boundless than his satire is poig- 
nant ; and if he inflicts a wound, he seems uneasy until 
he has applied a lenitive. 

Lord Holland's manners are said to be very agreeable — 
his conversation elegant — and even his personal appearance, 
which calls strongly to mind that of his illustrious uncle, 
all afford convincing proof that the two characters of an 
accomplished scholar, and a convivial companion, are by 
no means incompatible. His lordship patronizes men of 
letters, and enjoys considerable reputation as an author. 
Among the acknowledged productions of his lordship's 
pen, are the Lives of Lope de Vega, and Gilhon de Castro, 
already mentioned in the course of this memoir — but to 
these may be added, the Preface to Mr. Fox's Historical 
Fragment — Preface to Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs — Letter 
to Dr. Shuttleworth on the Catholic Claims — The Twenty- 
Fifth Canto of the Orlando Furioso, and the Seventh Satire 
of Ariosto translated into English Verse, and appended as 
Specimens to Mr. Rose's Version — The Account of the Sup- 
pression of the Jesuits in Doblado's Letters on Spain — and 
a Letter to a Neapolitan, from an Englishman in 1815. 
He was also the editor of Lord Orford's Memoirs, and re- 
published Townsend on the Poor Laws, with a Preface 
addressed to Lord Grenville. Mr. Jerdan, in the short 
sketch of his lordship which accompanies the fine portrait 
of him contained in a recent number of the National Por- 
trait Gallery,* mentions, what he calls i a charming bit of 
Utopian philosophy,' entitled " A Dream," as the product 
of his lordship's waking hours ; it is addressed to his old 
friend, and the admired poet, Samuel Rogers, Esq. — never 
printed, we believe, but merely privately circulated among 
his lordship's friends. He has also favoured us with 
" A Poetical Epistle" attributed to his lordship's pen, which 
displays much playfulness and grace, in union with fine 
moral feeling. 

* Published by Messrs. Fisher, Son, and Jackson. 




rair.-ri :- li~ .:-.::_=--;--.?=-.--._-. . 



■ 



THE R 1 HON^e FREDERICK JOHN ROBINSON". VISCOUNT GODERICH . 




: 



LORD GODEliICM. 



233 



THE RIGHT HON. 

LORD VISCOUNT GODERICH, 

Secretary of State for the Colonial Department. 



Lord Viscount Goderich, formerly known as the Hon- 
ourable Frederick Robinson, is a younger brother of Lord 
Grantham, and born on the 30th of October, 1782. His 
father was a distinguished diplomatist ; and among various 
other services rendered to his country in that capacity, he 
concluded the preliminaries of peace with France in the 
year 1783. The ancestry of the family can readily be traced 
to the distance of two hundred and fifty years, about which 
time, William Robinson, its founder, and an eminent 
Hamburgh merchant, became lord mayor of the city of 
York. 

The first member of the family elevated to the peerage 
was Sir Thomas Robinson, who, after a long and honour- 
able diplomatic career, was created Baron Grantham, in 
the first year of the reign of George the Third. The pre- 
sent Lord Goderich takes precedency of his elder brother, 
notwithstanding the latter inherits the more ancient and 
family title ; the reason of which will be explained here- 
after, when we come to narrate the circumstances attending: 
his elevation to the House of Peers. 

Viscount Goderich, the present secretary for the colonies, 
was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, where, in 
compliment to his rank and talents, he obtained the hono- 
rary degree of Master of Arts. In 180/ he took his seat 

2 h 



234 LORD GODERICH. 

in the House of Commons, as representative of the borough 
of Rippon, as the successor of Sir James Graham, which 
station he continued to fill for several succeeding parlia- 
ments — a period of twenty years. Shortly after his first 
return to parliament, the lamented death of Mr. Fox broke 
up the Whig ministry, and the noble viscount, then Mr. 
Robinson, was found among the supporters of those who 
had returned to power. From his first appearance in the 
House of Commons, he became a favourite, particularly with 
agricultural and aristocratical members, who considered 
that they had a guarantee in his name and family, that he 
would always speak and vote for the predominancy of the 
landed interest. His appearance at this time was the more 
cheering to the ministerial members, as, on the opposite 
side of the house were to be found a class of political 
economists — a sect just then becoming important in par- 
liament, from the ability displayed by Messrs. Horner, 
Brougham, and Ricardo. 

It was not, however, till the year 1812, that Mr. Robin- 
son began to take an active share in the business of par- 
liament ; and in following that course, he, no doubt, acted 
with sound discretion. Many a young member has done 
himself great injury by a too precipitate movement, in 
speaking without a thorough knowledge of his audience ; 
and the more especially, since, in St. Stephen's Chapel, as 
with the female sex, one false step for ever ruins their fame. 
Some of the greatest statesmen of modern times have seen 
the wisdom of proceeding by slow and cautious step, ere 
they hazarded their reputation by a maiden speech. The 
late Mr. Canning remained nearly a year a member of the 
house, before he made his first essay ; and though he did 
not escape the lash of Mr. Courtney's irony, yet the suc- 
cess which awaited that effort was the best .and truest 
proof of his tact and discretion. Nor was Mr. Robinson's 
tardiness less creditable ; for, at the period when he began 
to take a more prominent part in the debates of the house, 
experience had divested him of those classic puerilities, in 



LORD GODERICH. 235 

which gentlemen fresh from the academic groves are so 
apt to indulge. He had, moreover, acquired that happy 
facility of phrase which is something more than fluency ; 
and that winning grace and artlessness of manner, which 
may be called the coquetry of public speaking, and the 
possession of which is essential to the finished debater. 

It was not long a secret to ministers, that Mr. Robinson 
was not divested of honourable ambition, and that he was 
willing by patient labour to make his way to office and 
distinction. There are rarely wanting in parliament young 
gentlemen of this description, the younger sons and brothers 
of the nobility — so many indeed that the task of selection 
is by no means an easy one ; but it has been observed, 
that Lord Castlereagh gave proof of his quickness and know- 
ledge of mankind by his preference of Mr. Robinson, who 
Was certainly the most promising, and at the same time 
the least assuming, of all the candidates for ministerial 
favour. He had resided about two years, it seems, in 
Ireland, in the office of chief secretary for that country, 
where he probably acquired that animation of style, of 
which he at this period gave pleasing specimens ; and it 
is not too much to suppose, that he had observed the good 
effects of those declamatory and passionate appeals in which 
the natives of the sister country are so prone to indulge. 
Mr. Robinson's addresses, however, were not solely dis- 
tinguished by declamation — on the contrary, their charac- 
teristic features were good sense, sound information, and 
a degree of judgment which enabled him to adapt himself 
with a nice exactness to the house and the subject, and 
to hit the mark (to use an expression of Mr. Burke) " pre- 
cisely between wind and water/' This adroitness, joined 
to his daily and rapid improvement in the art of public 
speaking, pointed out Mr. Robinson as a fit and proper 
person to fill the office of vice-president of the board of 
trade ; and towards the close of the year 1812, he was 
appointed to that situation, and also made treasurer of the 
navv. 



236 LORD GODERICH. 

The noble president of the board of trade, the Earl of 
Clancarty, seldom appearing at his post, the government 
of the committee devolved almost entirely upon Mr. Robin- 
son ; but neither the board nor the country had reason to 
regret the event. The enlightened and industrious vice- 
president entered upon the duties of his office, like one 
resolved to insure the utmost possible improvement in the 
commerce of the nation. At the time his active services 
in this department of the state commenced, the Continent 
was under the system of exclusion to British produce and 
manufactures, which the rancour of Napoleon had estab- 
lished. And though the despot's purpose to crush the 
trade of this country had in a great measure failed by 
reason of its own violence, that trade was materially suf- 
fering through the want of a direct and an unrestrained 
communication with the states of Europe. But the incon- 
venience and injury had now only a short time to exist; 
and the ardent zeal of Mr. Robinson to restore the com- 
merce of his country to its former prosperity was soon 
encouraged by the partial opening of the continental ports, 
and shortly after was amply recompensed by the establish- 
ment of a general peace. It may here be added, that, while 
discharging the important duties of the office of vice-pre- 
sident, he accumulated considerably to his stock of know- 
ledge, and acquired a competent acquaintance with the 
great interests of the country, both foreign and domestic, 
which could not fail to qualify him for the highly impor- 
tant station which he now fills in the administration of 
public affairs. 

It has been remarked, and the thing is no way incredible, 
that the exertions of Mr. Robinson, during the few years 
of his presiding at the board of trade, were almost unpre- 
cedented, owing to the arduous and difficult duties of his 
office. The merchants and manufacturers of the country, 
and not less the agriculturists, are little aware of the extent 
of their obligations to him for his unwearied labours through 
that period of vicissitude and perplexity. When his mea- 



LORD GODERICH. 237 

sures had not all the success which could be wished, the 
shafts of censure were darted against him without mercy, 
and without remorse ; and even amidst the numerous in- 
stances in which his foresight and industry succeeded, those 
whom he most benefited were frequently the loudest in 
their complaints against him. Omitting subordinate mea- 
sures in parliament, which he either originated, defended, 
or opposed, we may select, as an instance in point, the in- 
troduction of the corn-bill in the year 1815. In this bill, 
which it was his lot to introduce, Mr. Robinson identified 
himself with the interests of landlords, though the cry of 
i( cheap bread" resounded through the country. Popular 
violence increased with the progress of discussions on the 
measure, and riotous assemblies were held. A mob took 
possession of the avenues of the House of Commons, cheer- 
ing and hooting the members, according as they agreed 
with the popular opinions, or dissented from them. Nor 
did the evil stop there. The mob proceeded to violence, 
attacked the house of Mr. Robinson, and destroyed his 
furniture and writings. The police being unequal to the 
task of quelling the tumult, a military guard was sent for, 
which, without harm to an individual, dispersed the mob, 
and protected the parliament. The resentment of the 
populace, however, did not subside, for, when driven from 
the House of Commons by the military, they divided into 
small parties, in order that by simultaneous attacks they 
might destroy the houses of such as supported the bill. A 
desperate band, of about seventy men, made a second effort ; 
they assembled near the house of Mr. Robinson, though a 
military guard was posted in it for protection, and his ser- 
vants were also armed. The mob demanded to know where 
Mr. Robinson was, threatening to put him to death, and all 
who protected him ; and, about seven o'clock, when darkness 
favoured the deed, they attacked the remains of the house 
with redoubled fury. The military fired, and unhappily 
two innocent persons, who were mere idle spectators of the 
tumult, lost their lives — one a young midshipman, of the 



238 LORD GODERICH. 

name of Vize ; the other a female, of the name of Watson. 
For his conduct in reference to this matter, Mr. Robinson 
was vigorously assailed by an honourable baronet, who 
denominated the massacre " a military murder committed 
in ambuscade !" This made it necessary for the vice-pre- 
sident to appeal to the house, which he did in a pathetic, 
yet firm and manly speech. He stated the ravages com- 
mitted by the mob on the first night, and their outrageous 
return the next day, threatening his life, and the lives of 
his domestics 5 and he contended that the soldiers, posted 
within the house, were compelled to act in their own 
defence. The force of this appeal was felt by the House 
of Commons and the country, though all deplored the 
result. 

From this period, Mr. Robinson was in the habit of 
speaking on most public questions, and proved himself to 
be an infinitely superior person to his patron, the late 
Lord Londonderry, to whom he had acted in the capacity 
of private secretary — though much inferior to the noble 
marquis in political finesse ! But, while less experienced, 
he was more sincere; and while less versatile, he was 
more direct, and more to be depended on than the min- 
ister. In the early stages of his parliamentary career, he 
occasionally appeared to painful disadvantage, while en- 
gaged in advocating the measures of ministers — more, how- 
ever, through want of accurate information, than a defi- 
ciency of tact or power. An instance of this kind occurred 
in the memorable discussion of the system of espionage, 
in 1818, when Mr. Phillips introduced his motion respecting 
committees of secrecy. To Mr. Robinson was assigned 
the difficult task of replying to the honourable gentleman's 
statements ; and though successful in some parts of his 
reply, there were others in which he betrayed his want of 
correct information to such an extent, as to call forth the 
cheers of the opposition, by evincing his failure in the es- 
tablishment of the point contended for. 

It was in the year 1818 that Mr. Robinson delivered 



LORD GODERICH. 239 

his masterly speech on the foreign enlistment bill, which 
gained him no little fame. It has been considered one of 
his ablest parliamentary efforts during the years he was 
"not of the cabinet." Glancing at the state of South 
America, he observed, that " Spain would have a justifiable 
cause for declaring war, if we did not do our utmost to 
fulfil our treaty with her. And though her weakness might 
deter her from hazarding hostilities with a generous nation, 
that ought to be the very reason why all cause of com- 
plaint on our part should be removed. It was urged that 
the cause of the South Americans was just — that it was 
most fitly and naturally popular in Great Britain ; and 
that to support it would in a most important degree relieve 
the commercial and manufacturing interests of the king- 
dom. But, recollecting the solemn treaties entered into 
by this country, Mr. Robinson said, " he could not but pause, 
at least, before he consented to sacrifice to feeling and 
interest, the honour and good faith of the nation : in his 
view, nothing on earth should be held so dear by a country, 
as fidelity to its engagements." 

This was language worthy of a British statesman, and 
upon these honourable principles ministers regulated their 
proceedings in reference to South America till their very 
operation had produced such a change in the councils and 
conduct of Spain, as to open the way for an equally hon- 
ourable recognition of South American independence. Had 
the ministry taken the advice which some were forward 
to tender, and pursued an opposite line of conduct at this 
critical period, they might have involved this country in a 
war, the certain success of which would have ill repaid 
the waste of blood and treasure to which it must unavoid- 
ably have subjected us, and that without securing the inde- 
pendence of the South American colonies, or our advan- 
tageous recognition of them, so well as has been effected 
by the minister's prudent and peaceful measures. 

It was in the year 1818, that Mr. Robinson, on the death 
of Mr. Rose, and the resignation of Lord Clancarty, sue- 



240 LORD GODERICH. 

ceeded the latter as president of the board of trade, and 
the former as treasurer of the navy; the necessity of 
holding the two offices at the same time, being occasioned 
by the circumstance of there being no salary whatever 
attached to the higher office of president, although one had 
been assigned by act of parliament to the inferior post of 
vice-president. He became also at the same time a mem- 
ber of the cabinet. The office which the right honourable 
gentleman now filled was one of peculiar difficulty, owing 
to the heavy pressure that, about this time, lay on the 
agricultural interest. At the commencement of the ses- 
sion of 1820, numerous petitions were presented to the 
House of Commons, stating, in strong language, the extent 
of the evil, and imploring parliament to apply a remedy. 
On the 30th of May, the subject was brought fully before 
the house, by Mr. Holme Sumner, the member for Surrey, 
upon a motion, that the petitions relating to agricultural 
distresses be referred to a select committee, to consider 
the matter thereof, and report their opinion to the house ; 
and it was seconded by Mr. Gooch, member for Suffolk. 
After Mr. Curwen, Mr. Western, Mr. Brougham, and others, 
had spoken in favour of the motion, Mr. Robinson took 
up the subject, and spoke against the proposition at great 
length. He did not deny the existence of agricultural 
distress, but he questioned its universality. The honourable 
member for Yorkshire had acknowledged that there was 
little distress in the district with which he was personally 
acquainted. Mr. Robinson went on to remark, that he did 
not perceive the usual symptoms of general agricultural 
embarrassment — poor-rates increasing — tenants leaving their 
farms — strangers taking them on speculation. But what- 
ever might be- the extent of the suffering, it was chiefly 
important, he said, with a view to the application of a 
proper remedy, to consider the cause from which it pro- 
ceeded ; not merely its immediate cause, which was clearly 
a diminution of demand and of price; but the primary 
cause to which that diminution of price and demand was 



LORD GODERICH. 241 

to be ascribed. It was impossible, he thought, not to 
believe that the reduction of price arose from the immense 
quantity of land which had been brought into cultivation 
of late years ; and, as the price of corn must be sufficient 
to pay the expense of growing it on the poorest soils 
actually cultivated, he conceived it to be impossible, by any 
legislative contrivance, to retain those lands under the 
plough, when the circumstances which led at first to their 
improvement had ceased to exist. 

Mr. Robinson then proceeded to lay before the house 
an account of the total imports and exports of wheat for 
the last five years, in order to shew what had been the 
actual consumption of the country during that period, and 
also the average prices during a term of nineteen years, 
from which he inferred, that the price of corn had been 
sufficient to enable the farmer to cultivate his ground with 
spirit, and with advantage to himself and its owners. In 
conclusion, he observed, that, in calling for inquiry, with 
a view to an alteration of the existing corn-law, it appeared 
to him that they were bent upon a delusion the most 
gross, by which it was possible for millions of people to 
be deceived. Many supposed, that the warehouses for the 
reception of foreign corn were a great evil, and tended to 
keep the farmer in perpetual alarm, lest he should be 
crushed in the market, the moment the ports were opened, 
by the immense stock of foreign grain which would pour in 
upon him. But if they did not allow these warehouses to 
exist, what would be the consequence ? It would be merely 
to shift those warehouses from one side of the water to the 
other. Ships were said to fty ; and those who knew what 
was the speed they could exert, would feel, that it was 
almost as easy for them to cross from Holland to England, 
as it would be to sail from the coast of Essex to that of 
Kent. The only result of such a prohibition would be, to 
deprive British capital of that advantage which it at present 
derived out of a foreign commodity. 

The reasoning of the right honourable president, however, 

2i 



242 LORD GODERICH. 

failed to satisfy the county members, and accordingly, on a 
division, ministers found themselves in a minority of fifty ; 
which was a matter of no little surprise to them, and it 
even surprised Mr. Holme Sumner, who had brought for- 
ward the motion for a committee, who declared that, con- 
vinced as he was of the propriety of the measure, he had 
not expected that it would have been so favourably re- 
ceived. Two hundred and fifty members had divided on 
the occasion \ but Lord Castlereagh stated, that some of 
his friends having inquired concerning the course which 
the discussion was likely to take, he had replied, that their 
attendance would not be necessary, as he did not think the 
question would be pressed to a division. This mistaken 
opinion was the source of Mr. Sumner's success. Many 
members, who scarcely ever agreed on any other occasion, 
united in deploring the vote to which the house had come. 
In this, Sir Robert Wilson and Lord Castlereagh were of 
one mind ; they both thought, that the determination of 
that night would spread alarm over the country ; and his 
lordship declared that, had he at all anticipated the result, 
there would have been a very different attendance of mem- 
bers. The debate was protracted till four in the morning, 
in consequence of which, Mr. Baring suggested that the 
selection of the members of a committee, upon whom so 
much depended, ought to be delayed to a fitter time ; and, 
with that view, he moved, that the debate be adjourned to 
the same evening. 

On the 1st of June the debate was resumed, and Mr. 
Robinson now brought forward a proposition, to this effect, 
"that instructions be given to the committee to confine 
their investigations to the mode of ascertaining, returning, 
and calculating the average prices of corn in the twelve 
maritime districts under the provisions of the existing 
corn -laws, and to any frauds which may be committed in 
violation of the said laws." They who had originally sup- 
ported the appointment of a committee, regarded this as 
a device for frittering away its powers. Mr. Walter Bur- 



LORD GODERICH. 243 

rell, member for Sussex, consequently moved as an amend- 
ment, " that it be an instruction to the committee to 
inquire, whether the present mode of taking averages ascer- 
tains the actual market-prices of corn throughout the United 
Kingdom, or whether any plan can be devised better cal- 
culated to effect that purpose ;" and this amendment was, 
of course, supported by those who had voted with Mr. 
Sumner. 

Lord Castlereagh, who had taken no part in the previous 
debate, spoke in support of Mr. Robinson's motion. He 
declared himself decidedly adverse to opening the whole 
question of the corn-laws, which would be the necessary 
result of the appointment of the committee, unless its 
functions were limited in the manner proposed. He saw 
nothing that could result from wide-extended inquiry, ex- 
cept much agitation and alarm of the public mind, unac- 
companied with any benefit to the agricultural interest. 
He was equally averse to any alteration in the mode of 
ascertaining the averages ; but the reason which he as- 
signed for his opinion on this point was at variance with 
Mr. Robinson's argument on the preceding evening. To 
go into an explanation, however, of the different views that 
were taken of the matter, by the two ministers, would lead 
to a detail somewhat prolix and foreign to our purpose. 
Mr. Brougham opposed the motion in a speech of some 
length, in which he expatiated with considerable sarcastic 
humour on the surprise with which ministers found them- 
selves in a minority on the preceding evening, and the 
means to which they were now having recourse for the 
purpose of repairing their defeat. Mr. Tierney supported 
Mr. Robinson's motion, which, on a division, was carried 
by a majority of 143. 

It is impossible to observe the course of the debates 
which occurred during this session of parliament, on com- 
mercial policy, without remarking the rapid progress 
which sound and liberal views had made in the minds of 
all parties. Questions, the discussion of which had, in 



244 LORD GODERICH. 

former times, called forth nothing but violent prejudice 
itnd invective, were now the points on which ministers, 
and the more enlightened of their opponents, approached 
most nearly to entire coincidence of sentiment. In proof 
of this, we might instance some very interesting discus- 
sions which took place about this period, on the means of 
reviving our internal industry, by removing some of the 
restrictions which had formerly been imposed on our 
foreign trade. Petitions from various manufacturing dis- 
tricts for the removal of these restrictions, were laid upon 
the table of the house. In presenting that of the mer- 
chants of London, May the 8th, Mr. Baring entered upon 
the subject at great length, and, after illustrating several 
general principles, recommended specifically to do away 
with ail enactments that were absolutely prohibitory, to 
revise our navigation laws, to repeal the wool-tax, to 
facilitate the transit trade in German linens, to permit the 
importation of timber from the north of Europe on the 
same footing as from America, and to remove the restraints 
on the trade with China. 

Mr. Robinson candidly admitted both the soundness of 
the general principles laid down by Mr. Baring, and the 
correctness of his application to the particular instances 
he had mentioned. He declared himself an enemy to the 
restrictive system, which he conceived to be founded in 
error, and calculated to defeat its own object. But while 
he freely admitted all this, he regretted to say, that it now 
involved so many interests, that it could be departed from 
only gradually ; and it had taken such deep root in the 
public mind, and had enlisted so many prejudices in its 
favour, that, even where it could be abandoned safely and 
without delay, it was difficult to persuade men to give 
it up. 

In attempting this more liberal line of policy, Mr. Can- 
ning now began to stand prominently forward ; and it is 
scarcely necessary to add, that Mr. Robinson, in the pro- 
secution of these measures, lent Mr. Canning most effectual 



LORD GODERICH. 245 

aid. Nor can we wonder, that one who had become so 
useful and active a member of the ministry should be 
recommended by the first lord of the treasury to the office 
of chancellor of the exchequer, at the commencement of the 
year 1823. The recommendation was approved by the 
King, and Mr. Robinson was immediately appointed to 
that important post. The country, having by this time 
forgotten his share in the corn-laws, saw his advancement 
with satisfaction, and the ministry gained strength by the 
accession of the new member to the cabinet. The truth 
is said to be, that the landed gentlemen again became 
alarmed at the state of agriculture, and at the measures 
reported to be in agitation, and they all rallied around 
Mr. Robinson as their advocate and protector. 

Having been thus appointed chancellor of the exchequer, 
it became his duty, at the opening of the session of 1824, 
to introduce his financial arrangements for that and the 
three succeeding years. In these he unquestionably had 
in view the benefit of the country, and not his own popu- 
larity ; nevertheless, had he studied only to render himself 
popular, he could not have chosen a more certain mode of 
effecting it. The reduction he proposed to make in the 
duties on wine and spirits, on wool and silk, and in the 
assessed taxes at large, while it indicated a gratifying im- 
provement in the revenue of the nation, secured for the 
minister a large share of popular applause and general ap- 
probation. Probably that applause and approbation would 
have been as great, had he spoken of the payment of a long- 
standing debt by Austria, in less surprised and sacred 
terms, and had he not appended to his encouraging report 
of our finances, a hint of some further change in the interest 
on government stock ! 

The disclosure of the budget in the year 1825, shewed 
Mr. Robinson more confident than ever in the success of 
his measures of finance, and he now congratulated the house 
and the country in such lofty terms, as to acquire for him- 
self a name, which his subsequent transition to the peerage 



246 LORD GODERICH. 

has not obliterated from the public memory. When, how- 
ever, he pronounced the prosperity of the nation steadily 
progressive, and predicted a future surplus of not less than 
a million and a half a year, later discoveries have shewn how 
much he was in error ; but he erred with thousands, if 
indeed with not almost the whole commercial community. 
From the commencement of the late war with France to 
the present moment, the country seems to have been con- 
tinually hoodwinked in regard to its actual state in a 
financial point of view ; and it was reserved for the pre- 
sent upright, straight-forward, and uncompromising chan- 
cellor of the exchequer to make the country properly 
acquainted with its real state of debt and income. In this 
respect the explanations and discussions which took place 
in the House of Commons on the 6th of February last, 
are of vast importance, and must be very beneficial to the 
nation at large 

On the formation of the Canning ministry in 1827, Mr. 
Robinson became secretary of state for the colonies ; and 
on the 28th of April in that year, he was raised to the 
peerage, by the title of Viscount Goderich of Nocton, in 
the county of Lincoln, for the purpose of acting as minis- 
terial leader in the House of Lords, retaining his office of 
colonial secretary, as the successor of Earl Bathurst. In 
his new position, placed among the peers of the realm, and 
leader of their debates, the noble viscount bore his full 
share of the difficulties with which the early part of Mr. 
Canning's ministry had to contend. His able introduction 
of the new corn-bill, and the obstacles thrown in the way 
of its success by the Duke of Wellington, Earl Grey, and 
others, are fresh in the recollection of many of us ; as is 
also the excellent spirit with which he sustained and an- 
swered the reproaches of those who had very recently acted 
with him in preparing the very same measures — reproaches 
which were equally unmerited on his part, and unjust and 
disgraceful on theirs. 

The death of Mr. Canning was a most " untoward" event 



LOUD GODERICH. 247 

for his administration. He had become most deservedly- 
popular, for the spirited and liberal opinions which he had 
lately professed and most powerfully advocated, as well 
with regard to foreign as domestic policy. He dissented, 
pointedly, from the principles of the holy alliance ; ac- 
celerated, if he did not produce, the recognition of the 
republic of Mexico, Columbia, and Buenos Ayres ; and 
insisted on the necessity of aiding Portugal against Spain, 
with such fervent eloquence, as had rarely, if ever, been 
heard in parliament, since the setting of those great poli- 
tical luminaries, during whose splendid meridian the dawn 
of his genius had glimmered. But he died at the zenith 
of his political reputation ; he had attained the pinnacle 
of all his earthly ambition, as well with regard to popularity 
as place. His early errors were forgotten, in admiration of 
his recent spirited, manly, and upright conduct. No un- 
prejudiced mind could withhold its applause from a min- 
ister, whose views were at once so eminently patriotic and 
so universally benevolent. In his latter days, he was, with 
two or three glaring exceptions, the advocate of all that 
was liberal, enlightened, and conciliating. Had his life 
been prolonged, he would, in all probability, have become 
entitled to the gratitude of the world. No political adven- 
turer ever terminated his career more honourably ; no 
man's principles became more ameliorated by his success. 
The close of his public life was as deserving of applause 
and high approval, as its commencement had merited con- 
tempt. In the early stages of his progress towards that 
eminence which he at length attained, his conduct seems 
to have been governed by his necessities. He had adopted 
politics, as being a more lucrative profession than the law ; 
and circumstances made him a senatorial slave to a power- 
ful party, whose measures, for a long time, he was com- 
pelled to justify from motives of necessity — he could not 
afford to oppose them — like Paley, who could not " afford 
to keep a conscience !" As soon as he could safely throw 
off the yoke which he had courted, he emancipated himself 



248 LORD GODERICH. 

from thraldom. The first gleam of his independence 
occurred on his obtaining a competency by marriage ; and 
when he had, in some measure, obtained by his talents the 
individual influence which he coveted, he became more 
intrepid. As he rose, his views were proportionably en- 
larged ; and at length they became extensive, bold, and 
philanthropic, as his station was exalted. 

The reader, it is hoped, will require no apology for sub- 
joining, to what has now been recorded of Mr. Canning, 
the following estimate of his oratorical powers, though not 
strictly called for in a memoir of Lord Goderich. " A very 
high degree of excellence has been attributed to his orations. 
He enshrined the most appropriate classical allusions, the 
most brilliant ideas, and the most exquisite irony, in lan- 
guage which, with rare exceptions, even when uttered 
without premeditation, no art could refine, to which no 
labour could give an additional polish. For elegance and 
purity of composition, he has perhaps never been excelled ; 
and in taste, with regard to rhetorical ornaments, but sel- 
dom equalled. His raillery was often irresistible, his wit 
pure and poignant, and his humour at once admirably re- 
fined and remarkably effective. He was possessed of so 
large a share of political courage, that, during his whole 
public life, he was rarely known to flinch from an adver- 
sary, however powerful ; or avoid an attack, however well 
merited. His boldness, especially at the early part of his 
career, often rose into arrogance ; and his retorts degenerated 
into daring vituperation. But his speeches, as well as his 
opinions, improved with his years \ they became more noble, 
manly, and conciliating, in proportion to his success ; and, 
at length, he ceased altogether to bolster up a bad cause 
by reckless assertions ; or to overwhelm an opponent with 
virulence, whom he could not silence by argument. He 
seldom lost his perfect self-possession, but when, in the 
fervid utterance of his thoughts, he rose into the most 
lofty and spirit-stirring eloquence. As an instance of the 
effect which he frequently produced on his auditors, it is 



LORD GODERICH. 249 

related, that when, one night, in allusion to the part he 
had taken in recognizing the infant republics of South 
America, he exclaimed, in the style and manner of Chatham, 
that, looking to ' Spain in the Indies, he had called a new 
world into existence, to redeem the balance of the old, 
the effect was actually terrific — c it was/ says a late writer, 
6 as if every man in the house had been electrified. Tierney, 
who had previously been shifting his seat, removing his 
hat and putting it on again, and taking large and frequent 
pinches of snuff, seemed petrified, and sat fixed and staring, 
with his mouth open for half a minute/"* 

Mr. Canning's ministry was gazetted on the 27th of 
April, 1827, and, on the 8th of August following, he ex- 
pired, at the age of fifty-seven. As parliament was not 
then sitting, the ministry stood their ground, Lord Gode- 
rich being regarded as at the head of the cabinet, assisted 
by the Marquis of Lansdown, who, for the present, filled 
the vacancy occasioned by Mr. Canning's death. From 
that fatal moment to the middle of January, 1828, the 
cabinet ministers had an opportunity of reconnoitering the 
ground on which they stood, and forming a proper esti- 
mate of their strength and competency to meet the ap- 
proaching storm when parliament should assemble. It 
was, however, found that Lord Goderich had neither poli- 
tical strength nor talent enough to maintain his ground 
against the Tory party, with the Duke of Wellington at 
their head. Accordingly, his grace was invited to take the 
seals of office, and form an administration of his own 
friends, which he accomplished previous to parliament 
assembling for the despatch of business, and on the 25th 
of January they were gazetted, to the exclusion of Lords 
Goderich and Lansdown. The most sanguine hopes were 
entertained, at the time, of bringing over Lord Goderich 
to join the new ministry, he having pledged himself, it 
was said, to the King, to give his support to them, if the 
administration should be found to comprise Mr. Huskisson 

* Georgian Era, Vol. I. p. 408. 



250 LORD GODERICH. 

and the other Canning Tories. In that expectation, how- 
ever, they were disappointed ; Mr. Huskisson, indeed, took 
office under the noble duke, but happening to vote on 
one occasion contrary to the allegiance due to the com- 
mander-in-chief, and though it was done to preserve his own 
consistency, he was instantly ordered " to the right about." 
The session of parliament was opened by commission on 
the 29th of January ; and in the King's speech, the brilliant 
achievement of the British fleet, under the command of Sir 
Edward Codrington, in defeating the Turkish squadron off 
Navarino, was spoken of as an " untoward event," which 
threw many of the ministers, who had retained their seats 
in the Wellington cabinet, into an awkward and perplexing 
situation, inasmuch as it was making them to condemn a 
successful enterprise projected and sanctioned by their own 
councils. Lords Lansdown and Goderich, too, though not 
of the cabinet, took up the subject, in the debate on the 
address. The former said, that, after what had been stated 
in the course of that night's discussion, he felt himself 
called upon to declare that there was no one act of Sir 
Edward Codrington, and more especially connected with 
the transaction which had been the principal subject of con- 
versation that evening, which he should feel himself more 
strongly called upon to defend, than his conduct at Nava- 
rino. He was not only bound to make this declaration, but he 
felt it his duty to say, that, in relation to the recent conflict, 
if any blame did attach anywhere, most assuredly it was not 
to the gallant officer who commanded the fleet. Although 
he was anxious that the present motion should be carried 
without opposition, and, above all, with his acquiescence, he 
could not have given it his support without the explanation 
from the noble duke with respect to the term untoward, as 
applied to that gallant commander who had presided over 
the allied fleets in the conflict : he could not give his vote 
that night, without protesting to the house, that the gallant 
admiral was entitled to the approbation of every individual 
who possessed a particle of British honour. 



LORD GODERICH. 251 

Lord Goderich said, that as it had been his lot to form 
one of the administration, when the noble duke (of Wel- 
lington) signed the protocol at St. Petersburg — and as it 
had, moreover, been his lot to be a party to that treaty 
which the noble marquis (Lansdown,) had defended — he 
felt himself bound, in justice to his own character, to say, 
that he subscribed entirely to the reasoning which his noble 
friend had used. He concurred with the noble marquis, 
that the gallant admiral, alluded to, had exercised a sound 
discretion, and had ably supported his own character, as 
well as the honour of his country. He had been placed in 
circumstances of no ordinary difficulty, and he had per- 
formed his duty like a man. He was prepared to support 
the gallant admiral — not upon the mere principle that it 
was the duty of a government in general to uphold those 
who executed its orders ; for it was his firm and deliberate 
conviction, that the gallant officer was justified in the 
course he had taken. He was happy to say, that the 
British admiral had not in the least tarnished his own pre- 
viously acquired fame, nor had he sullied the honour and 
glory of his country. 

On the 11th of February, the Earl of Carnarvon moved 
for a copy of the orders and instructions sent by the com- 
bined powers, (England, France, and Russia,) to the officers 
of their respective squadrons, signed by the ambassadors of 
all the powers. The ministers refused to grant this, and it 
led Viscount Goderich to address the house in the way of 
explanation, on several interesting points concerning him- 
self, and his retirement from office. " If any excuse be 
necessary," said the noble viscount, " for troubling your 
lordships on the present occasion, I trust I shall find it in 
the speech of the noble earl who commenced this discus- 
sion. The immediate cause which led to the change of 
government was the existence of an irreconcileable difference 
of opinion, upon a subject of the deepest importance, between 
two individuals, members of that government. In the course 
of the last session but one, it was announced in the other 



252 LORD GODERICH. 

house of parliament, that it was the intention of govern- 
ment to propose, in the course of the last session, the 
appointment of a committee of finance. The state of Por- 
tugal was becoming more and more settled, and the time 
was not far distant when it would be competent to the 
British government to withdraw its troops from that 
country. But it was a matter of uncertainty how early that 
desirable object could be attained ; and, above all, it was a 
matter of uncertainty how soon the relations between this 
country and the Ottoman Porte might be brought to an 
issue. Hence it was impossible for me to state or explain 
What might be the extent of the demands on our revenue ; 
and the maintenance or reduction of our establishments must 
of course depend very much upon our external relations. 
For these reasons, the propriety of appointing a committee 
was not submitted to the house of commons. In the course 
of that friendly and official intercourse which necessarily 
takes place between members of government not suspicious 
nor jealous of each other, it was intimated by a member of 
the cabinet, that, in his opinion, it would be a very desirable 
thing, if there were placed in the chair of the committee, an 
individual in the other house, whom he considered eminently 
qualified. With regard to the individual whose name was 
suggested to me, I will say this — I have known him long, 
and have a very sincere regard for him. A communication 
was made to that individual (Lord Althorp,) to ascertain 
whether, if ministers should nominate him to the office, he 
would undertake it. This communication was unknown to 
me, as well as to the chancellor of the exchequer. That 
right honourable gentleman (Mr. Herries,) objected to such 
a communication having been made without his knowledge ; 
and it finally led to a disagreement between him and the 
right honourable, the colonial secretary, (Mr. Huskisson,) 
which I vainly endeavoured to reconcile. I represented to 
his Majesty the situation in which the government was 
placed. His Majesty decided on sending a communication 
to the noble duke (Wellington,) and I ceased to hold the 



LORD GODERICH. 253 

situation in which I was placed. It was one I never coveted ; 
and when it was proposed to me to succeed Mr. Canning, I 
felt that I was in a situation, in which it was impossible to 
refuse the office. Under the circumstances under which I 
have retired, I have secured to myself, as regards my per- 
sonal interest or advantage, nothing — but as regards my 
honour and character, every thing. If the measures of the 
present government be founded on principles of liberality, 
justice, and discretion, it shall have my best wishes for its 
success ; for we live, my lords, in times in which persons 
and names are nothing, but principles and measures every 
thing. The noble secretary of state has informed the 
house, that he feels it inconsistent with his duty to consent 
to the production of the papers ; and I own I am perfectly 
satisfied with the reasons he has assigned. No man can 
doubt that we had just grounds of interference, both as 
regarded the state of Europe generally, and what was likely 
to happen between the two powers immediately engaged in 
the contest. I have no doubt of shewing satisfactorily, that 
no principle of the law of nations repudiated the course 
which has been pursued. I believe the justice of the treaty 
will be maintained ; and if my old friends, now in office, 
bring the question to a successful issue, they will have the 
unqualified thanks of their country." 

The breaking up of Lord Goderich's administration, 
which paved the way for the return of the Ultra Tories to 
power, is an event of so much importance in his political 
life, that it is only an act of justice to him to record 
at large his own account of the causes which led to it ; 
for which reason his speech is here pretty fully detailed. 
The subject, however, did not go immediately to rest. His 
lordship's statement of facts was found to bear hard on 
Mr. Herries, and the friends of that gentleman exerted 
themselves to the utmost, to furnish a different version of 
the matter. The consequence of this was, that on the 19th 
of February, Lord Goderich rose, and thus addressed the 
House of Peers : — 



254 LORD GODERICH. 

"It is imputed to me, that I went to his Majesty with 
a statement that was not correct ; and that the imme- 
diate cause which led to the precariousness introduced into 
the government did not arise from what I stated, but from 
some other motive. But if the immediate cause was not 
the resignation of the chancellor of the exchequer, as I 
stated, then am I among the basest of mankind. But it is 
impossible I could be guilty of such baseness. When I 
wrote to Mr. Hemes on the subject of the committee, I 
told him in the plainest terms what was the opinion of my 
right honourable friend. I stated that he considered it 
impossible that he could acquiesce in the nomination of the 
chairman of the finance committee, which had been the 
subject of discussion. My right honourable friend stated, 
that if the decision should be against that nomination, he 
should resign ; and I stated that the resignation of the 
secretary of state would dissolve the government. I added 
to this, that his resignation would be attended with the 
same consequences. How then could he state — how could 
any man state — that I went with a false pretence, to pro- 
cure the dissolution of the government ? I say that the 
conduct of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Herries) 
was the immediate cause of the dissolution of the govern- 
ment." This representation of the affair was further cor- 
roborated by the Earl of Carlisle, who, speaking from his 
own knowledge, declared it was quite impossible to believe 
otherwise than that the difference of opinion between the 
two right honourable gentlemen (Herries and Huskisson) 
was the real cause of the dissolution of the government. 

Before this subject is entirely dismissed, it must be said, 
in justice to Mr. Herries, that, when called upon by Lord 
Normanby, in the House of Commons, both Mr. Huskisson 
and that gentleman entered into an elaborate statement of 
their conduct in self-defence, each being anxious to shift 
the burden of inculpation upon the shoulders of the other. 
Mr. Herries produced and read to the house several letters 
which had passed between himself and Lord Goderich, 



LORD GODERICH. 255 

which called up Mr. Tierney, Mr. Stanley, Lord Althorp, 
Mr. Peel, Mr. Brougham, and others — but a most extra- 
ordinary veil of mystery hung over the conduct of the two 
gentlemen above mentioned, which nothing that could be 
said had any power in unravelling ; and, after a speech of 
Mr. Herries, on the 21st of February, Mr. Brougham thus 
terminated the discussions : (i Sir, after the extraordinary 
speech which we have heard from the right honourable gen- 
tleman, I presume the house will be inclined to pass to 
the consideration of some other subject; for I am per- 
suaded it must be very perfectly apparent to every hon- 
ourable gentleman present, that from the right honourable 
gentleman no further explanation can be expected." 

Taking a review of the whole of this affair, it may not, 
perhaps, be unacceptable to the reader, if we subjoin the 
remarks which were made at the time by one of our 
journalists, who, appreciating Lord Goderich's qualifications 
for the premiership, shrewdly observes : "His lordship is 
an amiable and unoffending man, with a large share of the 
milk of human kindness. Amiability, however, will not do 
for a first minister, though it may be an admirable quality 
for a subordinate station ! Great men are the guide-posts 
and land-marks in a state ; and it is remarked by Burke, 
that the credit of such men at court, or in the nation, is 
the sole cause of all the public measures ; but it is laid 
in the unalterable course of things, that he who aspires to 
be premier of England, must have in his train all the 
masculine virtues, with the subtleness and cunning of the 
reptile tribe. Such a man must be firm, constant, grave, 
magnanimous, bold, and faithful, or wear the seeming of 
being so ; and must, moreover, be proof against all decep- 
tion. He must be e wise as the serpent/ which Lord 
Goderich was not; he must be ' harmless as the dove,' 
which Lord Goderich was. He must hazard his ease and 
his comfort — he must simulate and dissimulate — he must 
flatter, and bully, and lie, by turns, and conform himself 
exactly to the temper of party and the times. He must 



256 LORD GODERICH. 

be prepared to meet animosity, and defeat intrigue. Nor 
is this all : he must not scruple to sow in the paths of 
others those tares which were spread about his own ; and 
in order to make himself respected, he must first make 
himself feared, whether by firm and resolute policy, or in- 
sidious intrigue. To the honest, he must oppose the sem- 
blance of principle : to the needy and corrupt, he must 
present a purse ! Talking of the virtues, he must min- 
ister to the vices of mankind : and if he would rule long 
and successfully, and be, what is called, a great minister, 
he must trample on every moral and social principle, and 
c put his tongue in his cheek/ when such unsubstantial 
phantasies as honour, truth, and virtue are arrayed before 
him, in opposition to the tangible and potent influence of 
a handsome woman, an intriguing doctor, and a cunning 
Israelite worth a plumb. Was Lord Goderich such a 
man ? Assuredly not ! and his ministry fell before 
an intrigue — without parallel for paltriness, in British 
history." 

"Our own frank opinion of Lord Goderich's conduct," 
says another, " is, that it has been weak, timid, vacillating, 
and altogether unworthy of a man holding the place of prime 
minister in a free country. If the opposition to the liberal 
views of Mr. Huskisson and himself were, as it is stated 
to be, so strong in the House of Lords, as at present filled, 
as to render it impossible to carry them into operation, 
without strengthening their hands by the creation of twenty 
or thirty new peers, the minister should have asked the 
King to do this, and stated the grounds of his demand. 
New peers have been made for much worse purposes than 
that of carrying measures for the relief of the public bur- 
dens ; and if the King refused to accede to the wish of 
the minister, it would be seen by the people with whom 
the obstacle to their relief originated. Even then, however, 
he should not have resigned, but have gone boldly before 
parliament, at the opening of the next session ; stated his 
plans of finance and general reform -, and if the impossi- 



LORD GODERICH. 257 

bility of carrying them into effect arose from the oppo- 
sition of the landed aristocracy of the country, the people 
would, in that case also, see for themselves on whom the 
blame for retarding relief truly rested. A minister would 
be much more honoured by being beaten in a good cause, 
than by being beaten in a bad one. As it is, however — a 
retreat before the battle begins, is an abandonment of duty, 
which must cut off from Lord Goderich all the respect 
and admiration of the people, which he would have enjoyed 
to the highest degree, if he had persevered, and shewn, that 
as long as a plank of the state-vessel remained afloat, he 
was to be found at his post. This is not the character of 
an able pilot, and certainly not the way to weather the 
storm." 

It has been already stated, that, on the formation of the 
Wellington cabinet, very sanguine expectations were enter- 
tained, for a time, that Lord Goderich would be prevailed 
upon to become a member of it, the noble viscount having 
pledged himself to the King, it was said, to support the 
new ministry, if it should comprise Mr. Huskisson and the 
other Canning Tories, as they were called. The consum- 
mation, however, so devoutly wished for, was not realized ; 
and the gallant duke's cavalier treatment of Mr. Huskisson 
soon afterwards put an end to all hopes on that score. 

On Friday, March 21st, 1828, Lord King presented a 
petition to the House of Lords from a clergyman of the 
name of Griffin, who had been employed by the Society 
for Propagating the Gospel in his Majesty's Colonies of 
North America, in which heavy charges w T ere alleged against 
the Bishop of Nova Scotia, and praying that a committee 
might be appointed to inquire into the expenditure of the 
public money granted to that Society. After Earl Bathurst, 
who then filled the office of secretary of state for the colo- 
nies, had spoken on this subject, and resisted the motion 
for the appointment of a committee, Lord Goderich took 
up the subject, and declared, that "he thought the reverend 
gentleman, whose petition was the ground- work of the 

2l 



258 LORD GODERICH. 

present motion, was of all petitioners whose cases he had ever 
had to consider, the most unfortunate, in failing to produce 
any reasoning, or any substantial allegations, calculated to 
obtain the respect or attention of the house. The noble 
lord (King) had admitted that there was no ground on 
which he could found his motion, except the assertions of 
this gentleman, whose petition he had presented. Lord 
Goderich said, he had read the petition over, and he must 
confess that it did appear to him to contain a good deal 
of that figure of rhetoric, which was usually known by the 
name of rigmarole ; and that no part of it was of a nature 
to require any degree of attention from their lordships. 
But he had in his possession a curious specimen of the 
temper in which this reverend gentleman was disposed to 
express himself when his views were thwarted, or when 
his feelings were under excitement. The reverend gentle- 
man had taken it into his head to address a letter to the 
Bishop of Nova Scotia, upon a subject that had nothing 
whatever to do with the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel, as the bishop's income was not derived from any 
grant to the Society by the public. In this letter, he tells 
the bishop that the public will judge him to be a man 
who was so crafty, and had such an art of duplicity, that 
he was acting the part of a madman or a devil. Such was 
the language in which the reverend gentleman thought fit 
to address a bishop. If the bishop's conduct had been im- 
proper in using a hasty expression, what was that, com- 
pared to this clergyman's calm and deliberate use of such 
language ? The whole of this letter was in a correspond- 
ing strain." 

We shall now wind up the narrative of Lord Goderich's 
public life and services, by exhibiting a specimen of his 
views and principles on the three grand constitutional 
questions which have recently agitated the public mind, 
namely, the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts — the 
removal of civil disabilities from the Roman Catholics — and 
a reform of the Commons house of parliament. On each 



LORD GODERICH. 259 

of these questions, when brought under discussion, his 
lordship delivered his sentiments with much freedom and 
explicitness. 

The second reading of the bill for the repeal of the 
Corporation and Test acts, was moved by Lord Holland 
on Thursday, April 17th, in an elaborate speech, the sub- 
stance of which has been given in the life of that nobleman. 
When several of the bishops and lay lords, among whom 
was the ex-chancellor Eldon, had delivered their sentiments, 
Lord Goderich thus addressed the house. 

"After the able, powerful, and perfectly satisfactory 
speech of the noble lord, who moved the second reading of 
this bill, and after the sentiments which your lordships have 
heard from several right reverend prelates — sentiments, 
which, in my judgment, do no less honour to themselves 
than to the assembly to which they were addressed, and the 
church to which these reverend prelates belong — it would 
ill become me, my lords, to trespass at any length on your 
lordships' time, or to go at large into the general arguments 
which might be adduced in favour of the second reading of 
the bill. My lords, I feel great satisfaction at the opinion 
expressed by the noble duke at the head of his Majesty's 
government, and the announcement of his intention to sup- 
port a measure which it was the original purpose of govern- 
ment to oppose. Strongly favourable as I am to the bill 
before your lordships, I am little disposed, and still less 
should I be justified in quarrelling with the present determi- 
nation of government on the subject. Of one thing I feel 
confident, that if ministers considered the repeal of the 
existing acts calculated to endanger the church, or put in 
hazard its union with the state, they would never, as they 
never ought, to support it. My lords, if I participated in 
the fears of the noble and learned lord (Eldon) — if I could 
bring myself to think that the proposed measure would, in 
any degree, shake the foundation on which the security of 
the Church of England stands, I would be ready to fight, side 
by side, with the noble and learned lord, and to support 



260 LORD GODERICH. 

him to the uttermost in his opposition to this bill. For, 
my lords, I fully concur with him, and with other noble 
lords, in considering that the union subsisting between the 
church and the state can never be violated with impunity, 
and I trust it will always prove inviolable. My lords, I 
shall always be ready to do every thing in my power to pre- 
serve their union : but I vote for this measure, because I 
think the laws to be repealed by it are an exciting cause of 
discontent against the church, and tend to arouse public 
feelings against it. My lords, I think that the present mea- 
sure is supported by many and urgent reasons, not the least 
of which is, that it may be expected to have the effect of 
removing much religious difference and animosity which at 
present subsists; at the same time that, so far from weaken- 
ing the church, it must add to her strength, by conciliating 
a great number of individuals in her favour ; and these, in 
my mind, are sufficient reasons for passing the present bill. 
I acknowledge, that I am in the situation of those described 
by the learned lord, (Eldon,) as not having been far enough 
removed from infancy to have been competent to form a 
correct judgment upon this question, at the time when that 
learned lord was last called upon to express his opinion 
upon it. It so happened that, during the time I was a mem- 
ber of the other house of parliament, the question was never 
agitated; consequently, I never voted on it, and am not 
now bound by any feeling of consistency to oppose it. I, 
therefore, look on the measure solely with a view to its prin- 
ciple and expected operation, and on both these grounds I 
consider it entitled to my cordial support." 

After refuting an objection which Lord Eldon had started 
against the bill, on the ground that the expediency of pass- 
ing it was not stated in the preamble ; Lord Goderich pro- 
ceeded — te My lords, the reason why I think it expedient to 
abrogate the present law, is, because I feel that it must 
frequently conduce to a profanation of religion, by imposing 
the necessity of taking a sacramental test for secular pur- 
poses. I cannot believe the present acts to be consistent 



LORD GODERICH. 261 

with a right christian feeling, of the nature and object of the 
sacrament. I cannot think it correct as regards the church, 
or right as regards the state, to make a test of the most 
holy sacrament of the church. One thing might be said in 
its favour, that the existing system was not very frequently 
called into operation ; but that constitutes no argument for 
its continuance, because, if it be inoperative, it is idle to 
maintain it. Though many noble lords in this house have, 
doubtless, held various public offices, I am satisfied few 
were ever called upon to qualify themselves for office by 
complying with the sacramental test. 

u My lords, it is probable I may speak on this subject 
from feelings in which few of your lordships can share ; for, 
it has been my lot to hold various offices, and I have also 
taken the sacrament on various occasions ; but I was only 
called on to qualify for one office, and that was the chan- 
cellorship of the exchequer. Why this was the case, I 
really do not know, except it be that, perhaps, the chancel- 
lorship of the exchequer is a peculiarly dangerous office — 
why it is so dangerous, however, I cannot tell. Be that as 
it may, soon after my nomination, I was told it was abso- 
lutely necessary that I should, upon a certain Sunday, in a 
certain church, qualify myself for retaining office by taking 
the sacrament. Certainly I had not the smallest objection 
to do that ; I was accustomed to do so. )But it did so 
happen, that I had received it shortly before my appoint- 
ment, though not with a view to qualify myself for the 
enjoyment of any secular office ; and I naturally said to my 
informant, " Won't that do ?" but the answer was, " O no, 
not all, by no means." Well, I complied, and to the church, 
on the day intimated, I proceeded, for the purpose of 
receiving the sacrament ; and I will say, to me it was one 
of the most painful duties I had ever been called to perforin, 
considering its object, and combining, as it did, two duties, 
of the combination of which I could not approve. 

" My lords, I again assert, that this was to me one of the 
most painful things possible, for I did not like being thus 



LORD GODERICH. 

obliged to set two duties in opposition. But suppose I had 
been of a more tender conscience, and had refused to take 
the sacrament — suppose that I could not have made up my 
mind to mix together duties of a secular and spiritual nature, 
in the way required — suppose me some rigid presbyterian, 
and that I had gone before my noble and learned friend, 
(Eldon,) to take the oaths for my new office. The law 
required, before I could exercise the office of chancellor of 
the exchequer, that I should take the oaths, either in the 
court of chancery, the court of exchequer, or before the 
sessions, and that I should produce a certificate of having 
taken the sacrament according to the rites of the church 
of England. If, trusting to the annual bill of indemnity, I 
had not taken the sacrament, and my noble and learned 
friend had not asked the question, I might have fulfilled the 
duties of the office ; but if my noble and learned friend had 
asked the question, I could not have been allowed to take 
the oaths, and consequently could not have held the office. 
If I had said to my noble friend, that I had before taken the 
sacrament, though not for the present purpose, the noble 
and learned lord might have refused to swear me in, and I 
should not have occupied the office of chancellor of the 
exchequer — which circumstance, after all, perhaps, would 
have been no great loss to the country. My lords, I men- 
tion this instance, to shew that the Test act imposed a pain- 
ful sacrifice even on the members of the Church of England, 
without any adequate benefit to the public, without being of 
service to the crown, or adding to the security of the church. 
I say again, as matters now stand, a member of the Church 
of England may be placed in a situation not only painful 
to himself, but totally unnecessary, as far as the safety of 
the state, or the security of the church, is concerned. 

" My lords, I think this bill will pass, and I hope and 
trust it may ; and if it does, I can see in it no reasonable 
ground for alarm. If amendments should be proposed, and 
if they are of a kind to satisfy noble lords who may think 
them necessary, at the same time that they do not alter 



LORD GODERICH. 263 

the principle or impair the operation of the bill, let them 
be made. So far from opposing, I shall concur in them, 
though I may not happen to entertain a high idea of their 
necessity. My lords, if this measure shall pass into "a law, 
the Church of England will present one of the most mag- 
nificent spectacles that can be imagined, to the admiring 
eyes of men — the magnificent spectacle of a church strong 
in the purity of its doctrine and discipline — strong in the 
affections, faith, and attachment of the great majority of 
the people — strong in its indissoluble connection with the 
state — strong in the support and presence of those right 
reverend prelates who occupied seats, and represented it 
in their lordships' house — strong, as it ought to be, in its 
wealth and endowments, to which it possesses as much 
right as your lordships to your own property and estates — 
strong in its unsullied faith and discipline — subsisting in 
its own strength, unprotected by restrictions, and unim- 
paired by the fluctuating and unstable support of exclusions. 
I repeat, my lords, I cannot, it is impossible for the mind 
of man to conceive a more noble spectacle than this. I 
shall only add, May it long flourish, dispensing blessings 
among those who admire its ministry, and believe in its 
doctrines — preserving its faith pure, and its discipline firm. 
Long may this be the condition of our establishment — may 
the greatness of its happiness and splendour be only equalled 
by its permanency !" 

On this speech of the noble viscount, it is not the pro- 
vince of his biographer to indulge in critical remarks. His 
panegyric on the Church of England could not fail to be 
in a high degree pleasing to episcopal ears — how far the 
speaker was sincere in lavishing these high-wrought com- 
pliments on their lordships and their church, it is not for 
us to decide. There is such a thing as " throwing a sop 
to Cerberus," and it is possible that Lord Goderich, in the 
latter part of his speech, may have intended something of 
this sort — but of this enough. His lordship has had an 
opportunity of taking a nearer inspection of the episcopal 



264 LORD GODERICH. 

bench since this speech was delivered, and also of knowing 
in what estimation the Church of England is, at this 
moment, held — and it is possible, were he now called upon 
to speak his sentiments of one or both, he would deliver 
himself in more guarded terms. Sed hactenus haec ! 

At the opening of the next session of parliament, an 
intimation was given in the speech from the throne, of the 
intention of ministers to grant the Irish Catholics their 
long-sought emancipation ; and on Thursday, February 
5th, 1829, on the motion for an address of thanks, the noble 
viscount spoke as follows : — 

Lord Goderich said, he was well aware that the para- 
mount importance of the principal topic which had been so 
wisely introduced into his Majesty's speech would have neces- 
sarily occupied their exclusive attention, and rendered the pre- 
sent moment inapplicable to the consideration of other topics, 
which were nevertheless of urgency in the contemplation of 
the internal relations of this country. In looking at the 
latter, he confessed he was somewhat disappointed at finding 
that his Majesty's speech conveyed so little information on 
one of those points, which policy, interest, faith of treaties, 
combined to render interesting — he meant Portugal. All 
he learned was, that " diplomatic intercourse still subsisted 
between the two courts, and that government was endea- 
vouring to settle the existing differences by the negociation 
with the Emperor of the Brazils." But nothing was said 
of the nature of these negociations, or of the mode in which 
they were proceeding, or of the expectation of the result. 
He had no hesitation in saying, that if there was any spot 
of Europe, or the world, which more than another had 
strong ties upon the friendship and alliance of Great 
Britain, it was the little kingdom of Portugal, which was 
now in a situation of so much peril and distraction. He 
therefore most earnestly hoped that parliament would speed- 
ily receive such information upon that subject, as would 
shew that the respect for ancient alliances had not been 
compromised, and that no diminution had taken place in 



LORD GODERICH. 265 

the value of dear and long- cherished ties, and well-kept 
interests. With respect to the relations of the country in 
the east of Europe, all that he had to say was, that he 
thought that his noble and learned friend, who had threat- 
ened them with a serious animadversion upon the treaty of 
the 6th of July, 1827, an ^ upon the battle of Navarino, was 
a little too late in coining forward with any observations 
upon such topics. It would have been natural enough for 
the noble and learned lord to have called in question the 
policy of that treaty last year ; but now, when one part of 
it had been fully carried into execution, and when the war 
which had raged with such atrocity between the Greeks 
and the Turks had been terminated by its operation, it 
was too late for the noble and learned lord to come forward, 
and attack it as a violation of the law of nations. He was 
then ready, as indeed he always had been, to defend the 
treaty of the 6th of July, upon those great and leading 
principles of policy to which reference must always be had 
when the country was placed, as it was then, in circum- 
stances of no small difficulty. 

Having stated these desultory considerations to their 
lordships, more with a view of guarding himself from at- 
tack hereafter for not adverting to them now, than from 
any conviction of its being necessary to advert to them at 
all, he would proceed to say one or two words on a more 
important, because a more domestic, subject, which touched 
most nearly the feelings and prejudices of all classes of 
his Majesty's subjects. He agreed with the noble lord, 
that the present was not a fit opportunity for entering into 
a discussion of the principles on which Catholic emanci- 
pation ought to be granted ; but he felt himself bound, as 
a sincere friend to that question, to express his entire con- 
currence with what had fallen from his noble friend the 
president of the council, as to the principles on which any 
measure for effecting it ought to be brought forward. " It has 
been my fortune," continued the noble lord, " to be a mem- 
ber of various administrations, in which we agreed to act 

2m 



266 LORD GODERICH. 

independently on this great question. This was a positive 
evil in itself, and as such I always felt it. I never con- 
cealed, either from myself or from others, that such was my 
feeling. On the contrary, I avowed it publicly more than 
once within the walls of parliament. Nevertheless, I always 
thought, and I still continue to think, that the circumstances 
which existed at the time when Lord Liverpool formed his 
cabinet, not only justified the members of it in acting 
independently of each other on that question, but absolutely 
rendered it impossible to form an administration upon any 
other principles. I felt it to be a sacrifice so to act ; but 
larger interests were at stake, and a combined sense of duty 
and necessity reconciled my conscience to making the 
sacrifice which was then demanded of me. I have great 
pleasure in hearing that that difference of opinion on this 
subject, which weakened and paralyzed so many former 
administrations, has ceased to exist in the members of the 
present administration. " 

The noble lord then proceeded to say that he concurred 
specially in the recommendation given in the King's speech 
as to the tone and temper in which their lordships ought 
to consider this subject. He also concurred with the noble 
lord who had recently addressed them, that there never had 
been any manifestation of violence in their mode of con- 
sidering it in that house — there had been nothing seen but 
that calmness and moderation which ought to regulate all 
deliberations for the public welfare. He would say for him- 
self, that so deep was his conviction of the paramount im- 
portance of settling this question, that, whatever might be 
his feelings on the recent events of the last two years — 
which had certainly not been such as to induce him to 
anticipate the blessed event, which he now saw upon the 
eve of completion — he should make it a point of duty to 
suppress them, although he could not pretend to disavow 
them altogether. He had never been a party to the con- 
sideration of this question, except from a persuasion of 
its necessity ; and he therefore had no difficulty in ap- 



LORD GODERICH. 267 

proaching it at present with the feelings which he had just 
recommended, especially as he saw a consummation near 
at hand, which would do justice to complaining millions, 
and would give permanent power and invincible strength to 
what he must now be permitted to call a disunited people. 
In saying this, he knew that he was speaking warmly — but he 
felt deeply, and a man's heart must warm at hearing such 
a speech as had been delivered by the noble lord opposite, 
under the conviction that the proposition to be offered to 
their consideration would, as to terms, and to time, and to 
other circumstances, be such as they could honestly and 
conscientiously assent to. With respect to the measure 
which was to precede or accompany it — he did not rightly 
understand which — he would only say this, that whether it 
preceded, or whether it followed, if the two were united, 
he should be fully satisfied. It was his hope and belief 
that the government intended to blend the two measures 
together ; and if such was their intention, he would again 
repeat, that he should be perfectly satisfied. With respect to 
the Catholic Association, he fully agreed with the noble 
lord who had expressed his opinion of its conduct in terms 
equally terse and elegant. He would himself go further 
than that noble lord — he would say, " When you grant a 
great boon to a complaining people, it is useless for you 
to put down by law those associations which will dissolve 
of themselves in the ordinary course of nature." He did 
not advise the Catholic Association to dissolve itself, and 
for this plain reason — that if the disabilities which affected 
the Catholic part of the community were removed, the 
nature of things would dissolve that association. You take 
away the food on which it exists, you destroy the vitality 
of the atmosphere in which it breathes, when you say to it, 
" The two houses of parliament are ready to consider your 
grievances, and to remove them." You avert by one gene- 
rous act a thunder-cloud which has long been lowering over 
your horizon, and threatening to burst with ruin on your 
heads. He would not be over nice, either as to the Catholic 



268 LORD GODERICH. 

Association, or as to the question of securities ; for he 
was convinced that they would find the strongest security 
of all in doing justice. When justice was performed, six 
months would not elapse before they would all wonder 
how this question could have excited so much dissension 
in the country, and could have disunited and upset so many 
different cabinets. He sincerely trusted that the govern- 
ment would carry into effect the proposition which it had 
just announced. He knew that they would be opposed in 
attempting it. They would have a great deal of hard 
fighting to encounter ; but if they acted with resolution, 
there could be no doubt that they would be successful. It 
would be his duty to give them the best support in the 
power of so humble an individual as himself; and he should 
be amply repaid for that support, by feeling that he had con- 
tributed to the utmost of his power to the accomplishment 
of the greatest good which parliament had ever yet con- 
ferred upon the country. 

On the second reading of the Catholic relief bill, Friday 
3d April, 1829, Lord Goderich entered upon an extended 
vindication of the supporters of the measure from the 
calumny thrown upon them at county meetings, and in 
placards — after which, he proceeded to discuss the princi- 
ple of the bill. One thing, his lordship declared, had greatly 
astonished him — that both in the petitions against the bill, 
and in the discussions that had taken place on the question, 
the state of Ireland, that unhappy country, bleeding at every 
pore, should have been almost wholly left out of considera- 
tion. In fact, it had never been fairly put to the people of 
England, who had the power to forbid the boon required by 
the sister kingdom. That power they never would have 
had, had it not been for the act of union ; and that measure 
never would have been carried, if the Roman Catholics of 
Ireland had not given it their support. It was told them by 
Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh, that their claims should be 
conceded ; and if that expectation had not been held out, 
the union would not have passed. In the view which the 



LORD GODERICH. 269 

opponents of this measure took, they were in the habit of 
going back to the transactions of the reign of queen Mary. 
They forgot, at the same time, that Mary was treated harshly, 
to induce her to change her religion. The true policy of the 
day was not to examine who was to blame in former times, 
but to cast a veil over past errors, and endeavouring to 
soothe rather than irritate the public feeling. There was 
another case to which he might allude, namely, the Duke of 
Monmouth's transactions in the reign of James II. The 
Duke of Monmouth was chargeable with the crime of rebel- 
lion ; and if there were persons who referred to the cruelties 
of Kirk and Jefferies, he might ask whether they knew that 
judge Jefferies was a bigoted Protestant, and Kirk certainly 
not a Catholic at the time of committing his cruelties. It 
was well known that when he was asked by king James to 
turn papist, he said, he was not disposed to embrace any 
religion ; and, that if he did change, he should become a 
Mahometan. It was in vain to refer to past ages, for the 
purpose of fixing principles on the Roman Catholics which 
affected the temporal interests of states. What passed in 
1791 r The emperor of Germany, Joseph II., was a reformer, 
and he determined on a plan of abolishing monasteries. 
The pope came to Vienna, and remonstrated with him, but 
still the emperor Joseph carried on his plans of reform. 
What passed at the treaty of Vienna ? One of the articles 
established by the congress was, that there should be no 
prevention to persons following out their religious profes- 
sion. The pope sent Cardinal Gonsalvo to remonstrate, but 
he had no power to interfere with that arrangement. He 
should say, from a review of all the transactions which had 
taken place in Europe, that the power of the pope, at this 
moment, was no more than the shadow of a shade. The 
great engine of power at the present day was mind aided by 
education — the march of intellect — which was a security 
against the abuse of religious power. He wished to advert 
again to the question, " What will you do with Ireland, if 
you reject this bill?" That question had been sometimes 



270 LORD GODERICH. 

answered by an argumentum ad hominem ; but that was a 
poor answer. Some said, give education to Ireland. He 
said so too ; but he thought those who opposed the bill were 
not friendly to education. At the same time he did not see 
that education would relieve those in Ireland who smarted 
under exclusion from the blessings of the constitution. 
The Catholic and Protestant were the subjects of different 
sensations. To one a prospect opened, gilded by the rays 
of hope ; the other trod a devious way, amidst clouds and 
storms. Great, indeed, was the expectation founded upon 
the measure before the house, and, on the other hand, the 
rejection of it would be felt as a dreadful calamity. In his 
lordship's opinion, it was the sole remedy for the misfor- 
tunes of Ireland : the boasted panacea, the poor laws, would 
not answer. They were sick at heart, and might say — 

" Canst thou minister to a mind diseased ? 
— And with some sweet oblivious antidote 
Cleanse the foul bosom of that perilous stuff 
Which weighs upon the heart ?" 

The English poor laws would not answer. Was it to be 
supposed, that when there existed in Ireland a baneful 
disease, they could rely on the application of the common 
law ? No, they must remove the cause of complaint, or 
resort to " brute force," to civil war. No one could think 
of resorting to a force of that kind, without shuddering. 
The noble viscount concluded his speech with calling their 
lordships' attention to another point. It had been said, both 
within and without those walls, that if the bill should pass, 
and his majesty be graciously pleased to give his assent to 
it, he would forfeit his title to the throne. He would only, 
in answer to that, if there was one man bold enough to 
raise the standard of the house of Savoy, he would find that 
the throne of Brunswick was fixed on a rock not to be 
shaken. It was based upon the free voice of the people — it 
was supported by the continuance of one hundred and forty 
years ; it was sanctioned by forty successive parliaments ; 
it was ratified by the consent of many millions of people ; 



LORD GODERICH. 271 

and he was at a loss to describe the contempt and ruin 
which must fall upon any man who should attempt to 
impugn it. 

On the great subject of parliamentary reform, Lord 
Goderich does not appear to have declared himself with any 
considerable explicitness, prior to the 5th of October, 1831, 
when the first reform bill came under the consideration of 
the upper house ; and the noble viscount's connection with 
Mr. Canning, who had avowed his opposition to it — to say 
nothing of his own family connections — rendered it a matter 
of considerable curiosity, to ascertain how his mind stood 
affected towards it. In justice, therefore, to his lordship, 
we shall allow him to speak for himself. 

Viscount Goderich said that it was his misfortune to rise 
in opposition to two of his noble friends, for whom he enter- 
tained a most sincere respect and esteem. He had felt it 
his duty to abstain from taking part in the incidental discus- 
sions which had frequently taken place on the presentation 
of petitions, although he had often felt it difficult to do so. 
But if he possessed the feelings of a man, it was impossible 
for him now to abstain from expressing his opinions upon 
this great question, when he recollected the remarkable 
words, with which a noble friend of his, last night, concluded 
his speech, which had been alluded to in such just terms of 
eulogy, — namely, that ministers had brought forward a mea- 
sure, the consequences of which he might probably be called 
upon to avert. In the attempt which he, in common with 
the rest of his majesty's ministers, were now making, to 
bring to a settlement one of the most difficult and formida- 
ble questions which had ever been under the consideration 
of statesmen, his conscience told him that he was doing 
nothing to disgrace himself, and nothing inconsistent with 
that duty which he owed to his sovereign and his country, 
as a minister and a peer. A noble friend of his had charged 
the government with creating all the excitement which pre- 
vailed with respect to this particular question, declaring 
that it would have been but a transitory feeling, but for the 



272 LORD GODERICH. 

conduct pursued by the ministers of the crown. If that was 
a correct statement of the circumstances connected with the 
question of reform, he would admit that the government 
were liable to blame. But any man who looked to the 
nature of the question itself, and to the history of its pro- 
gress, must be convinced that the feeling which prevailed in 
the country on this subject, was not founded on any thing 
transitory, and was not likely to change either its character 
or its strength. It had been truly said by the noble earl 
near him, that this was no new question — it had been now 
agitated for fifty or sixty years. The events which had 
occurred previous to the close of the last century were cal- 
culated at the time to excite great distrust with respect to 
any proposition for change ; and he, for one, had he then 
been in a condition to take part in public affairs, could not 
have brought himself to support a plan of reform. This 
was, however, a question which, though it might slumber, 
could not sleep, and there was something in the constitution 
of human nature, and the working of men's minds, which 
rendered it impossible that it should ever be extinguished. 

For many years after the commencement of the French 
revolution this question was comparatively unfavourably 
received in this country ; but in the progress of the war 
which ensued, there occurred many circumstances, which, 
in his opinion, had a direct tendency to give ultimately a 
new and increased force to the anxiety of the people for 
some change in the constitution. The duration of that 
war, the miraculous change which the circumstances at- 
tending it produced in the various interests of the country, 
led ultimately to a condition of things in a great degree 
unnatural. When all these circumstances came to their 
full maturity, then did occur, in the midst of the highest 
glory which had ever adorned the annals of this nation, 
from La Hogue to Trafalgar, or from Blenheim to Water- 
loo, an alarming and serious change in the condition of 
society in this country. There was scarcely a single in- 
terest of the country, manufacturing or commercial, which 



LORD GODERICH. 273 

did not, before the close of the war, partake of that sudden 
and alarming change, and experience the effect of fre- 
quently recurring depression. What was the conclusion 
to which people came, upon observing these repeated and 
sudden changes ? They attributed them, whether justly or 
unjustly, to the vicious construction of the House of Com- 
mons. He certainly did not join in that opinion. He did 
not support the present measure, because he thought that 
the constitution, as at present existing, was incapable of 
working good. That would be a libel on the constitution — 
upon all those great men who had acted under it, and upon 
the many generations of people who had lived under it. 
But he did not think that it was to be wondered at, that 
great masses of people, who saw themselves by turns un- 
naturally elevated and prejudicially depressed, should come 
at last to the conclusion that the constitution of parliament 
was the cause of their evils, and that a reform of the repre- 
sentation was the source from whence a remedy was to be 
derived. They had expected, that on the return of peace 
they would find the return of many blessings, of which 
they considered that they had been deprived : but that 
was a mistaken expectation ; and the restoration of peace, 
however desirable or necessary, did not, in point of fact, 
restore to all the different branches of internal interest that 
benefit which had been anticipated. The consequence of 
this state of things was, a growing feeling throughout the 
country in favour of parliamentary reform ; and that ques- 
tion had now taken so strong a hold in the minds of the 
people, that their lordships must deal with it, not by per- 
petual rejection, but by attempting to come to some settle- 
ment on the subject. 

Besides the events to which he had alluded, other cir- 
cumstances had occurred, which were calculated to give 
greater force to the impressions of the people as to the 
necessity of reform. In earlier times, he believed that that 
monstrous abuse in the constitution, which belonged to 
the practice of buying and selling seats in the House of 

2n 



274 LORD GODERICH. 

Common s, did not exist. The first notice, in any part of 
the history of England, of transactions so monstrous, oc- 
curred in a letter written by Lord Chesterfield. They were 
at first covered over with a decent veil of mystery ; but 
at length they became publicly known, and were declared 
in parliament to be notorious. They were defended as 
being the means of introducing into parliament the most 
independent characters 5 and, on the other hand, they were 
condemned as being inconsistent with the constitution, and 
contrary to law, which denounced this very practice we 
now lauded as a part of our constitution, as essential to 
the maintenance of the just influence of the peerage, and 
to the preservation of the balance in the constitution. 
When the people observed that this practice, thus denoun- 
ced by law, was carried on with the same unblushing 
effrontery as before, was it to be wondered at that a feeling 
for reform began to spring up among them ? Their lord- 
ships might say that the people were not capable of judging 
who should be their representatives : but the people of 
England were not such fools as to be made to believe that 
that part of the system of government which the law 
denounced as a crime, ought in practice to be considered 
a virtue. He did not ascribe to the practice of selling seats 
for money much of the feeling in favour of reform which 
at present prevailed. He knew many noble individuals 
possessed of the power to send nominees into the House 
of Commons, who would not for the world soil their fingers 
with such dirty trash. He had experience of that himself, 
and he wished he could say that he had no experience of 
the contrary. 

His noble friend objected to the principle of population, 
upon which, he said, the present measure was founded, 
because that was the principle upon which all democracy 
was founded. But was it true that ministers had founded 
their measure on the principle of population ? They had 
only taken population as an indication of the degree of 
decay, or of vigour and importance, of particular places ; 



LORD GODERICH. 275 

and they had not taken population alone, hut in conjunction 
with taxation ; and in order that their lordships might not 
be destitute of information in deliberating on this subject, 
papers had been placed on the table of the house, shewing 
what was the proportion of assessed taxes paid, both in 
the towns proposed to be disfranchised, and in those to 
which it was intended to extend the right of representation. 
Without the adoption of some plain and intelligible rule 
of this kind, he was at a loss to know how it could be pos- 
sible to select boroughs either for disfranchisement or 
enfranchisement. 

But then it was said, that the practice of nomination was 
necessary for the daily working of the government, and 
that great inconvenience would result to the administration 
of public affairs, if there were no places, through the means 
of which individuals, in certain situations, might always 
be sure of entering the House of Commons, His noble 
friend had pointed out to the attention of their lordships 
the advantage derived by the country from those persons, 
who would, at one time or other, be called upon to dis- 
charge in their lordships' house hereditary duties by virtue 
of hereditary honours, having previously found their way 
into the House of Commons ; there to be initiated into an 
acquaintance with public business, to be mixed up with 
their equals and inferiors, and there to have the rust, as 
it were, of their particular stations rubbed off by the jost- 
ling which they must encounter. He admitted the advan- 
tage which the country experienced from the heirs of their 
lordships' titles commencing their parliamentary career 
in the House of Commons. He should be blind to all 
history, if he did not admit the full force of that argu- 
ment ; but he must deny that, for the introduction of that 
class of persons into the House of Conunons, the existence 
of nomination boroughs was necessary. Was it not the fact, 
that many popular places were represented at that very 
moment, and had been represented in former parliaments, 
by sons of peers ? The county of Northumberland had 



^^^m 



2/6 LORD GODERICH. 

been a long time represented by the noble earl near him, 
and was at present represented by his son. Besides this 
county, there were the counties of Lancaster, Chester, 
Derby, York — indeed he might go through half the coun- 
ties of England, and shew that they had been, time after 
time, represented by the eldest sons of peers. Then, he 
asked, can the advantage of such an introduction into par- 
liament, for which they had to depend on the affection and 
esteem of their neighbourhood, be compared with their 
slinking into the house through the medium of nomination, 
or by the more corrupt means of money ? How stood the 
case with respect to Scotland, under the present system ? 
In that country, the eldest sons of peers were incapacitated 
from representing the Scotch counties in the House of 
Commons ; and one of the things which the bill proposed 
to do was, to remove that incapacity, open to them a wider 
field for fair ambition, and thus counterpoise those evils 
which the noble earl opposite apprehended were likely to 
result from the excision of nomination boroughs. 

The noble earl also feared that the constituency which 
would exist under the operation of the 10/. qualification, 
were not likely to choose representatives for their acquaint- 
ance with the different interests of the state ; and he ex- 
pressed his alarm that the East Indian, the West Indian, 
and colonial interests would not be properly represented. 
The noble earl was much mistaken in supposing that nomi- 
nation boroughs were the only means by which these 
interests could be represented. Newcastle, Liverpool, 
Bristol, and he could mention fifty other places, where there 
was a popular election, which had returned as representa- 
tives men connected with those interests. But their lord- 
ships were told that there was something extremely shock- 
ing in depriving corporations of their right of returning 
members. What, he asked, was the avowed practice pur- 
sued by corporations where the right of freemen decided the 
election ? Their lordships had heard of Liverpool and Dub- 
lin ; and unless he thought that he ought to speak with some 



LORD GODERICH. 



277 



reserve on the subject in that house, he could name half a 
dozen other places which were not free from similar impurity. 
He would state one instance, in order that their lordships 
might see how things were carried in some of these places. 
Some time ago he was anxious that an individual of great 
talent, and high character, who had done much service to 
his country, should offer himself as a candidate for the suf- 
frages of a certain town. He accordingly spoke on the 
subject to some persons who were most influential in the 
place, excellent and honourable men, and above the possi- 
bility of being influenced by considerations of money. He 
stated to them, that there was one thing necessary before the 
gentleman could offer himself as a candidate 5 and that was, 
that it should be distinctly understood that no douceur would 
be given to the electors. He inquired what chance the 
gentleman would have under these circumstances, with 
respect to the out-voters ; and the answer he received was, 
that not one would vote in his favour. He then asked, Sup- 
posing the gentleman avowed on the hustings that he would 
not give the usual sum of money, and called upon the other 
candidates to act in the same way, what success was he 
likely to have ? The reply was, Not the least in the world : 
and the consequence was, that his friend never stood for the 
place. 

Their lordships had been told, in general terms, of the 
fatal consequences to be expected from this bill ; and the 
noble lord who spoke last, and who complained exceedingly 
of what he was pleased to call the declaration of the noble 
marquis, (Lansdown,) had called the attention of their 
lordships to the events of the first revolution, and had said, . 
that he could not believe that it was the intention of the 
noble earl (Grey) to set himself up as the Necker of this 
country. Lord Goderich hoped that it was not his inten- 
tion ; but he must say, that those who ascribed that revolu- 
tion to Necker, overlooked the history of France, and the 
circumstances which had produced that tremendous event. 
On looking back in the history of France for the causes of 



278 LORD GODERICH. 

that revolution, he thought that they were to be found in a 
corrupt court, in a degraded nobility, degraded by their con- 
duct, as well as by the exclusive privileges they possessed, 
and in what might be called an enslaved people. The whole 
history of France proved that the people of that country 
were not formed to be slaves. If their lordships read the 
accounts which had been given by those who were parties 
to the public acts of that day, they would find in them many 
predictions of the consequences which would inevitably 
follow. Those consequences had lamentably and fatally 
happened ; they had led to events which had drenched 
Europe in blood ; and the evils which sprung from them we 
yet felt, and would never entirely forget. If we did not 
trace these evils to their true causes, we might be unhappily 
driven to courses we might never cease to repent ; but if we 
profited by the lessons of experience, we might be guided to 
a port of safety. 

One word only with respect to himself, though he was 
sorry to obtrude so insignificant a subject upon their notice. 
It had been said, that his opinions were not now what they 
were on this question. But if their lordships had paid 
attention to what he had stated, they would perceive that he 
had not adopted these opinions without the deepest consi- 
deration. In taking this course, he would not presume to 
say, as some of his noble friends could say, that he had 
made great sacrifices of personal influence or power ; he 
had not either one or the other. He had nothing to sacri- 
fice, except personal character. He had, indeed, made a 
sacrifice of his own preconceived opinions, and of some very 
long-cherished and highly valued personal attachments ; 
and he would ask their lordships whether he could make 
such sacrifices, if he had not been supported by the consci- 
entiousness of honest intentions, and by a most perfect con- 
viction, on the faith of which he threw himself on that house 
and on the country, that he had not consulted any interest, 
in this change of opinion, except that which was the most 
honourable of all, the interest of the country which he loved. 



LORD GODERICH. 279 

When the second reform bill came before their lordships, 
in April, 1832, Lord Goderich again came forward on the 
last night of the debate, in reply to the Earl of Carnarvon. 
He said, he had listened with the utmost attention to the 
noble earl, but his mind was not convinced that the objec- 
tions which he had urged with so much force against the 
principles of the bill, were founded on solid reasoning, or 
supported by conclusive argument. One thing, he said, 
was quite apparent on the present occasion — it gave an air 
of novelty to their proceedings ; and as it was well worthy 
of their lordships' notice, he thought it right to advert to it. 
If their lordships' former discussions of this subject did not 
prove that a general wish for some degree of reform existed, 
it was now perfectly clear, from the concessions made by 
all, that, whether the bill now before their lordships was or 
was not the proper measure — whether it did or did not 
embrace the right mode of correcting the defects in the 
representative system, still the general opinion evidently 
was, that some material change must take place in the 
system. He stated this fact, in justification of the course 
which he had adopted with reference to this question. If 
he wanted to vindicate himself against the charge which the 
noble earl seemed half disposed to bring against some mem- 
bers of his majesty's government, who now pursued a course 
different from that which they had taken in former periods 
of their life, he thought he might appeal with confidence, as 
the ground of his justification, to the consentaneous opinion 
which all had expressed, as to the necessity of adopting 
some species of reform. What that reform ought to be, was 
now the subject of debate. He quarrelled not with those 
who fairly stated their objections to the measure now under 
consideration. It was fit that they should consider the plan 
submitted to them for their approbation. It was right that 
they should investigate, whether the plan now brought 
before the house was the best that could be devised for the 
purpose which his majesty's government had in view. 
Among those who were compelled to make the admission 



_ 



280 LORD GODERICH. 

that some reform was necessary, there appeared, however, 
to be a sort of intuitive horror against any effectual 
reform — an intuitive horror against the extinction of that 
which was at the bottom of all the evil, and the attempt to 
get rid of which, formed the head and front of the offending 
of his majesty's ministers — he meant, the extinction of the 
nomination boroughs. The arguments of the noble lord 
(Ellenborough) who moved the amendment, and of a noble 
friend of his (Lord Mansfield) who spoke ably on the sub- 
ject the other night, all proceeded on the principle, that 
these nomination boroughs were extremely useful. The 
former had paraded before their lordships, a list of many 
distinguished individuals, who had found their way into 
parliament, and some of them now sat there by virtue of 
this very abuse. The noble baron had told their lordships 
of the utility of the presence of those members in parlia- 
ment, and he argued that the honour of their character, and 
the value of their services, were sufficient to vindicate the 
defective mode by which they got into parliament. The 
noble baron painted with great warmth the more agreeable 
parts of the system, but he left untouched those darker 
shades by which it was disfigured. Noble lords might con- 
ceal those defects from themselves, but they could not con- 
ceal them from the eyes of the country. The noble baron, 
in addressing their lordships, had not defended what had 
been called the shameful parts of the constitution ; but the 
subject had produced a bolder champion — a member of the 
church — he might almost say, of the church militant (advert- 
ing to the Bishop of Exeter.) That right reverend pre- 
late, with a boldness that filled his mind with astonishment, 
defended that system, the defects of which the noble baron 
had attempted to conceal, and loudly called on their lord- 
ships to perpetuate its most glaring abuse. The arguments 
of the right reverend prelate were the most dangerous he 
had ever heard. Were it asked, why were those defects 
termed the shameful parts of the constition ? Lord Goderich 
would answer — They were shameful, in the first place 



LORD GODERICH. 281 

because they were inconsistent with the constitution — they 
were shameful, because they were not agreeable to any 
intelligible idea of representation — they were shameful, 
because they placed in the hands of irresponsible indivi- 
duals, an influence which they ought not to possess — they 
were shameful, because it was impossible to have any 
guarantee against the liability of that power being subject 
to that disadvantage to which all such power must be more 
or less subject, viz., the danger of gross abuse. In fine, 
they were emphatically shameful, because it was well 
known they were abused. The right of nomination, it was 
contended, might be safely exercised ; but their lordships 
must be aware, that that right frequently changed hands ; 
and they must also be aware, that those who wished to pro- 
cure it, were compelled to pay for it. What, then, were 
they to expect from those who made a sacrifice of their 
property to obtain an interest of this kind ? Looking to 
human nature, they could only expect that individuals so 
situated, would rather attend to their own views of interest 
or of ambition, than to the public good. And yet they were 
gravely told, that this great right, this power of nomination, 
ought to be preserved as the best feature of the constitution, 
without which, their lordships, and all their honours, must 
tumble to the earth and be ground to powder, for such was 
the phrase used by the right reverend prelate. Their lord- 
ships, however, must all well know, that this so much 
boasted right was contaminated by money ; and he would 
contend, that it was a stain, a shame, a blot to the represen- 
tation of this country. He would contend that it was con- 
trary to individual rights — that it was contrary to freedom 
of election — that it was contrary to law — that it was con- 
trary to ancient usage — that it was contrary to the well- 
considered constitution of the country. 

Lord Goderich went on to observe, that he did not offer 
these remarks from any private feelings of his own, un- 
supported by authority — his words were not extracted from 
ancient musty records, over which the antiquarian loved to 

2o 



282 LORD GODERICH. 

pore — he did not go to philosophers of old, for the senti- 
ments which he had expressed — nor did he apply to the 
constitution-mongers of France , or of any other country, 
to bear him out ; he quoted an authority, which, give 
him leave to say, their lordships durst not dispute 5 he 
gave them the words of an act of parliament. And, per- 
haps, it was worth while to consider how the law dealt 
with the improper meddling with representation. The law 
described this offence, which was an invariable adjunct, a 
component part of the system of nomination — for he defied 
any noble lord to dissociate the offence from what was 
called the right of nomination — the law first described the 
offence, and then proceeded to lay down the punishment. 
It declared that the individual who paid the money which 
was to place him in the House of Commons should be 
subjected to a penalty of £1000. It declared him inca- 
pable of sitting in parliament for that place, or any other, 
and, in short, pointed him out, ipso facto, as no member 
of parliament. This system, Lord Goderich contended, 
was calculated to destroy all respect for law — it tended 
to confound all notion of right and wrong — it tended to 
involve in inextricable difficulty the limits of obedience and 
disobedience. He agreed with the right reverend prelate 
(the Bishop of Exeter) in considering this the most august 
assembly in the world; but he did not see that it was 
likely to be supported in its lofty state by the admission 
of the doctrine which the right reverend prelate had laid 
down ; and he looked with the utmost dread on the effect 
which such doctrines as his was likely to have on the 
minds of the people. — It was said that such a system was 
necessary, to maintain the dignity or power of that august 
assembly : but such assertions he could not hear without 
extreme surprise. If their dignity depended on the main- 
tenance of that abuse of system, where would it come to 
at last ? 

The Earl of Carnarvon, who spoke last, had quoted a beau- 
tiful sentiment of Mr. Burke, which Lord Goderich said 



LORD GODERICH. 283 

he entirely adopted -, but so far was it from justifying the 
reasoning of the noble earl, that his lordship thought 
it told on the other side of the question. The sub- 
stance of what Mr. Burke said was, that "Wisdom dic- 
tated the propriety of granting a change in time — not to 
suffer ourselves to be driven into a corner — to apply tem- 
perate remedies to prevent those consequences in which 
the want of such remedies had in all times, and in all 
countries, involved governments." Their lordships had 
heard much about revolution ; and a right reverend prelate 
had given them, the other night, what appeared to him 
the most singular history of the revolution which had taken 
place in France, that he had ever met with. That prelate 
seemed to think that the excesses which were committed 
in the early part of that revolution were sanctioned by the 
law. His words were, u I will shew you that great changes 
were effected in France, and that dreadful excesses were 
committed under the sanction of the law which those 
changes had produced." Lord Goderich said, he should 
like to know by virtue of what law, or by virtue of what 
part of the French constitution, it was, that the mob of 
Paris stormed the Eastile ? He would ask that prelate, 
by virtue of what law of France it was, that a furious crowd 
of beings, more like demons than human beings, thirsting 
for blood, proceeded to Versailles, burst in upon the pri- 
vacy of the King and Queen, murdered their guards, and 
conveyed the royal family to Paris, preceded, not by the 
ensigns of royalty, but by two frightful symbols of murder ? 
Was that, he demanded, done under the sanction of law ? 
It was perfectly true that all these horrors occurred at a 
moment of great excitement, and when great changes were 
taking place in France. It was also true that there existed 
a sort of representative body ; but it was the very opposite 
of any legislative authority that had ever existed in France. 
There had been a chamber of peers — there had been tiers 
etats — but these horrible transactions took place when 
those bodies no longer existed, and a forcible revolution 



284 LORD GODERICH. 

had taken place. Was there, then, any thing in the ex- 
tinction of nomination boroughs which was at all similar 
to what had taken place in France ? Certainly there was 
not : and he would say, not only was the extinction of 
those boroughs consistent with, but it was required by, the 
constitution. The extension of the elective franchise to 
large towns was justified by every principle of constitutional 
law. 

Lord Goderich then proceeded to argue the principles 
of the bill, which he did with great clearness and force^ 
and with superior ability defended all its main points — 
the necessity of extending the elective franchise to large 
towns — and that of giving representatives to the middling 
and lower classes of society. Those who opposed the £10 
qualification, contended that it was too democratic — the 
qualification was too low ; but his lordship said, he 
defied any one to shew, by any intelligible argument, that 
it was opposed to the law or the practice of the consti- 
tution. And if they came to the discussion of this question 
in detail, it would be easy to shew that there never was a 
greater delusion than that which existed on this subject. 
In all large towns to which it was intended to give the 
right of representation, there were some wealthy, some 
powerful, some highly educated individuals, who would 
have the right to vote ; but were others, who were less 
wealthy, less powerful, less highly educated, who had 
nothing perhaps but their industry to recommend them — 
were they to be excluded ? They might not be great poli- 
ticians — they might not be men whom you would take into 
your councils, to decide upon political questions ; but he, 
(Lord Goderich) would maintain that individuals who paid 
such a sum as this bill provided — who were chargeable 
with the poor-rates and all the assessed taxes, and had 
occupied for a twelvemonth the house in which they lived — 
deserved to have a voice in the choice of representatives, 
because the fact of their having paid rent and taxes fur- 
nished a fair presumption that they were honest and in- 



LORD GODERICH. 285 

dustrious. He wished to know why they should suppose 
that all persons of this description were a set of levellers ? 
He believed that there were persons, in this as well as in 
other countries, who were anxious for a war of no property 
against property ; but if the legislature adopted this bill, 
and thereby shewed that they had confidence in that class 
out of which the ranks of the discontented were likely to 
be strengthened, they would take the best method of bind- 
ing them by a new tie to those whom Providence had 
placed above them ; and he had no doubt that they would 
send to the House of Commons men fit to represent them, 
who would be capable of performing their duties properly. 
Lord Goderich concluded by declaring his concurrence in 
the prayer of the Bishop of Exeter, and expressed a wish 
that the charge of indifference to religion and the church, 
made against his Majesty's government, by that prelate, 
had been better considered before it was uttered. 

Here then we stop; having traced Lord Goderich's 
parliamentary career, during a period of nearly thirty years 
from his first connexion with public life in 1804, when he 
acted as private secretary to his relation, Lord Hardwicke, 
then lord-lieutenant of Ireland, to his taking his seat in 
the cabinet of Earl Grey, as colonial secretary. His lord- 
ship has repeatedly visited the continent of Europe — in the 
summer of 1807, he accompanied Lord Pembroke on a 
special mission to Vienna, and returned to England with 
that nobleman in the following autumn. In the winter of 
1813, he accompanied Lord Castlereagh to the Continent, 
and thus became personally cognizant of the many interest- 
ing events which terminated in the overthrow of Buona- 
parte's power. Of his capacity for public business, some- 
thing has been already said.* The various posts which 
he has been called to occupy, were such as could not have 
been committed to ordinary hands. The extraordinary 
duration and peculiar character of the war, which termi- 
nated in 1814, had placed all the commercial relations of 
* See the Life and Times of Wiiliam the Fourth, p. 6-15. 



286 LOUD GODERICH. 

the country in so strange and perplexed a situation, that 
the restoration of peace did not offer any immediate means 
of determining what ought to be the precise nature of the 
regulations under which they should thenceforward be 
carried on. Our currency was in a very unsatisfactory 
state, and parliament had not as yet pronounced any thing 
like a definitive opinion upon its future condition. The 
taxes in every branch were enormously high; and, as his 
lordship has expressed the matter on more than one occa- 
sion, had unavoidably been imposed rather to meet an 
immediate fiscal necessity, than adopted from any pro- 
spective consideration of the consequences to which such 
heavy burdens might ultimately lead. The price of al- 
most every article, whether designed for home or foreign 
consumption, was thus, by the combined operation of a 
depreciated currency and an excessive rate of taxation, 
unnaturally high. In the mean time, and under these cir- 
cumstances, it was not to be expected, that the trade of 
the world, which had been long cramped, restricted, and 
distorted by the inevitable effects of Buonaparte's conti- 
nental system, and of our retaliatory policy, during the 
last years of the war, could at once revert to a natural 
and healthy state. Many new interests had grown up ; 
many new prejudices had apparently been engendered, 
and many old ones confirmed ; and even if it had been 
possible to see at one glance what ought to be the course 
of our policy, no one could presume to say what might be 
the views or principles of other countries in similar cir- 
cumstances. These are matters that ought to be taken 
into the account, in forming a candid estimate. of the diffi- 
culties that Lord Goderich has had to encounter, in the 
departments he has filled in the service of his country, and 
we are not aware that in any of these situations his con- 
duct requires apology. We believe that Lord Goderich has 
been accused of having contributed to the panic which took 
place at the close of the year 1825 — it has been said that 
he helped to promote this by the exaggerated picture which 



LORD GODERICH. 28/ 

he drew in that year of the prosperous condition of the 
country, and that its effects were afterwards accelerated by 
the language which he used, on the subject of country 
banks in England, in a correspondence with the governor 
of the Bank. But he has been able to vindicate himself, 
and with success, from both these charges, and the subject 
is not worth reviving. The department allotted to the 
noble viscount, as a member of the present cabinet, is cer- 
tainly one of unprecedented difficulty, and requires wis- 
dom and firmness of the highest order to manage. The 
critical posture in which our West India colonies are at 
this moment placed — the British public clamorous for the 
abolition of slavery — a spirit of insurrection and revolt 
rapidly spreading among the black population — and the 
government and planters at issue, on some important topics, 
with that of the mother country ; all these things com- 
bined, present an appalling picture, which it is impossible 
to contemplate unmoved. It is consolatory, however, to 
think, that the affairs of the colonial department are, at 
such a critical conjuncture, in the hands of Lord Goderich, 
than whom it may be doubted if any man in the kingdom 
be better qualified for managing them. His conduct in 
relation to the late insurrection in Jamaica, affords one 
pleasing proof of this. When a deputation lately waited 
upon him from among the dissenters, to ask information 
respecting their missionaries, and the intentions of govern- 
ment, Lord Goderich received them in the most courteous 
manner, or as they express it, (t with the most marked kind- 
ness/' They had also the satisfaction to find that the 
government had already sent out the fullest and most 
explicit instructions that no sentence passed by the local 
authorities upon any of the missionaries should be carried 
into effect until it had undergone a revision by the govern- 
ment at home ; and he further assured them, that the most 
effectual steps would be taken to discover and punish the 
perpetrators of the outrages that had been committed. 
What friend to justice could wish more ! 



288 LORD GODERICH. 

Sir Egerton Brydges, who was several years a member of 
the House of Commons, and who has given us his judgment 
of the principal speakers in the house during that period, 
thus describes Mr. Robinson : " He spoke seldom \ but 
when he did rise, he spoke with liveliness, talent, vigour, 
knowledge, and sound sense, and with an extraordinary 
portion of gentlemanly and honourable feeling/' This is 
handsomely said, and doubtless it is a very correct account 
of the matter. Sound learning, good sense, varied and 
accurate knowledge, correct taste, amiable temper, and 
remarkable patience and forbearance, were always exem- 
plified in his addresses to the house, as well as in his 
intercourse in more private circles. His speeches are per- 
spicuous and pointed, lucid and logical, animated and un- 
affected. On ordinary occasions, when the subject is a 
common one, he usually delivers himself in a conversa- 
tional tone ; but if his theme be important, and require it, 
he can rise into the boldest animation, elevating his style 
and manner of address to the occasion. From the com- 
mencement of his public career, Mr. Robinson was re- 
garded, by the candid of all parties, as possessed of supe- 
rior, though not of first-rate talents. If we may not 
award him the profoundness of Burke, the brilliancy of 
Sheridan, the energy of Fox and Pitt, or the eloquence 
of Canning, we can claim for him urbanity and candour, 
honest intentions, and skill in the practice of his official 
duties, all of them useful qualities in a statesman. And 
when to these we add the enlightened views of Canning 
and Huskisson, on questions of commercial policy, we think 
him entitled, in no ordinary degree, to the confidence of 
the country. That confidence, indeed, Lord Goderich justly 
enjoys, and he may be looked up to as a patriot and a friend, 
whatever betides us in these perilous times. 




Painted >-.- Six Hid? -Lawrence E t 2 






HENTCZ" riTZMAUKECE- PETTY, B.C.L,r.ILS. MARQUESS Of LANSDOWHE 



] 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 289 



RIGHT HON. 



THE MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN, 

Lord President of the Council. 



This nobleman, who was at one time known among us by 
the name of Lord Henry Petty, is the younger son of the 
celebrated Earl of Shelburne, afterwards Marquis of Lans- 
down, by his second wife, Louisa Fitzpatrick, a daughter of 
the Earl of Upper Ossory. He was born, July 2nd, 1780, 
and from his infancy was a great favourite with his father. 
The rudiments of his education were acquired at Westmin- 
ster school, from whence he was removed to Edinburgh, 
where he resided, with other young noblemen, under the 
roof of Professor Dugald Stewart, and became initiated in 
the science of debate by attending the disputative meetings 
of the Speculative Society ; the identical club at which 
Henry Brougham and Francis Jeffrey were initiated. His 
lordship completed his education at Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge ; and, on attaining his majority, entered the House of 
Commons as member for Calne, m Wiltshire, and while 
the short peace of Amiens remained ostensibly unbroken. 

It may be mentioned, that, after his return from college, 
and prior to his taking his seat in the house, Lord Petty 
was sent abroad by his father, confided to the care of Mr. 
Dumont, for whom the marquis had obtained a place in one 
of the government offices, during the period that his friend, 
colonel Barre, held the clerkship of the Pells. It was in 

2p 



290 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

company with that gentleman, who was well acquainted 
with foreign languages and foreign affairs, that he visited 
France during the short interval of peace, and had the 
honour of dining with .Napoleon Buonaparte, who treated 
him with great respect, and expressed his hope, that when 
his lordship returned home, and became a member of par- 
liament, he would exert all his influence to maintain a state 
of amity between the two countries. Happy had it been 
for himself, and for the world, could he himself have taken 
the advice he gave. 

Lord Petty appears to have been a silent member of the 
house during the first session ; but on the 13th of February, 
1804, he made his maiden speech, on the "Irish Bank 
Restriction bill," and was much complimented for it by 
Mr. Foster, formerly speaker of the House of Commons of 
Ireland, and then Chancellor of the Exchequer of that 
country. Soon after this, he supported the motion for an 
inquiry into the origin and prosecution of the destructive 
war in Ceylon. He professed his astonishment at the sort 
of argument made use of by ministers, which appeared to 
him to resemble that of a ship's crew, who, when a propo- 
sition was made to examine the timbers, or general state of 
the vessel, should say, that such an inquiry would come 
much better after they had got into port. 

On the 18th of June, when Mr. Pitt brought forward his 
additional force bill, Lord Petty spoke against the measure 
at some length, combating the reasonings of that gentleman. 
He thought the bill should be rejected, because it went to 
establish a tax, unequal, unconstitutional, and every way 
injurious — because the means by which it was to be carried 
into effect were imperfect and unfit for the end — because it 
threatened to disturb and endanger the whole administra- 
tion of parochial justice, by imposing functions on parish 
officers, incompatible with those they at present exercised — 
and, above all, because it held out no reasonable prospect of 
effecting its object, that of raising an efficient and respect- 
able force for regular service. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 291 

It has been said, that on the first appearance of Mr. Pitt's 
declining health, Lord Henry Petty aspired to the honour of 
succeeding him ; and with that view took an opportunity of 
making preparatory impressions on the house. The sub- 
ject which gave occasion to the eliciting of his lordship's 
powers, both of speech and argument, was the debate on 
Lord Melville's conduct as treasurer of the navy — which 
took place a little before Mr. Pitt's decease. On Monday, 
April 8th, 1806, Mr. Whitbread moved a series of resolu- 
tions tending to criminate the noble treasurer, when Mr. 
Pitt, throwing the shield of Hector around his friend, pro- 
posed an amendment, which called forth Lord Petty in reply. 
The whole of his speech on this occasion would deserve a 
place in this memoir, but our limits will not allow of it. 
His lordship began by remarking, that he would have left 
it to others better acquainted with the secrets of office, to 
have followed the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt,) 
through his elaborate speech, had he not felt that there 
could be no impropriety in his speaking thus early, con- 
scious that the present was not altogether a question in 
which long practice was so much required, as a regard to 
that respect and dignity which every member of that house 
ought to be equally solicitous should characterize their pro- 
ceedings. He confessed, that he was never more surprised 
than at the manner in which the right honourable gentle- 
man had begun, by charging the honourable mover of the 
resolutions with want of moderation and temperance, 
although, so far as he was able to j udge of the matter, they 
were resolutions founded on facts, and the whole of the 
honourable gentleman's speech was composed of deductions 
from those facts. 

His lordship continued : The right honourable gentleman, 
Mr. Pitt, had said, that the mover of the resolutions dealt in 
a complicated matter of figures. He begged it, however, to 
be recollected from what this had arisen, namely, from the 
obscurity in which matters had been involved by Lord Mel- 
ville and his paymaster (Mr. Trotter,) and that the com- 



292 MARQUIS OF LANS DOWN. 

plication was founded on the violation of an act of parlia- 
ment. Had the right honourable gentleman wished to state 
the matter fairly, he would have avoided the mention of any- 
such complication. It could not be disputed, first, that 
Lord Melville had violated an act of parliament, by allowing 
his paymaster to apply the public money to his own use ; 
and, secondly, that he had also violated the same act, in 
having himself applied the money entrusted to him for one 
branch of service, to another entirely unconnected with it. 
Did the right honourable gentleman mean to call these facts 
a complication of figures ? Or were they not rather facts 
standing admitted on the confession of the noble lord (Mel- 
ville) himself ? The question before the house neither 
required nor admitted of delay. It concerned the breach 
of an act of parliament made by their own body, and which 
the person accused of breaking it, admitted that he had 
broken. 

Mr. Pitt had laboured to palliate the guilt of his friend 
by stating that the public had sustained no injury ; but 
that was a species of defence which he (Lord Petty) could 
not admit. It was sufficient to say, that a heavy loss to 
the public might have been incurred. But, in addition to 
this, he would contend, that it was hardly possible that, 
in transactions where such large sums were involved, a 
positive loss should not be sustained. Mr. Pitt had said, 
that sums could not be drawn out for the naval service 
but as they were wanted — and yet, said Lord Petty, imme- 
diately after making that assertion, he was obliged to con- 
fess that great sums had been diverted from that to other 
services. Now, he was at a loss to conceive, if the right 
honourable gentleman was correct in his first assertion, 
that no money could be drawn for the service of the navy 
till it was wanted, how this appropriation could have been 
made without leaving the navy destitute of the necessary 
supplies. But, further, if money might at all be so diverted 
from its proper branch of service, it might with equal 
facility be misapplied to private advantage ; for if the door 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 293 

of abuse was once opened, there was no saying where the 
evil might stop. The right honourable gentleman's answer, 
however, again recurred. The speculations had been suc- 
cessful — no loss had occurred, and so no harm had been 
done ! His lordship, however, was of a very different 
opinion ; and if the speculations of the noble lord, or his 
paymaster, or broker, had been successful, it was not diffi- 
cult to ascertain from whence their knowledge had been 
derived. Mr. Mark Sprot, the broker, was in the confi- 
dence of Mr. Trotter ; Mr. Trotter was in the confidence 
of Lord Melville ; and Lord Melville was in the public 
confidence ; and so they had an opportunity among them 
of carrying on successful speculations in the public funds ! 
He had heard of formidable conspiracies ; but, for his 
own part, he declared he never heard of a conspiracy more 
formidable than that formed by these three persons. His 
lordship then adverted to a systematic train of deception 
practised by Lord Melville, whenever any inquiry was set 
on foot relative to the nature of his office, and particularly 
mentioned his declarations before the committee of finance, 
which he must have known, at the time, not to be founded 
on fact ! 

Lord Petty said, he knew that the principal purpose 
of the enactments of that committee and of parliament, 
from the year 1786, had been, that all moneys should issue 
through the Bank, and that his office should cease to be 
a treasury ; yet he knew that those instructions had been 
regularly, systematically, and uniformly abandoned. And 
was the house now to be told that they must proceed 
further in their inquiry into the conduct of such a person, 
before they determined on the propriety of dismissing him 
from his official situation ? Suppose him to ask Mr. Mark 
Sprott if he had been in the habit, instead of investing the 
money entrusted to his care in the name of Mr, Trotter 
or Lord Melville, of applying £20,000, or £30,000 to his own 
use ? And were lie to decline answering the question, he 
suspected he would soon cease to be broker, either for 



294 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

Mr. Trotter or Lord Melville. Or, suppose him to plead, 
as an excuse, that, from the mode of keeping his books, 
he could not say whether he might not have invested part 
of the money in his own name ; would it not be answered, 
that that was a mode of keeping accounts not to be tole- 
rated by any broker on the exchange of London ? If so, 
his lordship would ask, was such conduct to be tolerated 
in the treasurer of the British navy ? 

" The people of England'' said Lord Petty, " pay their 
servants liberally, and in no department more so than in 
Somerset House : and they had as good a right to see jus- 
tice done them as any person on the Stock Exchange could 
have. His lordship then alluded to Lord Melville's letter, 
and said, that, if in that letter even the noble viscount 
had asserted his innocence, however much he might have 
been convinced of the contrary, there would have been 
some ground for going into committee. He would even 
like to see any of his friends bold enough to make such 
an assertion. Neither the noble viscount himself, how- 
ever, nor any of his friends, asserted any such thing. And 
what more remained for the noble lord than to address him 
as Cicero did Piso, in his oration against him, when he 
breaks off, exclaiming that no person can be more guilty 
than he who dares neither write nor speak his own inno- 
cence. He would ask the noble viscount himself, what he 
would have said, if at the time of proposing the act, any 
person had thus addressed him : " I approve of your act ; 
but you labour in vain, for twelve months will not have 
elapsed ere it will be broken by a treasurer of the navy, 
and that treasurer of the navy is yourself!" But still 
more must he or any man be astonished, had it been added, 
that, at the end of fourteen years, during the whole of 
which period the act had been violated, there could be 
found in the House of Commons a person hardy enough 
to propose that further inquiry should take place, before 
it was determined whether the dignity and character of 
the House of Commons, and of their acts, were to be as- 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 295 

serted, and the public purse vindicated, against so gross a 
system of peculation/' [Loud and repeated applauses.] 
His lordship concluded a speech, which appeared to have 
made a deep impression on the house, by expressing a 
hope, " that the decision of that night would evince a de- 
termination in parliament to come forward with one voice 
in defence of the safety, honour, and existence of the 
country, which had been endangered by so flagrant a vio- 
lation of their own acts, in the person of a nobleman to 
whom they had confided an important trust, the adminis- 
tration of that part of the revenue of the kingdom, appli- 
cable to the naval service/' 

This masterly speech, not only surpassed all Lord Petty's 
previous efforts, but even most efforts of preceding speak- 
ers of his own age. Mr. Fox was lavish of his commen- 
dations, and congratulated his side of the house on such 
an accession to their strength. "I recollect," said he, 
" when Mr. Pitt made his first essay in the house : I re- 
collect the just pride we all felt to see him, much of the 
same age then, that the noble lord now is, distinguishing 
himself in hunting down corruption — in unmasking abuses 
in the public expenditure — and in proposing and enforcing 
reforms of various kinds/' But to proceed : 

When Mr. Whitbread moved an impeachment of " Lord 
Henry Melville of high crimes and misdemeanours, in the 
name of the Commons of England," he was again ably sup- 
ported by Lord Henry Petty, who recapitulated the fresh 
subjects of accusation which had been produced, and in 
an animated tone pointed out the dangerous consequences 
likely to ensue, as regarded the interests of the public 
creditors, from the combination of three persons, one of 
whom was a jobber in the funds, a second had an immense 
sum of public money at his disposal, while a third was 
acquainted with all the secrets of government. " This, said 
his lordship, " was a combination from which more mis- 
chief was to be apprehended, than from those Jacobin com- 
mittees which had been the theme of so much declamation/' 



296 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

The crisis, however, had now arrived, when an impor- 
tant change was about to take place in the political horizon 
of the country. While a vote of censure, followed by an 
impeachment, had been carried against one of his col- 
leagues, and the situation of Europe began to assume a 
most perilous aspect, Mr. Pitt pined away with mortifica- 
tion and chagrin, sickened, and died. His feeble and fear- 
ful colleagues, finding themselves inadequate to the proper 
management of the affairs of government, gave way, and 
another cabinet was formed, under the auspices of Mr. Fox 
and Lord Grenville ; and in the new ministry, Lord Petty 
succeeded to the office of chancellor of the exchequer, and 
member of the privy council. He also succeeded Mr. Pitt 
as representative of the University of Cambridge. 

It is matter of regret, that a regard to truth will not 
permit us to compliment the new chancellor of the ex- 
chequer on his successful mode of raising such supplies 
as the exigencies of the state then required. The office 
of providing taxes must be at all times an ungracious one, 
and the new ministry found themselves surrounded with 
difficulties. The expenditure, during the thirteen years 
the war had continued, and against which the financier 
had to make head, was annually upon the increase, and at 
a fearful ratio. Lord Petty, too, was to follow Mr. Pitt, 
who, whatever were his errors or his faults, has always 
been considered by impartial persons an able financier. 
The proposition to increase the property tax — and, more 
especially, the extension of our excise laws, the most 
odious and vexatious of our fiscal regulations, by laying 
open the private dwelling of every man in the kingdom 
who brewed his own small beer — excited a clamour through- 
out the country against the Whig administration, which 
made them very unpopular. The short time, too, during 
which they were allowed to remain in office, afforded them 
but little opportunity of redeeming their reputation by 
any salutary measures of public utility. Mr. Fox, whose 
name and talents were the sword and buckler of the new 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 29~ 

administration, outlived his great political rival but a few 
months, and the power of his colleagues did not long sur- 
vive the existence of their chief. The rock on which they 
split, was an attempt to do that for the Catholics of Ire- 
land which was afterwards effected by the Duke of Wel- 
lington, in the reign of George the Fourth ; and for at- 
tempting which, Lord Howick and his associates, were by 
George the Third, dismissed from his councils. 

The parliament being dissolved, Lord Henry Petty again 
offered himself to represent the University of Cambridge, 
but he was no longer clothed with the robe of chancellor 
of the exchequer, and of four candidates he was the lowest 
upon the poll. The cry of "No Popery" rang through the 
halls and colleges, and was re-echoed from every corner of 
the senate-house, like the famous cry of old, "Great is 
Diana of the Ephesians !" His lordship, therefore, found 
himself obliged to retreat from the classic banks of the 
Cam, to the snug little borough of Camelford, there to 
solicit the suffrages of the sons of tin, lead, and copper, 
which were obtained, more majorum, without much diffi- 
culty, and probably without any expense. 

On the assembling of the new parliament, Lord Petty 
once more occupied his old station on the opposition side 
of the house ; but to this mortification, he was exposed 
only for a very short period. On the death of his elder 
brother without issue, in 1 809, he succeeded to the family 
titles and estates, taking his place among the peers, in 
which distinguished position we shall now endeavour to 
trace him. 

The discussions consequent on the Regency bill, and the 
committal of that high power to the Prince of Wales, took 
place soon after his lordship's advancement to the peerage ; 
and, in reference to these matters, we find Lord Henry 
Petty, now the Marquis of Lansdown, displaying consider- 
able talent, and the virtue of a patriot. He strenuously 
opposed the project of parliament assuming a power 
over the great seal. " That seal," he said, "has ever been 

2q 



298 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the symbol of the royal authority — the exclusive appendage 
to the personal exercise of the sovereign functions. It 
would not have been a greater absurdity in the convention 
of 1688, to use the great seal of James the Second, for the 
purpose of filling the throne before it had been declared 
vacant, than it would now be, for the parliament to employ 
the great seal of George the Third, to supply the existing 
deficiency of the royal functions, after having voted the 
actual incapacity of the sovereign." On the restrictions 
which ministers sought to impose upon the Regent, the 
noble Marquis moved an amendment, and it was carried 
by a majority of three. His speech, upon that occasion, 
was of the first order. He remarked, that " the different 
branches of the legislature, by their reciprocal control and 
balance of each other, produce that energy which consti- 
tutes the firmness, and that symmetry which constitutes 
the beauty, of the stupendous fabric called the constitution 
of England, and upon the preservation of which depends 
the safety of this country. Much of that safety, in its 
turn, again, depends on the power of the crown. 
The question then is, whether the present be a period fit 
for curtailing that power. I think it is not. It is true, 
the Regent is to be allowed the power of dissolving the 
other house ; but over this house he has no power ; and 
I would venture to ask whether you think it decent for 
you to emancipate yourselves from the constitutional con- 
trol of the crown, which you do by assenting to the re- 
striction against creating peers, whereby you fetter the 
crown against any power to counterpoise yours, while 
you allow the crown power over the other house by dis- 
solving it." 

On the assassination of Mr. Spencer Perceval, who had 
succeeded Lord Henry Petty as chancellor of the exchequer, 
the noble Marquis of Lansdown was invited to return to 
office, in connexion with Lords Grey and Grenville ; but the 
attempt proved abortive, from causes already adverted to in 
our sketch of the life of Earl Grey, and which it is needless 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 299 

to repeat in this place. The cabinet of Lord Liverpool suc- 
ceeded, to which the Marquis of Lansdown was certainly 
opposed, but his opposition was neither active nor violent. 
A careful examination of his lordship's speeches about this 
period, would probably lead to the conclusion, that he was 
becoming better reconciled to the existing administration ; 
and the manner in which this was met by ministers, has 
been thought to indicate, that if Lord Liverpool had re- 
tained his health and continued in office, some effort would 
have been made to obtain the noble marquis's efficient aid. 
The successful termination of a war, rashly and impru- 
dently begun, and, as many thought, madly persevered in, 
could not fail to produce a considerable change in the 
minds of such persons as Lord Lansdown, and soften 
their opposition to the ministry which was happily fated 
to reap the laurels of victory and peace. 

One of the most important measures of the Whig cabi- 
net, to which the marquis, when Lord Petty, belonged, 
was the abolition of the slave trade ; and the excellent law, 
which while in office he had essentially contributed to pass, 
he strove as a private member of parliament to render as 
efficient as possible. He was, however, in common with 
other ardent friends to that measure, doomed to frequent 
disappointment. Accordingly, in 1814, seven years after 
the bill had passed for abolishing the odious traffic in 
human flesh, we find his lordship moving an address to 
the Prince Regent, "expressing the deep regret of the 
house that his exertions for the abolition of the slave-trade 
had not been attended with more complete success, and 
praying that means might be taken more completely to 
secure the merciful intentions of the legislature." In sup- 
port of this motion, the noble marquis addressed the house 
at some length, discussing with superior ability all the 
topics which had entered into the reasoning on this subject 
on former occasions ; and the motion passed without oppo- 
sition. If we are not mistaken, it was about the same 
time that Mr. Brougham brought forward his important 



300 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

measure in the other house, and obtained a law, making 
it felony for any British subject to be engaged in the 
traffic. 

At this time, an end was put to the sanguinary contest 
which had for more than twenty years raged upon the 
continent of Europe, and the flames of which had unhap- 
pily been nourished and fed by the influence of British gold. 
One result of this change in the posture of affairs was, that 
of divesting the proceedings in parliament of almost all 
their usual interest for two or three succeeding years. The 
session of 1815 was unusually short and dull; but the 
miserable effects of a protracted state of hostilities soon 
began to manifest themselves in the domestic occurrences 
of our own country. The year 1816, which was the first 
after the year of general peace, was signalized by a more 
widely extended distress than the annals of the country 
had for a long period exhibited, and must doubtless have 
occasioned as much surprise as disappointment, in the 
greater part of the nation. But Great Britain was not 
singular in this respect ; every European state participated 
of it. Distress operated somewhat differently in different 
countries ; but all were plunged in the same misfortunes of 
ruinous expenses, wasted finances, heavy public debts, and 
immoderate imposts. The condition of England was so far 
peculiar, that, by means of her insular situation, she enjoyed a 
happy exemption from war Upon her own territories ; whilst, 
by her triumphant fleets, she was enabled to carry on an in- 
tercourse with every part of the world, whence she was not 
excluded by force of arms. By means of this commercial 
monopoly, and a much increased demand for many articles 
required by the wants of war itself, she for a long time felt 
little other pressure than that of augmented taxation, and 
even this seemed counterbalanced by the increase of the 
public revenue. But when these advantages were cut off 
by the peace, and Great Britain hoped to retrieve herself 
by resorting to her usual customers on the continent, she 
found them immersed in general poverty, and all eager to 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 301 

supply their wants by the exertions of their own industry. 
British manufacture s, therefore, which, by the improvements 
of mechanical ingenuity, had been accumulated to a vast 
amount in the merchants' warehouses, found no regular 
demand, but were forced by speculation into foreign markets, 
where they could obtain a sale only at prices much below 
the prime cost. The consequence of all this was, the manu- 
facturers found it necessary, either wholly to suspend or 
greatly to reduce the fabrication of their goods, whereby a 
number of workmen in almost every branch became desti- 
tute of employment, and were plunged into severe distress. 

The years 1816, YJ, and 18, present us with a melancholy 
picture of the state of our own country. In the first of these 
years, a general failure in the harvests of Europe, arising 
from an unusual inclemency of the weather, drew in its 
train a rapid rise in the price of bread ; in consequence of 
which, the most serious distress burst forth among the 
manufacturing poor, who began to murmur that their wages 
would no longer procure for their families the necessaries of 
life. By the sudden failure of the war-demand for a vast 
variety of articles, thousands of artisans were thrown out of 
employment, and reduced to a state of extreme indigence. 
A detestable spirit of insubordination and conspiracy began 
to manifest itself throughout several of the midland coun- 
ties, accompanied by the destruction of property, joined to 
the love of plunder. Meetings were called, for the purpose 
of discussing the causes and remedies of these evils ; and 
petitions for redress of grievances, for economy, and for 
parliamentary reform, poured in on all sides. In the year 
1817> the bill for the suspension of the habeas corpus act, 
was twice renewed during the session of parliament — a 
thing unprecedented in English history. In 1818, the 
Duke of Montrose presented to the House of Peers a bill 
founded upon the report of the secret committee, entituled 
" A bill for indemnifying persons, who, since the 26th of 
January, 1817* have acted in apprehending, imprisoning, or 
detaining in custody, persons suspected of high treason, or 



302 MARQTjIS of lansdown. 

treasonable practices, and in the suppression of tumultuous 
and unlawful assemblies/' With this indemnity bill, we 
find the Marquis of Lansdown vigorously grappling. The 
principle of the bill, he said, was to indemnify for acts 
dangerous in themselves, but justifiable for reasons of state 
which could not be disclosed in evidence ! Against such a 
system of legislation, his lordship protested, and by his 
spirited exertions prevented the enactments of the bill from 
extending to Ireland. 

On the 29th of March, 1819, the House of Lords entered 
upon the third reading of the bill for rendering the growing 
produce of the consolidated fund available for the public 
service ; to which measure the Marquis of Lansdown gave 
his warmest support, declaring that nothing could be more 
just than its provisions, so far as they went. He must, 
however, call their lordships' attention, he said, to the prin- 
ciple on which it was founded, and the very limited extent 
to which that principle was carried. Referring, then, 'to 
the spirited efforts which had been made by Mr. Grenfell, 
in the House of Commons, to obtain for the public a share 
in the balances left in the possession of the Bank, the 
marquis observed, that the bill confined the application of 
its principle to one description of balances, namely, that 
on the growing produce of the consolidated fund, and 
asked, why was not this principle carried to a greater ex- 
tent ? Why was it not applied to the balances of the 
customs and excise, of which, at least, three millions might 
be made available each quarter in the same manner ? It 
had been boasted that the arrangement contemplated by 
this bill would produce a saving of interest on balances to 
the amount of six millions, whereas the fact was, that the 
average of these balances did not exceed four millions. 
Lord Liverpool acquiesced in the correctness of the noble 
marquis's observations, but said it had not been thought 
proper to extend the principle further at present, while an 
inquiry was going on which had for its object the affairs 
of the Bank. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 303 

During the year 1820, May 26th, Lord Lansdown, in 
moving for the appointment of a committee, to take into 
consideration, the measures of extending and securing the 
foreign trade of the country, led the house into a compre- 
hensive view of every part of its foreign policy. After pro- 
posing the abolition of all absolutely prohibitory duties, 
he recommended a relaxation of the navigation laws, to the 
extent of allowing produce, not colonial, to be imported 
from all parts of Europe, without making it necessary that 
it should be altogether in English-built ships, or in ships 
belonging to the nation whence the produce comes. The 
next point to which he adverted was that of an entire free- 
dom from the transit trade. Such a change, he said, would 
tend to encourage the warehousing system, and thus pro- 
mote the desirable object of rendering our ports the depots 
of foreign nations. Whatever brought the foreign mer- 
chant to this country, and made it a general mart for the 
merchandise of the world, was valuable to our trade, and 
enriched the industrious population of our ports. Such 
freedom of transit, his lordship went on to remark, allowed 
of assortment of cargoes for foreign markets, and thus 
extended our trade in general. 

He then proceeded to recommend the removal of the 
burdens imposed on the importation of timber from the 
north of Europe. The timber imported from Canada, he 
said, cost us five hundred thousand pounds a year more 
than if we had brought it from the Baltic. And what was 
the article that was thus raised in price ? It was the raw 
material of our houses, bridges, canals, nay, of our very 
shipping ; and yet the ship-owners had been inconsiderate 
enough to petition in favour of duties which increased the 
expenses of their own trade. The reasoning on which they 
grounded their resistance to the abolition of these duties, 
the noble marquis thus stated and refuted. " In their own 
petition, they represent that, from the length and difficulty 
of the voyage to North America, the larger part of the 
value of the timber thence imported, consists of freight, 



304 MARQUIS OF LANS DOWN. 

and that the mere circumstance of the proximity of the 
northern ports of Europe, by enabling ships to repeat their 
voyages frequently in the course of a year, would reduce 
the number of British vessels employed in the timber trade 
to one third. They, therefore, say, that, whereas it is ex- 
pedient that they should be employed — and whereas they 
cannot be so employed if they procure timber where it is 
cheapest and best — they should import it of the worst 
quality and from the greatest distance. Such was the 
proposition propounded, when the question was, whether 
we should import our timber from our own colonies, or 
from the Baltic. But let the house observe to what con- 
sequences the principle would go, if applied to other 
branches of trade. Suppose it were proposed, on some 
plea, to bring our cotton from the East Indies, instead of 
importing it from America; he did not see on what 
grounds those could resist such a proposition, who argued 
that we ought to import our timber from Canada rather 
than from Norway. The voyage would have the advan- 
tage of being thrice as long, and the articles might be 
tripled in price. A petition from Newcastle had stated, 
that, by resorting to the Baltic for timber, not one half of 
the number of vessels would be employed that now sailed 
to America, which was just as good a reason for going 
to the latter country, as we should have for employing 
double the number of horses to convey the mails, when 
the number now engaged in the service of the mail coaches 
was amply sufficient for the purpose." 

Lord Lansdown went on to state, that facilities ought 
to be afforded to our commercial intercourse with France. 
At present, a duty of £143, 18s. was imposed upon the 
tun of French wine, while only £95 was imposed on Spanish 
and Portuguese wines. Now, although the government 
of France was not disposed to enter into any commercial 
treaty, or to make any liberal arrangement for receiving 
our manufactures in exchange for their wine, he contended 
that some change might be beneficially made in our present 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 305 

trade with that country. Even though the government were 
not disposed, at first, to enter into any specific treaty, the 
people would find their advantage in the intercourse ; and 
although we might be obliged, in the first place, to pay in 
bullion, our manufactures would go abroad to purchase that 
bullion. For a long course of time, we had been exporting 
bullion to the East Indies, and we were obliged to export 
manufactures to America for the purpose of procuring it. 
The consent of Portugal to any beneficial arrangement with 
France would not be required ; as, if we did not enforce our 
claim to send Portugal our woollens, she had no right to 
demand of us to take her wines. 

But the topic on which his lordship expatiated at greatest 
length, was that of the trade with the East Indies. It was 
impossible to forget, said the noble marquis, that from one 
of the largest, most fertile, and most populous portions of 
the globe — that immense space which lay between Africa 
and America, the general British merchant was excluded. 
From the time that he doubled Cape Horn, or the Cape of 
Good Hope, he found his commercial operations cramped, 
and his enterprise restrained — not by the nature of the 
country, for it was rich, and adapted to commerce ; not by 
the indisposition of the people to trade, for they were 
numerous, industrious, and disposed to exchange their pro- 
ductions for ours ; not by the difficulties of the seas, for, by 
the trade winds and the monsoons, navigation was easy and 
secure : but he was pursued, and all his schemes defeated, 
by the statute-book. It was this, that restrained him from 
trading from one part to another without license. It was 
this which prevented him from dealing in one of the most 
valuable and lucrative articles, namely, tea. When the 
trade to the East Indies was not open, there was no inde- 
pendent British tonnage on the other side of the Cape of 
Good Hope. At present, there were, in the eastern seas, 
twenty thousand tons of shipping in the service of the East 
India Company, but sixty-one thousand in the service of the 
free-traders. Was there any one, seeing as they all had 

2 r 



306 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

seen, the rapid strides with which British commerce had 
advanced in that quarter of the globe, bold enough to say, 
that the advantages of a free-trade might not be carried still 
farther, even there, and rendered productive of even still 
more important results. 

After shewing the superior advantages of a free trade in 
India, over the East India Company's monopoly in regard 
to the number of seamen employed in each branch of com- 
merce, Lord Lansdown concluded his luminous and very 
able speech, by expatiating on the absurdity of excluding 
our own countrymen from the tea-trade, while it was left 
open to the Americans and other foreigners ; and by en- 
forcing the necessity of cultivating friendly relations with 
the provinces of South America, which, he said, presented 
a boundless field for the future extension of our commerce. 
His lordship's motion for a committee was agreed to ; and, 
on the 3d of July, as chairman, he brought up their report. 
He abstained, however, from founding any specific propo- 
sition upon it, thinking that, on a subject so intimately 
connected with the finances of the country, it was better 
that the measure should originate in the other house of 
parliament. 

A committee having been appointed by the Commons to 
inquire into this subject, a report was drawn up, and, on the 
8th of June, 1821, Lord Lansdown presented it to the 
House of Peers; and on moving that it be printed, his 
lordship took the opportunity of making a few observations 
to the following effect. He said, the principal part of the 
report, to which he was desirous of very briefly drawing 
their lordships' attention, related to a very important manu- 
facture of the country, that of silk. It was with great satis- 
faction he stated, that from the inquiry which had been 
gone into, it appeared that the extent of the silk manufac- 
ture of this country was such as to create a demand for 
labour, and yield a profit far beyond any thing he could have 
expected, from a trade created by favour, and maintained by 
prohibitions. It happened fortunately, that a part of the 



MA1RQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 30/* 

world which had been placed under the dominion of Great 
Britain, was that which afforded the best raw material, and 
from which it had originally been derived by the south of 
Europe. The improvement of the trade had been so great, 
that supplies were now drawn two or three times a year 
from that country, instead of only once, as formerly. Much 
as this manufacture had been favoured in France, it having 
always been the policy of the French government to encou- 
rage it, their lordships would be surprised to hear that it 
had been more successfully prosecuted in this country. It 
appeared, that the quantity of the raw material consumed 
in England, was now considerably greater than that used 
in the manufacture in France. The value of the raw mate- 
rial imported from Italy and India into this country ex- 
ceeded, by several hundred thousand pounds, that of the 
silk consumed in France. The silk grown in France, and 
imported, was estimated at two millions sterling : whereas 
the raw silk imported into England, in 1820, amounted to 
.£2,500,000. The value of this raw material, when manu- 
factured, was ten millions. From the moment that a free- 
trade was allowed to India, and private adventurers were 
permitted to act on their own speculations, there had been 
a progressive improvement in the quality and the quantity 
of the raw material imported. One of the embarrassments 
under which the silk trade laboured, was that which existed 
at Spitalfields : the place where the manufacture was carried 
on, was subject to a particular act of parliament, deviating 
from the true principles of political economy, and rendering 
it impossible for any manufacturer to introduce any new 
machinery, however advantageous, into the trade. 

It was in the same month of the same year, June 25th, 
1821, that the Marquis of Lansdown, pursuant to a notice 
previously given, called the attention of their lordships to 
the existing state of the slave-trade. He began by remark- 
ing, that after the period which had elapsed since its aboli- 
tion by this country, and since the Continental powers had 
solemnly pledged themselves to put an end to that detestable 



308 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

traffic, it would have become the duty of that house to take 
a view of the state of things since the abolition, in order to 
ascertain what had been the result of that measure : but how 
much more was this their duty, if unhappily the state of the 
trade was not such as was likely to give satisfaction to the 
public, and if the circumstances connected with it continued 
to demand the attention of government, and also of parlia- 
ment, for the purpose of stimulating the government to the 
execution of its duty. Under such circumstances, their 
lordships would agree with him, that their time could not 
be better employed than in the consideration of the state of 
this trade. He was happy, that on this occasion he could 
divest the motion he intended to make, of all censure on 
any individual connected with the government of this 
country ; and that he could state that very vigorous endea- 
vours had been made, both by the administration at home 
and our ministers abroad, to repress the evils arising from 
this traffic. 

It was to be expected, his lordship said, that when this 
country had relinquished the share she had too long held in 
this guilty traffic — that, after the peace, into the vacuum 
which was left, would run a strong current of unprincipled 
adventure, in which every maxim, human and divine, would 
be forgotten in the pursuit of gain. Accordingly, it hap- 
pened that from every quarter of the world, persons insti- 
gated by avarice, engaged in the African slave trade ; and it 
appeared that no remedy was to be found but in treaties 
framed between foreign states and Great Britain, who, hav- 
ing renounced the great advantages she possessed, became 
entitled to appeal to those countries which still carried on 
the slave trade, in the name of humanity, in the name of 
justice, and in the name of the interest of all the inhabitants 
of the globe, to concur with her in the abolition. This 
appeal was made, and what was the answer ? Engagements 
and promises were obtained from all countries that carried 
on that traffic, to promote its abolition. 

At this part of his speech, Lord Lansdown recapitulated 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 309 

the various treaties entered into with the foreign powers, 
and the base means resorted to in order to evade them, inso- 
much that Sir George Collier stated, that in one year sixty 
thousand slaves were taken from Africa ; and, moreover, that 
in one year eighteen thousand slaves had been imported into 
the Portuguese settlements alone. The French government 
was represented as peculiarly culpable. Spain had relin- 
quished the trade, but it was continued by her colonies, as 
was the case with Portugal and Holland. In America, also, 
individuals had engaged in this trade under false colours, 
though the American government appeared sincerely and 
zealously engaged in its suppression. Having thus laid 
before the house an exhibition of the then actual state of 
this detestable traffic, the noble marquis concluded by a 
motion, which embodied his various statements : <( That an 
humble address be presented to his majesty, representing to 
his majesty, that in the various documents relative to the 
slave trade, which, by his majesty's command, have been 
laid before the house, we find a renewed and most gratifying 
proof of the persevering solicitude with which his majesty's 
government have laboured to meet the wishes of this house, 
and of the nation at large, by effecting the entire and uni- 
versal abolition of that guilty traffic : that we learn from 
them, however, with the deepest regret, that his majesty's 
unwearied efforts to induce various powers to carry into 
complete effect their own solemn engagements, have not 
been more successful. 

(t That, notwithstanding the deliberate denunciation by 
which the slave trade was condemned at the congress of 
Vienna, as a crime of the deepest dye ; and notwithstanding 
the deliberate determination there expressed by all the great 
powers of Europe, to put an end to so enormous an evil : 
nevertheless, this traffic is still carried on to an extent 
scarcely ever before surpassed, by the subjects, and even 
under the flags, of the very powers which were parties to 
these deliberations." 

After noticing the conduct of the various European 



310 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

powers, and of the American States, the motion concluded 
as follows : — 

(i That we, therefore, earnestly entreat his majesty seri- 
ously to represent to the court of France, how deeply their 
credit is involved in these transactions, and that his majesty 
will be graciously pleased to renew his efforts to induce that 
government to make good its various engagements on this 
subject ; in particular, to fulfil its specified promise to 
employ new and more efficient restraints, and call into 
action fresh penal sanctions, in order effectually to prevent 
the carrying on, by French subjects, of this odious and dis- 
graceful traffic, to the extinction of which they are bound 
alike by the most solemn obligations of religion, by the 
integrity of their government, and even by the personal 
honour of their sovereign." 

t Early in the session of 1822, the Earl of Liverpool, then 
prime minister, brought forward for discussion the very 
distressed state of the agricultural interest, with a view to 
the adoption of such measures as were necessary to remedy 
the evils complained of. His lordship stated the distress of 
the country to be the result of a long and arduous war, and 
a superabundance of grain brought on by forcing waste 
lands into cultivation. He stated what government had 
done to reduce the national expenditure during the preced- 
ing years, which was nearly eight millions. The first mea- 
sure had been to reduce the expenditure -, and the second, 
to secure the sinking fund. The next measure they resorted 
to was a saving in the interest of the funded debt. They 
had made a considerable reduction in the taxation of the 
country, and looked forward to more. The noble lord then 
adverted to the measure for reducing the rate of interest on 
the national debt, and considered the plan beneficial to the 
country, not only as a saving, but as the means of compel- 
ling the Bank to lower the rate of discount, and give more 
circulation to the currency. His lordship concluded a 
luminous statement of his views on this subject, by moving 
" That there be laid before this house, the evidence required 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 311 

by the Marquis of Lansdown on a former day, namely, the 
estimates for the year 1822.' ' 

The Marquis of Lansdown considered this expose of the 
measures and views of the government, as calculated to be 
beneficial to the country ; but he totally differed from the 
noble lord in thinking that the distress of the country was 
not occasioned by excessive taxation. He expressed his 
satisfaction on hearing that it was in contemplation to make 
a further reduction in the taxes, because he was convinced 
the public burdens pressed heavily at this time on all classes. 
His lordship added, that he could not support the noble earl 
in certain fashionable opinions entertained by certain modern 
professors of the science of political economy, who came 
from their books and studies, declaring that taxation was 
not the cause of distress, but rather a benefit to the country. 
Taxation, his lordship maintained, did fall heavy on the 
countoy, and formed an obstacle to recovery from that dis- 
tress under which the nation groaned. 

On the 14th of June following, the Marquis of Lansdown 
called the attention of the House of Peers to the suffering 
state of Ireland, which he described as wretched in the 
extreme, and tracing the evils to the depreciation which had 
taken place in the currency, and the depressed value of 
agricultural produce, which had necessarily affected that 
country in a far greater degree than our own. The reason 
which his lordship assigned for this difference was, that in 
England there was a powerful manufacturing interest, which 
had, by its resistance, broken the weight of the agricultural 
distress ; but Ireland, which was almost wholly agricultural, 
must unavoidably suffer from the depressed state of that 
interest in a much greater proportion than the other parts 
of the united kingdom. 

Omitting those circumstances of distress which were 
common to both countries, the noble marquis proceeded to 
point out such as were of a peculiar nature, and by which 
Ireland was exclusively affected. In doing this, he said, 
he only needed to refer to the statutes by which it had for 



312 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

a period back been governed ; to the laws also, which had 
been passed with the view of preserving tranquillity within 
these few years ; to the laws, even, which had been enacted 
during the present session; to the language which had 
inevitably been used by the proposers and supporters of 
those measures ; to the admissions .made by the opponents 
of all severe laws. When, indeed, it had been proposed 
that in a part of the united kingdom, trial by jury should 
be suspended — when it had been proposed, that arbitrary 
power should be given to magistrates — when it had been 
proposed, that the public money should be voted to find 
food and employment for the poor ; surely he need not 
occupy the time of their lordships, by any argument, to 
prove that the situation of that part of the British empire 
in which such measures had been thought necessary, was 
peculiar. It was admitted on all hands, that trial by jury 
was one of the most valuable principles of the constitution : 
yet it was said, that for the enjoyment of this excellent 
institution, Ireland was not fit. That it was most dan- 
gerous to the liberty of the subject to invest magistrates 
with arbitrary power, was generally acknowledged ; and 
yet it was maintained that there was something in the 
state of Ireland which rendered its exercise of arbitrary and 
unconstitutional power indispensable. That it was wrong, 
nay, mischievous, to interfere with the regular course of 
supply and demand in the market, was a principle no less 
generally recognized; but so singular was the situation 
of Ireland, that this great principle of political economy 
must be violated. The general admission made in their 
lordships' house and elsewhere, not only by the language 
in which their sentiments had been expressed, but by the 
resolutions they had adopted, was, that measures which 
were most beneficial to this country, became pregnant with 
evil the moment they passed to Ireland. Convinced of the 
fact, they would naturally endeavour to account for the 
circumstances which produced so extraordinary a state of 
things. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 313 

To what, then, was the state of Ireland to be attributed ? 
Was it owing to her possessing a most fertile soil ? Was 
it because her insular situation was most favourable to 
commerce ? Was it because she was blessed with a most 
temperate and genial climate ? Was it because Providence 
had bestowed on her every thing calculated to ensure riches 
and prosperity ? Unfortunately, in spite of all her national 
advantages, all the kindness of Providence, Ireland con- 
tinued poor in the midst of wealth — barbarous in the midst 
of civilization. That constitution which conferred happi- 
ness on this country was to Ireland only a source of evil. 
Their lordships must then look farther for the origin of the 
mischiefs : they must look for them in the institutions 
and systems by which that country had long been governed 
The object of their inquiry ought to be, to ascertain what 
connection subsisted between the system of government 
and the state of society. In undertaking such an inquiry 
it would be wrong were they to describe the conduct of 
individuals as the cause of the evil, or to throw a stigma 
on any particular class of persons. It would be unjust in 
a legislature to impute to classes of individuals those evils 
to which its acts or omissions might have given birth. 
The state of Ireland was not to be attributed to the mis- 
conduct of landlords, or to the misconduct of the clergy. 
Those classes in Ireland consisted of men who had re- 
ceived the same kind of education as the like classes in 
England. Their conduct was therefore to be ascribed to 
the state of society, and the institutions under which they 
were called upon to act. In this view of the subject, their 
lordships must necessarily look to the general state of the 
population, and to the nature and effect of the burdens 
which that population had been made to bear. These were 
circumstances which must form a very material consider- 
ation in any inquiry, whether retrospective or prospective, 
with regard to Ireland. 

Lord Lansdown insisted that the peculiar condition of 
Ireland exhibited proof, that there might be a state of 

2s 



314 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

society in which the population rapidly increased, while 
the true sign of wealth and prosperity, the facility with 
which each individual found for himself a comfortable sub- 
sistence, was considerably diminished. This was a con- 
sequence of that system of gradual degradation by which 
the great mass of the population had been reduced to 
subsist entirely on the lowest kind of human food, and 
that which the slightest labour could supply — he meant 
potatoes. The effect of this habit was to produce an in- 
difference to comfort, and to incline individuals of the 
labouring class to look forward only to a bare existence. 
In such a situation, the peasant considered himself justified 
in marrying, though he had no other means of maintaining 
a family but the potatoes he might raise in a small garden. 
To this state of things were the disturbances of Ireland, 
in a great measure, owing. This lamentable degradation 
was the cause of those painful scenes so often witnessed — 

" When, scourg'd by famine from the smiling land, 
The mournful peasant leads his humble band ; 
And while he sinks, without one arm to save, 
The country blooms a garden, and a grave." 

The increase of population, said the noble marquis, is 
no certain index of happiness. When degraded in the 
manner he had described, that increase was accompanied 
with the most serious evils. The unfortunate state of so- 
ciety had given an artificial spring to the population, and, 
along with its increase, the more salutary principles of 
the constitution were perverted. The advantages which 
the constitution conferred on that country were converted 
to evil. The views of a base and corrupt ambition had 
converted the privileges of freemen into a means of in- 
creasing slaves. He would here state one of the political 
evils which had afflicted that country, by which the right 
of election, instead of being an advantage, was made an 
engine of degradation to the people. The circumstance 
to which he alluded, was the practice of letting land in 



MAEtQl/iS OF LANSDOWN. 315 

common. To enable a great number of persons to vote 
at an election, it was usual to let a farm in common. He 
knew an instance of one farm, for which no less than 
ninety persons were registered as freeholders ! This was 
perhaps an uncommon case, but instances of farms let to 
twenty, thirty, or forty persons, for election purposes, were 
very common. Many of their lordships would doubtless 
hear, with astonishment, of such an abuse of the law. He 
owned that, with whatever respect he looked on the exist- 
ing law of election, he thought there could be no objec- 
tion to limit the right of voting for one farm to one indi- 
vidual. This narrowing of the right would not be incon- 
sistent with the principles of the constitution, and it would 
be of great service to the general good of the country. 

Lord Lansdown now proceeded to what he considered 
to be a highly important part of his subject — which was, to 
direct their lordships' attention to certain burdens which 
the population of Ireland had been made to bear. And here 
he had to point out one of the most extraordinary principles 
of taxation that ever had been made in any country — a mis- 
application, he said, which, while it robbed the people of 
their comforts, diminished the public resources. No such 
instance of pernicious absurdity, he believed, could be found 
in the whole history of fiscal mal-administration. The 
revenue of Ireland in the year 1787* was about £4,387,400. 
Between 1807 and 1821, taxes to the amount of £3,776,009, 
had been imposed. Yet the revenue, in 1821, amounted to 
only £3,844,000 : so that the effect of this imposition of 
taxes, with an increased population, had been, to reduce the 
revenue of 1821 some hundred thousand pounds below that 
of 1807. Thus, while the poor were deprived of their com- 
forts, less was extracted from them, and the revenue of the 
country was diminished. The noble marquis dwelt upon 
the increased duties on sugar and tea — from which he pro- 
ceeded to those on distillation in Ireland, and shewed their 
demoralizing tendency, in tempting persons to violate the 
laws, so that every illicit still became a school for resistance 



316 MARQUIS OF LANS DOWN. 

to the government — a nucleus around which the spirit of 
disaffection gathered. Thus was a bounty held out to the 
peasant for violating the law — an inducement constantly- 
operating on his mind — and the prisons of the country were 
filled with persons to be educated for more iniquitous 
offences. In the course of the last six years, five thousand 
three hundred and fifty persons had been committed for 
offences connected with illicit distillation ; and out of that 
number, nearly four thousand had been convicted. When 
their lordships considered the imperfect condition and disci- 
pline of the Irish prisons, they might be prepared to form 
some estimate of the addition which these commitments, on 
account of illicit distillation, were likely to make to the 
general mass of crime in the country. The man who was 
driven into prison for a comparatively slight offence, would 
probably come out a hardened depredator. 

Lord Lansdown next adverted to the existing state of the 
magistracy in Ireland, which he thought very defective on 
various accounts which his lordship pointed out, and which 
furnished a source of much discontent to the Catholic popu- 
lation of the country. And on this part of the subject, he 
quoted the opinion of Lord Bacon, who, in an address of 
advice to Sir John Osborne, when setting out on an im- 
portant mission, used the following remarkable words : — 
" My last advice is, that you attend to impartiality in reli- 
gious matters, and refrain from meddling in religious dis- 
putes, lest Ireland civil, become more dangerous than Ire- 
land savage." Lord Bacon, with his usual sagacity, saw 
the necessity of keeping down religious feuds and animosi- 
ties by an equal administration of the laws. 

His lordship adverted to the immense taxation on law 
proceedings in Ireland, which, he said, shut out from the 
protection of law two-thirds of the population of the coun- 
try. Since the union, the stamp duties on legal proceedings 
had increased threefold. And here the noble marquis gave 
a most felicitous specimen of the manner of settling dis- 
puted claims in that unhappy country. In the west part of 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 317 

Ireland, when two parties, as was often the case, disputed 
upon a piece of ground, their singular and whimsical mode 
of settling the claim was, to create a riot, to appear on the 
field, and fight it out — this was their contrivance for obtain- 
ing a legal decision on disputed claims, without giving the 
revenue the benefit of their litigation ! When the fight was 
over, each indicted the other before the magistrate, and the 
person to whom the assistant barrister awarded damages, 
rested in possession of the land, with a broken head into the 
bargain. The decrease of the amount of law proceedings, 
taken in connection with the increase of the stamp duties, 
sufficiently evinced, his lordship thought, that taxation 
among the lower classes in Ireland had become a bar to 
justice — had shut them out from law, and forced them upon 
the singular expedient which he had mentioned. 

Having briefly touched upon the subject of absenteeism, 
as one of the grievances of which the people of Ireland com- 
plained, Lord Lansdown came now to one of the main 
causes of the misery under which that country laboured, 
namely, the tithe system 5 and as this is a subject of present 
consideration, and of fearful magnitude in the destinies of 
the empire, it may be desirable to give the noble lord's view 
of the disease and remedy at some length — thus his lordship 
proceeded : " That population which he had mentioned as 
so numerous, so little employed, and so ill-supported, which 
was burdened with such a weight of taxation, which pos- 
sessed, in the body of its magistracy, sometimes persons so 
unworthy of their office ; among whom, justice was so 
much obstructed by imposts on legal proceedings, and who 
were deprived by absenteeism of the protection and example 
of their natural guardians — this population, he said, was 
still further exposed to an impost the least congenial to its 
feelings, which it viewed with the greatest hostility ; which 
in its amount was often complained of as being oppressive, 
and the collection of which was enforced by laws still more 
tyrannical and offensive. This tax had another peculiarly 
odious feature — it bore hardest on the people in the time of 



318 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the greatest distress. Cases had even occurred, in which 
this impost was levied, when the parties on whom it was 
levied, could make it appear that they had no profits at all. 
It therefore aggravated, in the highest degree, the evils of a 
depreciation of the price of produce arising from other 
causes. 

In the course of the last six years, there had been in 
the ecclesiastical courts, no less than 2,178 trials arising 
out of the tithe system in Ireland. The list was incom- 
plete for the civil courts, because a distinction was not 
drawn between tithe cases and other cases, in all the 
counties ; but during the same period, there had taken 
place in only six counties of the south, 7449 trials. In 
the county of Kilkenny alone, 2,195 tithe causes had been 
tried. He had made a calculation of what was likely to 
be the number in the other counties, taking the six coun- 
ties to which he alluded as data ; and it appeared that 
the number of causes for six years respecting tithes, over 
the whole of Ireland, would amount to seventeen thousand 
three hundred and twenty-seven ! Many of these causes 
involved only the sum of five pounds. One magistrate men- 
tioned that a hundred cases came before him in a week, 
in which the sums were from fourpence to five shillings, 
and the expenses incurred on each process was three shil- 
lings. His lordship then proceeded to describe the mode 
of proceeding in the recovery of tithes, which for brevity 
sake we pass over. He observed, that another great evil 
arising from the tithe system, was, the uncertainty of levy- 
ing that kind of tax upon the potato-garden — a tax, in 
the collection of which, the clergy were often exposed to 
danger; a tax, which the most meritorious of the clergy 
often refrained from enacting, and which rewarded the sel- 
fish and the oppressive. For the evils attending this, he 
thought a commutation would be the best cure, and he 
could see no objection to it. In making this proposition, 
he did not anticipate any objection, either from their lord- 
ships, or from any of the right reverend prelates, on the 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 319 

score that tithes were founded on divine right, because 
against such an opinion, he had the declaration of the 
church which pronounced, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, 
that to say, "tithes were of divine right, was the great- 
est and grossest of errors into which the Church of Rome 
had fallen." 

But while he maintained this opinion, his lordship would 
allow that tithes were entitled to the same protection as 
all other property \ and, if dealt with, should be as guard- 
edly and cautiously touched as any other property, not 
only for the church itself, but for the advantage of the 
country. Before he could recommend a commutation, 
therefore, he should be obliged to shew, that by it the 
property would not suffer, and that the interests of the 
church would not be deteriorated. To regulate this mea- 
sure, three points ought to be kept in view. First, he 
would not recommend a commutation of the tithe of the 
church, which, as a lay impropriator, he would not him- 
self accept. Secondly, he would not do any thing which 
would not leave the church in the same state in regard 
to wealth as it previously was. Thirdly, he would adopt 
no plan by which the church would be rendered more 
dependent on the state; and he would assure the right 
reverend prelates opposite, that if he could discover any 
scheme by which he could render them more independent, 
that scheme he would be most willing to adopt. 

Having thus guarded himself from any suspicion of 
intending to injure the interests of the church, he would 
suggest, whether means might not be devised, similar to 
those employed in Scotland, by a jury fixing the price of 
grain, not for one year, but for five or six years, and thus 
levying the tithe upon the landlord, and not upon the 
tenant. With regard to Ireland, he should think it an 
improvement, if the money which was the price of the 
tithe, and not the corn, was given to the clergy by the 
proprietor, instead of the occupier of land. The clergy 
would then come in contact, not with the Catholic popu- 



320 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

lation, but with the Protestant landlords, who might be 
enabled, by raising money equivalent to the value of the 
tithe, to buy land, and settle it on the church, relieving 
themselves from all future burdens. This plan was in 
principle not unknown to the law of England ; and in 
the parish of Clifden, where, in the division of a common, 
there was not only set aside a portion of it, as had been 
usual in other cases, for the clergyman, in lieu of tithes, 
but where the sum of £9,000 had been raised by the 
landed proprietors, to buy land, in lieu of the existing 
tithe, and thus for ever exonerate their own estates from 
that burden. 

The noble marquis said, he should only touch upon one 
other subject before he sat down ; and that was, the usual 
assessment for the building and rebuilding of Protestant 
churches. This expense was particularly obnoxious, be- 
cause it fell on the Catholic population, to whom the levy- 
ing of such a tax must be particularly offensive. This 
was a subject which must unavoidably engage the attention 
of parliament; it was, if possible, of all subjects the most 
important, and must press itself in every form on the 
consideration of the legislature. Measures should be 
adopted for relieving the Irish clergy from the odium which 
the present system excited against them — to provide for 
the minister's maintenance in a manner beneficial to him- 
self, and salutary to the interest of the country ; to lay 
the foundation of a friendly and wholesome intercourse 
between the clergyman and his flock ; and to make the 
basis of property, the tranquillity of the country, perma- 
nent and secure. 

Lord Lansdown had now to propose for the considera- 
tion of their lordships, the motion with which he should 
conclude his address ; and if they should, or could feel 
any doubt with respect to the causes which had reduced 
Ireland to the situation in which she now stood, he must 
entreat them to transport themselves in imagination from 
the metropolis of this wealthy country, to some remote 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 321 

and desolated parish of that unfortunate land to which he 
had directed their attention — there to mark the situation 
to which the measures applied to that country had brought 
it. They would find that gentlemen who were anxious to 
reside there, were driven away, by the distraction of the 
times, to seek an asylum in another country ; while others 
were deprived, their ordinary means being removed, of 
those sources of legitimate influence, the exercise of which 
would be the most valuable to those around them. He 
wished their lordships to see, in that parish, the population 
bereaved of their natural protectors, deriving a precarious 
subsistence, and paying rent, not by the exertion of human 
industry, but by a persevering and systematic violation of 
the laws of the country. He would shew them that remote 
population, cut off from the fair administration of justice, 
and deprived of that right which belonged to the meanest 
individual — the right, when accused, of going before a 
jury of the country. He would shew them, that population 
deprived, or (what amounted to the same thing) believing 
they were deprived, of the protecting and fostering super- 
intendence of an honest, upright, and impartial magistracy. 
He would call on them to look on that miserable popula- 
tion, suffering under the oppression of the tithe system ; 
and then he would ask their lordships whether, in a state 
of society so degraded, so abandoned by the protection of 
the law, so remote from all those guards that preserved 
and improved society in this country — whether, when they 
saw a population advancing, as he knew it had done, in 
point of numbers, but advancing also in hostility to the 
laws of the country, advancing in hostility to moral feel- 
ing, and a disregard of all the moral obligations of life — 
becoming the decided enemies of this country, and almost 
realizing the words of Bacon, " that Ireland civilized would 
be more dreadful than Ireland savage" — he would ask them 
whether they could, in such a state of things, oppose the 
proposition he meant to make for the removal of those 
manifest evils ? He hoped the expectation so justly raised 

2t 



322 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

last year by the royal visit to that country would be 
realized; and that all those auspicious anticipations, in 
which the people had indulged, would not be lost for ever. 
He trusted that the bright splendour of that happy day, 
when his Majesty's foot first touched the soil of Ireland, 
might not pass away in a succeeding period of gloom, but 
that, by the exertions of their lordships, it might become 
a glorious epoch in the history of that country. All minor 
interests, would, he hoped, be sacrificed to the public good, 
and such wise and persevering efforts made, as would effec- 
tually remedy the evils of that part of the empire. His 
lordship concluded by moving — " That it is the opinion 
of this house, that the affairs of Ireland should be imme- 
diately taken into consideration by parliament, with a view 
to improve the condition of the people, and more especially 
to ensure its tranquillity." 

The Earl of Liverpool said, he felt the full force of all 
that had fallen from the noble marquis. The interest he 
felt in that subject was augmented by the fair, candid, and 
temperate manner in which it had been introduced by the 
noble marquis. He then went over the various topics 
seriatim ; commenting upon them, and expatiating upon the 
difficulties which ministers had to encounter, in applying 
remedies to the evils complained of — spoke of a bill which 
Mr. Goulburn had introduced into the commons with a view 
to the improvement of the present system of tithes, and 
hinting at other measures then in contemplation — and "with- 
out intending the slightest disrespect to the noble Marquis 
of Lansdown, he should meet his resolution by moving the 
previous question/' which on a division was carried by a 
majority of forty-eight. 

We must not, however, conclude that, because ministers 
refused to grant the noble marquis's motion, and to take up 
the subject immediately, no point was gained by his lord- 
ship's very able expose of the wretched state of unhappy 
and degraded Ireland — on the contrary, it is by such mas- 
terly statements of facts, that the public mind is enlightened. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 323 

attention fixed on the object, and the way paved for redress- 
ing the alleged grievances. Much has been done since Lord 
Lansdown delivered his sentiments on the subject, that 
possibly might not have been done, had he not stimulated 
inquiry, and provoked discussion ; besides which, we have 
in his lordship's speech a precognition of what is intended 
for Ireland under the administration of which the noble 
marquis forms a part. 

During the session of parliament in 1824, Lord Lans- 
down took an active part in the debates ; and indeed he 
appears from this time to have exerted himself increasingly 
in the affairs of the nation. Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Canning, 
and Mr. Robinson began to adopt a more liberal line of con- 
duct in relation to our foreign politics, and more in unison 
with the views of Lord Lansdown and his friends than 
heretofore. Accordingly, when on the delivery of the 
king's speech, February 3d, the usual address was moved 
and seconded in the upper house — the former by Earl 
Somers, and the latter by Lord Lorton — the Marquis of 
Lansdown immediately rose to express his entire concur- 
rence in the congratulations contained in the address from 
the throne on the prosperous state of the country. It was, 
he observed, a source of great satisfaction to him, to find, 
that an improvement had taken place in our trade and com- 
merce 5 but it was still a greater one to perceive that this 
improvement had been the result of the very excellent regu- 
lations which had been recently adopted with respect to 
both. He looked with the greater pleasure upon these 
results, which had been dictated by the voice of reason, 
because he was one of those who never desponded of the 
power of the country to rescue herself from her difficulties, 
if her resources were properly directed, and her commerce 
relieved from many of the absurd restraints under which it 
had long laboured. He now, therefore, saw, with unmixed 
satisfaction, the adoption of a more liberal commercial 
policy, producing its natural results—the improvement of our 
trade, and of course the increase of our financial resources. 



/ 



324 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

In this view of our situation, he agreed with the noble 
mover in the twofold cause of congratulation : the first, that 
the increase in our resources proceeded from a remission of 
taxation ; and the second, that it arose from a material im- 
provement in our trade. On both these points he had fre- 
quently had occasion to deliver his opinion before their 
lordships, and he now rejoiced that the frequent discussion 
of such topics had produced that renovation in circumstances 
which must always be proportionate to the increased free- 
dom of trade. Long had the shackles under which a great 
portion of our trade laboured, been opposed in that house ; 
and now that many of them had been removed, and that the 
others were likely to follow, it was but justice to those who 
contended for their inutility to the state, that many of those 
who had been foremost in supporting their continuance, 
acknowledged their error, and were not less conspicuous for 
their zeal in endeavouring to procure a removal of the 
whole. 

His lordship proceeded to remark, that some of those ill- 
founded regulations had long existed in many branches of 
trade between this country and Ireland, and, being upheld 
by the prejudices of those who did not sufficiently under- 
stand their own interest, were countenanced by his majesty's 
ministers. They had long been adopted by the noble lord 
(Bexley) opposite, while chancellor of the exchequer : but 
when, last year, they had been partially removed by his suc- 
cessor in office, petitions came from many of those whose 
previous prejudices had contributed to maintain them, pray- 
ing for their removal altogether. So sensible were the 
parties made, of the disadvantages attending the former 
system, so much did they become alive to the benefits 
resulting from the operation of the new regulations, that 
they were now ready with petitions to the legislature, pray- 
ing for the total abolition of those which remained. Upon 
this important subject, he agreed with the noble mover of 
the address, that there was ample ground for congratula- 
tion ; and he trusted that at an early period of the session, 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 325 

they might again become the subject of their lordships' 
deliberations. As to the other point which had been touched 
upon — the remission of oppressive taxation — there could be 
but one opinion. As far as the experiment has hitherto 
been tried, the result was in all cases the same — an increased 
consumption. Every attempt of the kind went further to 
remove the error into which some statesmen had fallen — 
that taxation afforded a support to government by the 
increase of consumption caused by it in different branches 
of our commerce. In the allusions which had been made 
to these gratifying topics, he fully concurred, because he 
thought the matters connected with them not uninstructive 
in themselves, and because a strict attention to the princi- 
ples from which they arose would be productive of the most 
important benefits to the country. He agreed that there 
was a material improvement in the condition of the agricul- 
turists, and he thought it a fair subject of congratulation, as 
it shewed an increased consumption and demand. 

Having thus touched upon the subject of our home policy, 
where he found some gratifying topics, Lord Lansdown now 
directed his attention to our situation as connected with 
foreign powers, and particularly with the powers on the 
continent of Europe. He expressed both surprise and 
regret at the silence of the King's speech, in reference to the 
occupation of Spain by a French army — he regretted to find 
ministers treating so lightly a practice so subversive of the 
peace of nations, as that of one state interfering, by an 
armed force, to alter the constitution of another. When he 
saw, last summer, a nation sending forth a numerous army, 
to destroy by force a constitution established in a country 
with which it was till then at peace ; when he found that 
such interference had ended in establishing a complete des- 
potism over the whole country ; when he found ministers 
deprecating the origin of the war — he confessed that he did 
not expect they would have passed over the result in such 
courtly silence as they had observed on the present occasion. 
He did expect, that they would at least have stated, whether 



326 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the military occupation of Spain by a French army, gave 
satisfaction or not. It would not, he thought, have been 
unbecoming in the advisers of the crown, to have put words 
into the mouth of their sovereign, expressive of regret at 
the violent subversion of the hitherto sacred principle, the 
right of nations to govern themselves by a constitution of 
their own choice ; of regret that the country of an ally 
should have been plunged into such horror as now reigned 
throughout Spain. The noble lord who moved the address 
had expressed himself unfavourable to ultraism of any kind : 
but he would ask, whether Spain, at the present moment, 
was not the seat of the greatest ultraism ? Was she not in 
the hands of a great military nation, whose power it was 
not our interest to see thus increased ? Were these matters 
of such trivial import as not to be deemed worthy of notice 
in the speech from the throne ? He would repeat to their 
lordships, that, in the present state of Europe, when the 
opposition to the great principle before mentioned was 
brought to its climax, it did not become his majesty's 
ministers to be silent. Let them not think, that when the 
law of Europe, and of nations, had once been departed from 
— when that fundamental principle upon which national 
freedom rested, had been violated with impunity, matters 
would remain there ; for it was the character of such aggres- 
sions to produce repeated violations, if one were allowed to 
be successful. Let not ministers imagine that the balance 
of power, as they called it, being once broken, the state of 
things would be such, as not to call for their most vigilant 
attention. He would advise their lordships to look back for 
a short period, and review the state of Europe, observe 
what changes had taken place within a few years, what had 
happened since the termination of the war which had ended 
by the overthrow of the power of Napoleon Bonaparte ? Im- 
mediately after that event, there came forth a declaration from 
several of the great powers, that the peace and independence 
of nations were in future to be placed on a more solid footing, 
by which the natural rights of each would be preserved. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 32/ 

But how had that declaration been observed ? Why, 
since then, he would ask, had not almost the whole of 
Europe come under the dominion of three or four great 
powers ? — powers acting under the specious pretext of jus- 
tice and moderation, but, in reality, exercising a complete 
tyranny over states which they still affected to call free 
and independent ? It was absurd to use the terms, when 
it was known that those states had not the power to refuse 
the absolute dictation of those despots, or the means to 
protect themselves from the consequences of such refusal. 
Where was the small state to be found on the continent 
of Europe, which had not, since the period he had men- 
tioned, come under the dominion of some one or other 
of those great despotic powers, by whom they might be 
called upon to alter, change, or modify their forms of 
government according to their capricious dictation ? The 
system had now been carried to such a height, that the most 
unqualified interference was enforced without even an expla- 
nation being given beyond this — that such was the will and 
pleasure of the despot interfering. It was seen that neither 
the monarchical character of the government of Wirtemburg, 
nor the monarchical character of that of Bavaria, nor the 
independent form of the ancient republic of Switzerland, could 
preserve them from an interference in their internal govern- 
ment, which, if offered to this country, would be resented 
as a wanton insult ! But why an insult to us, his lord- 
ship asked, more than to other countries ? What differ- 
ence was there between the application of this principle 
of interference to one or the other ? The only difference 
was this, that we possessed the power of resistance to such 
interference, while they unhappily did not. Were we, 
then, to admit the despotic principle sought to be estab- 
lished by such interference ? Were we to be told that there 
was to be no law between the states of Europe but that 
of force — that one nation might be destroyed, or its inde- 
pendence outraged, at the will of another ; and that there 
was to be no rule by which the weaker state was to be 



328 MARQUIS OF LAMSDOWN. 

supported against the aggressions of the powerful ? Let 
it not be imagined that such despotic principles should 
not affect us, unless they were applied to ourselves. We 
were deeply interested in preserving the peace of Europe ; 
but it was utterly impossible that that peace, or the inde- 
pendence of nations, should be rested on solid grounds, 
while such principles were allowed to be acted upon with 
impunity. When he saw, that upon the changes which 
had taken place in the political state of Europe, in con- 
sequence of the assertion of this monstrous principle, min- 
isters were silent, he could not but express his regret at 
their apathy, and his fears for the consequences. 

The noble marquis, in the conclusion of his speech, ad- 
verted to the affairs of South America, and expressed his 
regret that, teeming as they did with importance to the 
commercial interests of this country, they should be so 
slightly touched upon in his Majesty's speech. The civil, 
political, and commercial improvements which were be- 
coming daily manifest in that part of the world, were, he 
knew, an object of fear and jealousy to some of the despots 
of Europe ; as if no improvement were to be allowed to 
creep forth, or not to be considered as such, unless at the 
will of one of the corporation of kings, who arrogated to 
themselves the power of dictating what they thought pro- 
per for the rest of mankind. It was, however, a satisfac- 
tion to find, that there was a part of the globe where 
very different feelings and principles prevailed, and were 
likely to prevail still more extensively — where the prin- 
ciples of free government and free trade were beginning 
to be understood and practised. He was glad to find that 
his Majesty's ministers had made a recommendation which 
would tend to improve those principles. If we had been 
tardy on this occasion, it was a proud satisfaction to think 
that America had already taken that decisive step, well 
becoming its power, its greatness, and its freedom. As 
that important decision was of the utmost consequence to 
every portion of the world where freedom was valued, he 



MARQUIS OP LANSDOWN. 329 

could not grudge to the United States the glory of having 
thus early thrown her shield over those attempts at free- 
dom, which were important, not merely to America her- 
self, but to the whole world. This great question should 
be viewed by us, not merely with reference to its advantages 
to North America, but to the British empire ; and par- 
ticularly as there might exist a disposition to exclude as 
much as possible our manufactures from the European 
markets. He wished their lordships to look to what had 
happened in the United States. There, a population of 
three millions had, in the course of forty years, been in- 
creased to ten millions [1824.] In the United Provinces of 
Spanish America, there was at present a population of six- 
teen millions, exclusive of four millions in the Brazils ; 
and, assuming the same ratio of improvement, in the course 
of forty years to come, we might have an intercourse with a 
population of fifty or sixty millions — and that too, a popula- 
tion of a consuming character, for, from recent calculations, 
it was estimated that each person consumed to the value 
of £2. 10s. of British manufactures annually. As it was 
now ascertained that the South American provinces were 
in that state which precluded all hope of the mother country 
regaining any power or influence over them, he trusted 
that ministers would neglect no occasion of improving every 
circumstance calculated to afford so great an extension to 
our commerce ; and thus, by serving the interest of their 
own country, they would let in that of those, upon whose 
freedom and prosperity so much depended. His lordship 
merely glanced at the state of our West India colonies, 
and Ireland, as demanding the wisdom of the legislature 
at that critical conjuncture, but declined going into them 
at that time. 

On the 15th of March following, the noble marquis, 
pursuant to a notice which he had given, resumed the 
question of the South American states, with the view of 
urging ministers to acknowledge their independence. On 
this occasion, his lordship went into an extended statistical 

2u 



330 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

view of the whole country, and pointed out the advantages 
which might be expected to result from an unrestricted 
intercourse with the inhabitants of those immense regions ; 
and though his lordship took nothing by his motion for an 
address to his Majesty, begging him to take such steps 
as may seem meet for acknowledging their independence, 
&c, yet, it cannot be reasonably doubted that the dis- 
cussion which was produced by it, tended materially to 
hasten the consummation. 

From what has been produced of Lord Lansdown's par- 
liamentary orations, a tolerable estimate may be formed of 
his talents and character as a statesman — the enlarged and 
comprehensive grasp which his lordship took of the in- 
terests of the country in a commercial point of view — and 
of his liberal system of policy, both foreign and domestic, 
When Mr. Canning, in his famous speech respecting the 
protection of Portugal, took credit to himself for having 
called a new world into existence by his recognition of 
the South American states, he did little more than carry 
into effect the measures which had been suggested and 
recommended by Lords Grey, Lansdown, and others, for 
some years previously. And when, on the demise of Lord 
Liverpool, that statesman was honoured by his sovereign 
with the premiership, he found himself ably supported by 
those who now form the Whig ministry, particularly Lords 
Holland and Lansdown among the peers, and Messrs. 
Brougham, Tierney, Lord Althorp, and their associates, in 
the Commons. 

On the death of Mr. Canning, his place as first lord of 
the treasury was filled by Lord Goderich, and the Marquis 
of Lansdown consented to act as foreign secretary. At 
this critical conjuncture, when the vessel of the state might 
be said to resemble a ship at sea, exposed to a raging tem- 
pest, but without a pilot at the helm to guide her move- 
ments — when the premiership changed hands not fewer than 
four times in the short space of two years — the Marquis 
of Lansdown stood prominently forward in the minds of 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 331 

most men, as eminently qualified for that high and im- 
portant station. His elevated rank, his long experience in 
parliament, his hereditary connexion with the politics of 
the country, his personal character, his undisputed talent 
and integrity — all these estimable qualities combined to 
point him out as one that was well entitled to the first 
place in the cabinet of his sovereign. Add to which, that 
the most able members of both denominations, whether 
liberal Whigs or liberal Tories, would have been well satis- 
fied with the noble marquis as their leader; and there 
certainly was some disappointment experienced, when, on 
the death of Mr. Canning, the formation of a new admini- 
stration was committed to the hands of Lord Goderich. 
Why such an arrangement did not then take place, has 
never been fully explained ; and it is not at all improbable 
that Lord Lansdown himself, who delights in the otiwn 
cum dignitate, might shrink from the arduous and respon- 
sible situation, especially under existing circumstances. 
One thing is certain, that, a few hours after Mr. Canning 
had breathed his last, the Marquis of Lansdown hastened 
to Windsor to communicate the sorrowful tidings to his 
Majesty; and the result was, that Viscount Goderich received 
the King's commands to wait upon him, which he instantly 
obeyed, and on the following day the new ministry was 
formed, of which his lordship was the head. 

Lord Goderich's administration was of short duration : 
but this is not the place for discussing the cause — it has 
been already adverted to in the life of that noble viscount. 
He was supplanted by the Duke of Wellington and his 
Tory allies, who, on taking office, put it into the mouth 
of their sovereign to designate the battle of Navarino an 
"untoward event." As that event had taken place during 
the period that the Marquis of Lansdown acted as foreign 
secretary, his lordship necessarily became implicated in the 
policy or impolicy of the transaction, and found himself 
called upon to defend it. On Monday, February 11th. 
1828, the Earl of Carnarvon moved the House of Peers for 



332 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the production of documents relative to this affair ; but that 
being resisted by Earl Dudley, who had then succeeded to 
the office of foreign secretary, the Marquis of Lansdown 
rose in his place, and said : — 

" With respect to the motion of my noble friend, I do 
fairly confess, that not only those papers for which he has 
moved, but other papers, going further back into the trans- 
action, may, in my opinion, be produced without danger or 
inconvenience, and, indeed, will be found actually necessary 
to the fair and full understanding of the matter. The con- 
tents of those papers which have been moved for, will, to 
the conviction of all mankind, fully justify the admiral's 
conduct, by the circumstances under which he led the 
British fleet into the port of Navarino. We all know (and 
I may appeal to the noble duke himself) that interferences 
in the affairs of other nations are exceptions to those general 
rules which ought to regulate the conduct of all govern- 
ments. But there are occasions on which mediations — even 
armed mediations — are absolutely necessary for the security 
and peace of the world. If, then, there did exist a legiti- 
mate case for armed interference, I say that we had a right, 
nay, that we were bound, to adopt such an interference, 
when it was directed to such beneficial purposes. 

a . My lords, I am as much bound to set myself right with 
the public, as was a right honourable statesman, who, in 
another place, has made statements which I believe are cor- 
rectly attributed to him. In the speech delivered to his 
constituents, a few days since, my right honourable friend 
(Mr. Huskisson,) has stated the substance of a conversation 
between himself and me, on the 11th of January last, con- 
nected with the dissolution of the late cabinet. He com- 
menced that conversation, by stating the circumstances 
which had led him to determine on seceding from the then 
cabinet ; and that he knew, on authority, that a proposition 
would be made to me. I stated, that I would only join a 
ministry on the express ground that steps should be adopted 
for tranquillizing Ireland. For myself, I am little disposed 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 333 

to enter into any course of opposition to the present govern- 
ment, as I am so positively assured that they will pursue 
measures which I am certain have for their end the good of 
the country. With respect to what is called the Catholic 
question, I hope that it will he treated as a neutral question, 
but I, nevertheless, wait with peculiar anxiety for the result. 
I can assure the noble duke, that he will find, in the present 
condition of the country, as much room for the exercise of 
his services as he can possibly expect ; but before I sit 
down, I beg leave also to assure him, that he may conciliate, 
but that he can never reconquer Ireland. " 

One of the first important measures of the Wellington 
cabinet, was the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts — a 
measure forced upon them by a vote of the House of Com- 
mons, and to which they found themselves compelled to 
submit, or resign their places ; and, as wise men, of two evils 
they chose the least. But having yielded that point, the 
repeal of the Catholic disabilities followed almost as a matter 
of course ; even as the latter paved the way for bringing on 
the question of parliamentary reform. On all these im- 
portant measures, the Marquis of Lansdown gave efficient 
aid; and a condensed report of his speeches on each of these 
great national points of legislation, must be now introduced. 
The debate on the Corporation and Test acts came before the 
lords in April 1828; on which occasion, the noble marquis 
thus delivered his sentiments. 

u In approaching this subject, I feel relieved, my lords, in 
reflecting that I am not, in the present stage of the proceed- 
ing, called upon to argue whether it is fitting to retain upon 
the statute-book acts which you annually recognize, but 
which you recognize only to avert the mischief, which, if 
not corrected, they would of necessity produce — acts which 
you have never noticed for a hundred years, except to arrest 
and nullify, not to further and promote, the operation of 
their enactments. I feel relieved, I say, in reflecting that I 
am not called upon to contend that the holiest rite of our 
religion is not the most fitting key that can be selected to 



334 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

open the door to civil employment. I am happy to find 
that it appears to be the general opinion of your lordships 
to do away with securities so unnecessary, and so useless, 
as those provided in the acts which this bill intends to 
repeal ; and I will, therefore, take this opportunity of 
stating, that so far from its being a sudden thought to bring 
on a discussion on these acts, to answer the purposes of a 
certain party in church and state, it has for years past been 
an object for which the dissenters have been preparing, and 
for which their preparations have produced a just and bene- 
ficial effect. Considering the French revolution, and the 
apprehensions which it created, to have passed by, it has 
been a matter of serious deliberation with them for several 
years, to bring this question under the consideration of par- 
liament, in full reliance on the character which they have so 
nobly earned for loyalty and for subordination ; and also in 
full reliance on that which I do not hesitate to describe as 
the improved feeling of the times and of the country. I will 
add, as it comes within my own personal knowledge, that if 
the influence of those who are considered leaders in this and 
the other house of parliament, has been used at all upon 
this subject, it has been used to keep back, and not to force 
on, the discussion of it ; and that it was not at last brought 
on until after the dissenters had united under their natural 
leaders, and had given two years' notice of their intention to 
revive their claims to the favourable consideration of par- 
liament. 

" Having adverted, my lords, to the subject of the effect 
produced by the French revolution on the success of this 
question, I will proceed to observe, that the noble and 
learned lord (Eldon) is correct in stating that a considera- 
ble effect was produced on the last division on the repeal of 
the Test and Corporation acts, by the apprehension which 
then existed in the public mind; and without inquiring 
whether that apprehension was just or not, I admit it to be 
true, that many of those who supported the repeal on prin- 
ciple, did, at that time, suspend their support of it, under 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 335 

the apprehension that all alterations of existing institutions 
would at that period be attended with danger. But let us 
look, my lords, at what happened in the sister kingdom of 
Ireland, when the Test and Corporation acts were repealed, 
previously to the bursting out of the French revolution. 
Prior to their repeal, it was supposed that great mischiefs 
would ensue from it ; and if they were likely to ensue in any 
place, it was in Ireland, which was particularly open to the 
fatal and mischievous influence of foreign politics ; but in 
that country those acts were unconditionally repealed ; and 
I would ask the noble and learned earl, or indeed any of 
your lordships, whether Ireland has not been that country 
in which not merely no mischief, but not even an atom 
of inconvenience, has arisen from it. In all the multi- 
plied debates which we have had, both in and out of parlia- 
ment, on the condition of Ireland, and on the evils which 
desolate it, has any one been found, either catholic or pro- 
testant, republican or monarchical, to allege that either that 
condition or those evils arose from the total or unqualified 
repeal of those statutes, of which the repeal is now said to 
be pregnant with so much danger to the church and state 
of England ? I have been led out of my course by the dis- 
cussion into which I have wandered on this subject, but I 
will now return from my digression to the question which is 
immediately before your lordships. 

" In considering the security which is afforded by this 
clause — which I admit we are bound to give to the church, 
as a part of the state — I am bound to consider both what 
we are parting with, and what we are getting in its place. 
And here, my lords, I must protest against what I can never 
hear without pain and surprise — that these acts of exclusion 
are parts of the constitution itself ? They may, or they may 
not be necessary — they may, or they may not be rejected — 
they vary according to times or circumstances, according to 
the feelings, the prejudices, and, I will even add, the princi- 
ples of men. But there is one principle of the constitution 
which never varies ; there is one principle in it which I may 



336 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

call its fundamental and pervading principle, and that is, 
that every subject of the realm is admissible to every office 
within it. The noble and learned lord, and those with 
whom he has acted, have in the course of their public career 
been guilty of several innovations upon the constitution, 
because they deemed them expedient to its safety. They 
introduced the convention bill, they supported the suspen- 
sion of the habeas corpus; and perhaps, they did both not 
without reason. Now, I will venture to say, that if, unfor- 
tunately, it had been necessary to continue those measures 
to the present time, the noble and learned lord would be the 
last man in the country to say, that because they were 
necessary to secure the constitution, they therefore formed 
part of the constitution. I must also inform your lordships, 
that I cannot go the length of a reverend prelate, that in 
adopting this bill we are admitting a new principle in the 
constitution. The principle of the constitution, as I before 
stated, is, that every subject is admissible to office. That 
principle may, I allow, be legally and legitimately sus- 
pended ; but when we remove the suspension, we resort to 
the ancient, the fundamental, and the immutable principle 
of the constitution — that all who tender allegiance to the 
state are admissible to every office of trust and authority in 
the state. The noble earl likewise tells you, that you are 
compelled to substitute for this test of the sacrament, an 
oath, or something that shall be equivalent to it, because 
you have a right to demand that from the subject, which, 
by a solemn compact, you demand from the king. Now, 
I tell you, that it is exactly because you impose upon the 
king an oath to maintain the church, its rights and privi- 
leges, that you are left at liberty to dispense with it, as far as 
regards others. The king is the head of the church, and 
must therefore be in strict communion with it. In that 
very circumstance, my lords, you find a security for the 
church only inferior to that which you derive from the 
security of its doctrines, and from the opinion in which it 
is held ; a security far superior to any which it may derive 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 337 

from oaths, or declarations, or tests, or any thing which 
any legislature can devise for its defence. Oaths, when 
they are most efficacious, are but frail and artificial props 
to ecclesiastical establishments. The respect and reverence 
of the great mass of the people form the soil into which a 
church ought to strike its roots deeply, if it intends to 
flourish with life, and vigour, and animation/' 

The noble marquis then adverted to the declaration 
which it was proposed to substitute in place of the sacra- 
mental test, and added, that it appeared to him as strong 
as any rational churchman could desire ; " and when I 
hear that some noble lords are anxious to have the words 
"in the name of Jesus Christ" added to it, I think that 
they must have forgotten that, by other acts of parliament, 
many oaths must be taken on the faith of a Christian, by 
any person who aspires to high and efficient office. In my 
opinion, those words weaken the declaration by converting 
it into the form of a creed ; and I therefore consider them 
as unnecessary, especially as the object of them is to 
defend the religion of the state against the civil acrimony 
of certain individuals. You should not, my lords, give to 
this bill a religious character, but should leave it of a civil 
character, if you wish it to prove of a beneficial tendency. 
I therefore conceive the simplicity of this declaration to be 
much in its favour ; and for my own part, I cannot con- 
ceive of what stuff his conscience can be made, who can 
make a distinction between taking an oath to support the 
church, and a solemn declaration in the face of God not 
to assail it. If there be any such men in existence, against 
them acts of parliament are of no force. They can only 
be put down by the indignation- which would burst upon 
them whenever their acts exposed the laxity of their prin- 
ciples. It is in vain to expect to catch such miscreants 
within the nets of ordinary legislation ; they will break 
through them without difficulty, and will only laugh at 
our efforts to embarrass and annoy them." 

The very efficient aid which Lord Lansdown rendered to 

2 x 



338 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN .- 

the dissenters in procuring the repeal of those penal statutes 
was duly acknowledged by that body, who repeatedly voted 
him thanks, through their committees. His lordship's con- 
duct in reference to the subject of Catholic emancipation 
next demands our notice. 

When the question of Catholic emancipation was brought 
forwards by the Earl of Donoughmore, in the year 1821, 
on the second reading of the bill, April 17th, the Marquis 
of Lansdown rose, in reply to the Earl of Liverpool and 
the Lord-chancellor Eldon, and spoke to the following 
effect : 

His lordship desired it might be distinctly understood, 
that how gratifying soever it might be to his feelings to 
give his vote for the admission of any description of his 
Majesty's subjects to those constitutional privileges and 
blessings which they had a right to enjoy, the ground on 
which he rested his support of the present bill was not the 
advantage of the Roman Catholics, or of any description 
of men whatever ; but the advantage of the state and the 
church, the strength and stability of which must depend 
on the unanimity of all the subjects of the realm. He was 
glad to hear it conceded by the noble earl who spoke last, 
that the period was gone by when attempts were to be 
made to exterminate the religion professed by a great por- 
tion of the subjects of this kingdom, and that their lord- 
ships were now arrived at that state of feeling, in which 
it only remained for them to consider whether they ought 
to admit the professors of that faith to the privileges en- 
joyed by other subjects. The noble earl stated that this 
measure of favour, even if extended, as proposed, to the 
Roman Catholics of Ireland, might prove a boon which after 
all would not be acceptable. He (Lord Lansdown) was 
not prepared to say positively, what might be the result 
of some of the provisions of this bill : but this he would 
confidently state, that the main part of it would be received 
with gratitude by the great body of the Catholics. The 
noble earl next stated, that the effects of the measure would 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 339 

not be so great nor so beneficial as was expected. He knew 
not by what advocates the noble earl had heard it stated 
that Catholic emancipation in Ireland would have the im- 
mediate effect of quieting and dissipating all the discontent 
and dissatisfaction which a long continued system of mis- 
government had created in that country. But he was still 
more at a loss to conceive where the noble earl had found 
that the privileges granted by this bill would not give 
satisfaction to the great body of the population, because 
the immediate benefits of it would be experienced by only 
a small number of individuals. Did the noble earl mean 
to say — and did the sentiment come with a good grace 
from him — that the privileges of the superior orders were 
not held for the public good ? Were the privileges of their 
lordships held for their own sakes solely ? Could it be 
reasonably supposed that the eligibility of the superior 
orders to offices of honour and distinction would not be 
gratifying to persons of inferior station? Such, a suppo- 
sition was contrary to human nature, and particularly con- 
trary to the feelings of the Trish nation ; and he was there- 
fore well assured that the present measure could not fail 
to be productive, in time, of the most beneficial effects on 
the minds of the population of Ireland. 

They had been told by the learned lord on the wool- 
sack, and after him by the noble earl, that the fundamental 
laws of the constitution would be affected by this bill j 
but let their lordships look at the bill of rights and the 
act of settlement, and they would see that neither of these 
was in the slightest manner affected by the present mea- 
sure. None of the laws affected by this bill were funda- 
mental 5 on that assertion he was willing to stake any 
credit that he might have with their lordships. The laws 
which it was proposed to alter, were not a part of the con- 
stitution as established at the Revolution. They were laws 
enacted to protect the Protestant establishment from par- 
ticular dangers, such as the plot of Titus Oates. And 
here he might observe, that he had heard with astonish- 



340 MARQUIS OF LANSCOWN. 

ment this night, for the first time in his life, and that too 
from the speaker of their lordships' house, that their lord- 
ships were daily in the habit of praying for deliverance 
from the plot of Titus Oates. Were it not for the high 
authority from which this information had proceeded, he 
should have been led to believe that the plot from which 
their lordships prayed for deliverance was the gunpowder 
plot. King William, in an admirable paper prepared by 
Lord Somers, who took so active a part in the Revolution, 
had stated expressly, that the religion of the Roman Catho- 
lics might be safely tolerated, though there was no popish 
king on the throne; and that, if their future conduct 
shewed they were deserving of the concession, they might 
be hereafter admitted to the same privileges as Protestant 
subjects : and yet the learned lord said these laws were 
fundamental, though it appeared that those who made them 
stated the reverse. 

The noble marquis then referred to the journals of the 
House of Peers, and shewed that riders had been proposed 
to the 31st of Charles the Second, and also to the act of 
William and Mary, to prevent the lords-justices from giving 
the royal assent to any bill for the repeal of those acts ; 
which riders had been negatived. A similar attempt was 
made at the union of Scotland, by proposing that the act 
for the security of the church might never be repealed ; and 
it was also negatived. This shewed, in the most satisfac- 
tory manner, that these laws had not been considered fun- 
damental, as was contended by the learned lord. He had 
heard with regret from a right reverend prelate, that the 
Roman Catholics enjoyed already complete toleration. That 
right reverend prelate might have been expected, on the 
subject of toleration, to have referred to the authority of 
Dr. Paley. Had he done so, he would have found it stated 
by Dr. Paley, that the toleration of dissenters was only 
partial ; that admission to offices was necessary, to make 
it complete ; and that, while that privilege was denied, 
there could not be said to be complete toleration. The 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 



341 



noble earl had stated his apprehensions that great danger 
would arise to property in Ireland, if the disabilities were 
removed from the Catholics, since a great part of the pro- 
perty in that country was held under forfeited titles. It 
should be recollected, however, that a very great propor- 
tion of the property possessed by the Catholics in Ireland 
was under these forfeited titles ; and therefore it was 
chimerical to expect that they should labour to set aside 
their own titles. He challenged the learned lord, or the 
noble earl, to adduce a single instance in which the Catho- 
lics had not shewn themselves the promoters of the good 
fortunes of the country, and participators in its bad for- 
tunes. To the tried fidelity of the Catholics, the learned 
lord owed his seat at present on the woolsack, and the 
learned prelates their mitred dignity. But for the Catholic 
population of the kingdom, whose faith their lordships had 
laboured to exterminate, they would never have come with 
safety out of that struggle through which they had passed, 
and in the course of which, during a period of twenty years, 
there had been no instance of Catholic treason, Catholic 
cowardice, or Catholic infidelity. 

It had been said by an eminent divine, that the Catholics 
had a leaning to arbitrary power, and the Presbyterians to 
republicanism. Both assertions were perhaps equally un- 
founded ; and for a contradiction of one of them, he might 
appeal to the conduct of the peers of Scotland, who had sat 
in that house since the union, of whom it could be said that 
the breath of calumny durst not accuse them of advocating 
republican principles. The other charge was sufficiently 
refuted by the constitution recently adopted in various 
Catholic countries. The truth was, that when the services 
of the Catholics were required, no suspicions were enter- 
tained of their loyalty, no danger was apprehended from 
their religion. When the mutiny took place at the Nore, 
Catholic priests had been gladly sent down, to bring the 
seamen back to their duty. When the government had an 
object to gain, they were glad to rely on the fidelity of the 



342 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

Catholics, and to avail themselves of their services; but 
when that object was attained, they were treated as ene- 
mies, and told that their oaths were distrusted. Of all the 
provisions of this bill, he attached the greatest importance 
to what some noble lords viewed with the greatest sus- 
picion — the admission of Catholics to seats in parliament. 
Those took a narrow view of the functions of parliament, 
who measured them by the votes it passed, and the ordi- 
nances it enacted. He conceived that from the manner in 
which opinions were brought into conflict, and examined 
in a legislative assembly, unanimity of sentiment was pro- 
moted, erroneous impressions corrected, and much public 
good resulted. Seeing that this was the effect produced 
on others, were they to suppose that Catholics were so 
constituted by nature as to be incapable of deriving the 
same advantage from the same cause, and of approximating 
in sentiment to those whose opinions they were in the 
habit of hearing ? Here he should have concluded, if 
allusion had not been made to the persons who composed 
the establishment at Stoneyhurst, in Lancashire. The ex- 
istence of the order of Jesuits was unquestionably contrary 
to the law of this country, and into the propriety of that 
law it was not for him to inquire. This he was able to 
state — that the Jesuits could not be established by the 
pope in any country, without the sanction of the govern- 
ment of that country ; and the individuals of that order, 
who were at present in England, had received an intimation 
to this effect. The present bill, therefore, would not affect 
their situation in any respect. This measure would not 
give the Catholics power to disturb any sacred institution 
of the country : it was not the admission of one or two 
Catholics, whom a Protestant king might be pleased to call 
into the privy council, that could endanger the Protestant 
establishment. It was rather from a great population, 
discontented and irritated at being deprived of their con- 
stitutional rights, that danger was to be apprehended ; 
and from that danger, he wished their lordships to guard 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 343 

themselves and the country, by reading this bill a second 
time. 

It was not until the Duke of Wellington was called to 
the high station of premier, that this long-agitated question 
was brought to a termination. But when it came before 
their lordships, February 5th, 1829, it was ably supported 
by all the Whig lords ; and on that occasion the Marquis 
of Lansdown spoke at considerable length. After adverting 
to the proceedings of our government in reference to Por- 
tugal and the Greeks, his lordship came to notice the inti- 
mation contained in his Majesty's speech relative to the 
Catholic question, and proceeded to say, that he rose with 
a feeling which must prevail with every man who was a 
well-wisher to his country, and especially with him, and 
with those who, like him, had for years thought that an 
amicable and satisfactory settlement of the question re- 
specting Ireland was indispensable to the welfare of the 
empire — a feeling of heartfelt satisfaction at the prospect 
now held out of having that question brought to a happy 
issue. No man was less disposed than he to pry with a 
curious eye into the time chosen for the recommendation 
of this important measure, or the motives in which it origi- 
nated, or the circumstances under which it was advised : 
it was sufficient for him to know that there was a bona fide 
intention on the part of government to settle that question ; 
and when that was so, and after what he had heard, it 
would be greatly ungenerous in him to pry into the motives. 
He was willing to assume that they were the best. He 
rejoiced to find that the time was at last arrived, after the 
lapse of so many years, when that which parliament had 
so constantly, so pertinaciously, and so lately refused, was 
about to be conceded. He was certain that there could 
be only one opinion amongst all, that the question 
could terminate but in one way, when the minds of men 
should be brought to consider it in its true colours, and 
weigh well the influence which its delay had upon the 
welfare of the country. He had no doubt that the manner 



344 MARQUIS OF LANSDGWN. 

in which the subject had now been introduced to the notice 
of parliament, would facilitate its decision ; for he had ever 
been of opinion, that, to ensure its success, it must be intro- 
duced by ministers. 

On this subject, his lordship said, he could not entirely 
concur in what had fallen from the noble lord (Bathurst) 
opposite, that an act of grace and favour always came best 
from the crown ; for in the case of the repeal of the Test 
and Corporation acts, there had been no such recommen- 
dation in the first instance ; and he thought the majority 
of forty in the House of Commons had as much influence 
on the success of the measure, as if it had been purely an 
act of grace and favour. However, he freely admitted that 
this ought to be considered as an act of the grace and favour 
of the crown ; and its being so, would, no doubt, much con- 
tribute to its final success. It had been contended, that 
if the Roman Catholics were admitted into the legislature, 
the king would have no security for his crown. Now, it 
was because that by the constitution of the country the 
king must be a Protestant, that he (Lord Lansdown) con- 
sidered that the concession of emancipation would not be 
attended with any danger to the church or state ; and 
he owned that if the king was not necessarily to be a Pro- 
testant, there might, perhaps, be some danger; but a 
Protestant king having by the constitution, as one branch 
of the legislature, a certain control over the other two, 
would be found a sufficient guarantee that no measure 
should receive legislative sanction, which had a tendency 
to injure the church and state. It had also been said, that, 
as a preliminary measure, it would be necessary to put 
down the Catholic Association. This was not the first 
time that point had been urged, and he fully concurred in 
what had been said by his noble friend, (the Marquis of 
Anglesey) as to the most effectual manner of putting that 
body down. On some points to which the noble marquis 
had alluded, he would not touch, as he would not refer to 
matters with which he was not acquainted; but of one 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 345 

thing he could have no doubt, that the more the conduct 
of his noble friend in the administration of Ireland became 
known, the more it would be found to redound to his 
honour. Without saying any thing of the policy of the 
intended bill for the suppression of the Association, he con- 
curred with his noble friend in thinking that the noble 
duke would owe much more in that way to the effect of his 
second measure, than to his first. 

He would ask their lordships whether they thought that 
it was want of sincerity in Lord Liverpool, or was it want 
of capacity — was it want of legal ingenuity in the noble 
and learned lord who lately occupied the woolsack, or in 
the present learned lord who sat there, and who was, at 
the time alluded to, the king's attorney-general — was it 
want of zeal in the noble marquis (Wellesley) who at that 
time was at the head of the Irish government — was it to 
all or to any of these causes that they were to attribute the 
failure in the attempt to put down the Catholic Associa- 
tion ? He would answer, "No." The cause of the inefn- 
cacy of the attempt was to be found in the fact, that it did 
not go to the root of the evil. It left untouched the circum- 
stances out of which that assembly had sprung. What 
other way, then, would they proceed, to prevent the people 
of Ireland from explaining their grievances ? Whether the 
one intended by the noble duke should be by a suspension 
of the liberty of the subject, or whether it should be by 
sending all the members of that body to the Tower, or the 
Castle of Dublin — as long as the grievances remained un- 
touched, these remedies would be ineffectual. As well 
might they attempt to remove the danger of a volcano by 
sweeping into it the cinders which it sometimes cast up : 
the inflammatory mass would still remain, and the attempt 
to check its vent would probably only cause it to explode 
in a quarter where it would be least expected and most 
injurious. Let him, however, not be misunderstood, as 
defending the existence of such a body. He fully admitted 
the danger to any state of having an irresponsible body 

2 Y 



346 MARQUIS OF LANSBOWN. 

exercising such powers as those possessed by the Catholic 
Association — acting so immediately on popular opinion, 
and agitated by every gust of popular feeling. But would 
it not be better to give that expression of feeling a proper 
direction, by bringing it there, where the collision of public 
discussion, though it was sometimes productive of effects 
unpleasant for the moment, was always found the safest 
manner in which the public feeling could explode ? 

He entirely concurred with the noble lord who had so 
ably seconded the address, and given expression to senti- 
ments which did him honour — that what their lordships 
were then doing would be the most effectual, and the only 
effectual, means of putting down the Association. Let their 
lordships consider that that body had sprung from their 
repeated refusals to do the people of Ireland justice. Let 
them bear in mind, that when they refused to listen to the 
earnest prayer of the Catholics in 1812, there was then no 
Association; let them recollect that when they refused to listen 
to the same prayer in 1819, there was no Association ; and 
that it was only after repeated refusals, and a belief that 
those refusals would be continued, that this violent — and, 
if some of their lordships would so have it, unconstitutional, 
but, after what had passed, he could not say wholly useless — 
Association, was called into existence. If their lordships 
took these matters into consideration, they would admit 
that if the bill now intended had passed years ago, there 
would never have been an Association in existence. It had 
been called into operation solely by repeated denials of 
justice ; those denials had brought on a state of things in 
Ireland, the effects of which even now could not be con- 
templated without serious apprehension ; they had caused 
those portentous contests between religion and property 
in Ireland, which all must deplore as so dangerous to the 
peace and prosperity of the country. 

The time at last was come, and he hailed its arrival with 
sincere satisfaction, when this system was to be abolished. 
The measure now recommended was one of such paramount 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 34? 

importance to the peace and security of Ireland, and to 
the best interests of the empire at large, that, let it be 
introduced by any party, be they who they may, it should 
receive his most cordial support. The announcement 
coming from the throne, and supported by the whole cabi- 
net, made him look on the intended measure as on the 
eve of final accomplishment, for he felt confident that min- 
isters would not advise it, unless it was their bond fide 
intention to give it their best support. It would be not 
merely folly, but madness, and worse than madness, to 
hold out hopes in such a manner to seven millions of peo- 
ple, which could not be realized. If, after this gracious 
recommendation from the throne, and this implied advice 
and support of the cabinet, any obstacles should be al- 
lowed to frustrate the hopes so excited, the consequences 
of the disappointment could scarcely be foreseen or thought 
of without the most alarming apprehensions. But he 
could not bring himself to believe that any serious ob- 
stacles could be allowed to stand in the way of this most 
salutary measure, and he had a confident hope that the 
end of the session would not arrive before the subject was 
finally and happily decided. Whenever it should come 
forward, he would be ready to give it, and the measures 
with which it might be accompanied, his most serious con- 
sideration. 

On the subject of parliamentary reform, Lord Lansdown 
seems never to have explicitly declared his sentiments till 
the subject came before the House of Peers, in 1831, when 
he rose in reply, chiefly to the Earl of Dudley and his 
Grace the Duke of Wellington ; and as his speech was 
among the best that were delivered on that memorable occa- 
sion, there appears a propriety in placing upon record in 
this place an ^bridged account of it. The address was 
cheered throughout as a successful vindication of ministers 
and their measures. The Earl of Dudley had complained 
that as soon as the Whig government got into power, they 
began by evincing a disposition to change every thing. 



348 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

Now, said Lord Lansdown, it did so happen that many of 
the measures introduced had passed through that house, and 
his noble friend had not given to any of them the benefit of 
his great talents. He had not felt it necessary to oppose 
them, though they formed part of that system to which his 
noble friend had now stated his objection. His noble friend 
had stated, that all the financial measures of the present 
government had failed, and been withdrawn. Was his noble 
friend in the house when the bill for doing away with the 
coal duties — was he in the house when the wine duties — were 
discussed ? Was he present when the bill relating to the 
cotton trade had passed ? Did he know that the alterations 
which he described as failures had been sanctioned by par- 
liament, and had already been productive of the greatest 
benefit to the cotton-trade in the north of Ireland ? These 
measures had all passed that house, and yet his noble friend 
had not felt it necessary to offer any objection to any of 
them, until now he came forward with a charge that they 
— for they were included in those which he described as 
failures — had been introduced and abandoned. His noble 
friend had told them, that good measures were like good 
wine, the better for being long kept. The same could not 
always be said of good speeches, for these might be kept 
too long, as that of his noble friend had proved. While his 
noble friend was industriously employed in his closet, these 
things to which he now objected were passed with unani- 
mity by their lordships. His noble friend, with that wit 
which no one admired more than he did, had spoken with 
a sneer at the philosophers of Birmingham who might be 
returned under this bill, but who were not so well qualified 
to attend to the interests of the public as the members for 
Gatton and Old Sarum ; but if his memory did not misgive 
him, his noble friend had himself attempted to generate one 
of those philosophers, and had failed, for he had voted for 
the transfer of the franchise from East Retford to Birming- 
ham, in order to give the people of that place the oppor- 
tunity of electing one of those philosophers, who, there was 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 349 

good reason for believing, would be found as capable of 
attending to their interests as men whom they did not know, 
and with whom they had no connexion whatever. 

His noble friend had told them, that if this bill passed, 
public men would find great difficulty in getting into parlia- 
ment, if they were opposed in any thing to popular feeling ; 
and he illustrated it by stating, that in the coalition between 
Mr. Fox and Lord North, which he said was more unpopular 
than the anti-reformers at present, that difficulty was felt, 
and that Mr. Fox was nearly excluded ; but his noble friend, 
who was a very accurate historian in other matters, did not 
seem to have read history down to the coalition in 1782. 
Mr. Fox was elected in that year for the populous city of 
Westminster ; thus shewing, that the people were not dis- 
posed to forget the gratitude they owed to public men. He 
would not, as he had stated, then follow the arguments of 
his noble friend, but would rather refer to those arguments 
which had been used in the earlier part of the debate by the 
noble lords opposed to it. Of that part of the arguments of 
those noble lords which did apply to the principle of the 
bill, the far greater portion was in support of them against 
it. He had listened with great attention to the able speech 
of the noble earl (Harrowby) — certainly one of the ablest 
which he had ever heard him deliver in that house : and he 
could assure him, that if the noble earl had not told them 
that he was exerting all his ingenuity to find some good 
ground to vote against the bill, he should have expected, 
from part of his arguments, that he intended to vote in 
favour of it. The noble earl had said, that if he were to 
collect all the speeches and pamphlets that had been deli- 
vered and written against reform, by those who now sup- 
ported this bill, he could make one of the most eloquent 
speeches ever delivered on the subject. Now he (the noble 
marquis) would say, that if he were to select and contrast 
the omissions, concessions, and inconsistencies, of those 
noble lords who had opposed the bill on the opposite side 
since the commencement of this debate, they would furnish 



350 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

no slight argument in favour of the principle of reform, and 
of much of the great principle of this bill. It certainly did 
happen, that there was not one of those noble lords, in con- 
tending that their lordships should not change because pub- 
lic opinion had changed, who had not shewn, though in 
different degrees, that they themselves had undergone no 
slight degree of change in their opinions on this subject. 
He felt, undoubtedly, that in discussing this question he 
laboured under the difficulty of agreeing himself in all the 
premises which had been laid down by the noble lords who 
had hitherto risen in opposition to the bill. He stated 
frankly and without disguise, that there was no opinion 
which he held more strongly, than that all change was an 
evil in itself, and, being an evil in itself, it was more espe- 
cially so in a form of society so complicated and so far 
advanced in civilization, as ours. He felt with the noble 
lords opposite, that the condition of no society could be safe,. 
in which property did not exercise, if not a commanding, at 
least a great influence upon the government. He admitted 
with them, that the existing relations between man and man, 
between the governors and the governed, which have 
descended to any country from remote antiquity, are more 
easily retained than the relations which rise up under new 
institutions, more perfect perhaps than the old ones, but 
not so interwoven with the habits of those who live under 
them. Admitting these principles, closing with these pre- 
mises, there was still one inference drawn from them by the 
noble lords opposite, with which he could not close, and 
which he must deny, — namely, that it had been at all times 
the character of the institutions, and of the constitution of this 
country, to oppose a rigid and stubborn resistance to all 
propositions of improvement in our usages and laws. He 
had read with the greatest care and attention the history of 
our institutions. If he looked to the statute-book, he was 
obliged to ask himself what were the laws attendant on that 
first great change of public opinion so strikingly deve- 
loped in this country by the Reformation, — what were the 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 351 

laws which defined, and limited, and restricted the royal 
prerogative, under the princes of the house of Stuart, — 
what were the laws which altered the succession to the 
throne, after the Revolution, and secured the descent of the 
crown to the house of Hanover, — what were the laws which 
sanctioned and ratified the Union between England and 
Scotland, — and still more, what were the laws which sanc- 
tioned and ratified the Union between England and Ireland, 
— what were the laws, inferior to none in force and violence, 
but equal to all that he had already mentioned in policy, by 
which three-fifths of the voters of Ireland were recently dis- 
franchised, — if he looked at the statute-book, he was obliged, 
he repeated, to ask himself what were all these laws, but so 
many cases in which the old institutions of the country were 
made to bend to a great, he would even say, an immense 
political expediency, and in which the changes introduced 
rested upon nothing else save that expediency, for their 
defence and justification. He said, that so far from that 
rigid and stubborn adherence to existing institutions, which 
never varied under a combination of circumstances very 
different from those which prevailed in former times, being 
a leading feature and a distinguishing characteristic in our 
constitution, the real feature of the constitution, its most 
genuine characteristic, had been, at all times and in all sea- 
sons, to absorb into itself all the political strength of the 
country, consisting — as that strength always did and always 
must consist — of wealth and of knowledge \ of wealth dif- 
fused, and of knowledge diffused, among the different classes 
of the community. 

He was glad to learn from the speech with which the 
noble duke had closed the debate of last night, that the 
noble duke fully concurred in the principles which he (the 
Marquis of Lansdown) had taken the liberty of laying 
down to their lordships on a former occasion. The noble 
duke and himself evidently agreed in their principles, 
though they differed somewhat in their application of them. 
The noble duke had represented him to have said, that 



. 



352 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the strength of the country consisted of its wealth and its 
learning. He believed that he had not used the word 
" learning;" he believed that he had said "knowledge." 
If he had said "learning/' he did not mean by it aca- 
demical erudition, or that pedantic acquisition of petty 
information which sometimes was obtained by students in 
their closets. He had been speaking of that knowledge 
which in its diffusion was power, and of that wealth which, 
not in accumulated masses, but in separate masses, led 
men to judge of what was most expedient to their own 
interests. The real characteristic of the constitution was 
such as he had described; and if it had not possessed 
that characteristic of absorbing in itself the combined 
strength of the community, and of bending to the changes 
of opinion which took place in the country from time to 
time, he verily believed that their lordships would have 
found, in looking to the various laws to which he had just 
referred, that if they had not been passed, those institutions 
on which they now placed so much value, would, instead 
of descending magnificently down the stream of time, 
as they had descended to us, have been left long before 
this a mere wreck upon the shore. 

Lord Lansdown now came to the consideration of those 
observations upon this bill which had been offered to their 
lordships last night by the noble duke (Wellington) who 
then terminated the debate. He had heard certainly with 
great astonishment the opinion which the noble duke had 
expressed regarding the declaration — and with all defer- 
ence to the noble duke, he must style it the unfortunate 
declaration — which he had made against all reform, on the 
first or second night of the last session of parliament. He 
had heard the explanation which the noble duke gave of 
that declaration last night, when he said that he made it 
as a minister of the crown, not as a peer of parliament. 
The noble duke had told them, that as a minister of the 
king, whatever his opinions might be as an individual — and 
the noble duke had not informed the house what his 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 353 

opinions were, neither had he (the Marquis of Lansdown) 
any right to complain of the noble duke for not giving it 
that information — the noble duke, he repeated, had told 
them, that, as a minister of the king, he felt himself de- 
barred from proposing any project of parliamentary reform ; 
or, indeed, from any other course, save that of preserving 
the constitution of the country. He must say, that from 
the noble duke he should have expected a policy quite the 
reverse of this ; and until he heard the speech of the noble 
duke, he thought that, in the peculiar situation in which 
he was placed, he (the Marquis of Lansdown) should have 
had his (the Duke of Wellington's) high authority, to sup- 
port him in the line of conduct which he was prepared to 
follow. 

Here Lord Lansdown confessed that never, before this 
occasion, had he given his support to any proposition for 
a reform in parliament. He confessed fairly, and he 
trusted that their lordships would believe him when he 
stated, that no popular clamour, no intimidation, as it 
was styled, from without, would have induced him to come 
to this opinion, if he had not been conscientiously con- 
vinced of its correctness — he confessed fairly, that, though 
he had not been blind to the abuses which had appeared 
from time to time in our representative system, he had 
thought it a safer course to wait until he saw a recom- 
mendation coming from the ministers of the crown, to make 
some change in that system — a recommendation which 
would give facilities to the alterations proposed to be made, 
and would enable the country to know where those alter- 
ations were leading it. This was the ground upon which 
he had formerly abstained from supporting, and upon which 
he now came forward to support, the cause of parliamentary 
reform. He thought that he had the high authority of the 
noble duke to justify the course which he was then pursuing. 
For what was it that the noble duke said, when he came 
forward to propose his immortal measure for the emanci- 
pation of his Catholic fellow- subjects ? The noble duke had 

2z 



354 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

said, that he felt himself debarred as a private individual 
from supporting that measure, because it was not brought 
forward as a measure which had the approbation of the 
king's government. He mentioned this, not from any- 
invidious feeling to the noble duke, but because he thought 
that the language which the noble duke then used, was 
marked by his usual wisdom and discretion. He recol- 
lected that the noble duke had told them, that, on one 
occasion, when he was asked by the late Lord Castlereagh to 
support the question of emancipation, he had replied by ask- 
ing that noble lord whether the measure which he was about 
to introduce into parliament had the sanction of the king's 
government ; and that when he was told that it had not, he 
had refused to support it until it was introduced with that 
sanction. The tables, however, were to be turned, in the 
case of reform. In the case of Catholic emancipation, as 
soon as the royal sanction was obtained to the introduction of 
that measure into parliament, the only thing which ministers 
had to do, according to the statement of the noble duke, was 
to introduce it into parliament, and to pass it with all speed. 
In the case of reform, however, that course which the noble 
duke had recommended so strongly during the discussions on 
the Catholic question, was the only course which ministers 
ought not to follow ! 

The noble marquis hoped that their lordships would allow 
him to state, that this intimation on the part of the noble 
duke, of a possible change of opinion in favour of parlia- 
mentary reform, placed the noble duke in the list of those 
noble peers who had already avowed themselves the converts 
to a certain degree of reform ; and that list — strange to say 
— included the name of every peer who had yet spoken 
against this bill, with the exception of a noble friend of his 
(the Earl of Mansfield ;) for every one of those noble 
lords, with great caution — indeed, with considerable hesita- 
tion — with a disposition sometimes to go backward, and 
sometimes to go forwards, not defining very clearly what 
they meant, but blundering in the dark about a meaning — 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 355 

had given the house, in the progress of their speeches, the 
satisfaction of seeing that they were labouring under the 
melancholy impression that there were grounds for moving, 
and that they could not stand where they now were. They 
were, therefore, with one solitary exception, all favourable 
to some plan of reform. Now, if this plan of reform, which 
existed in their eyes, whatever shape it might assume, — 

" If shape that might be called, that shape had none 
Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb ; 
Or substance might be called that shadow seemed, 
For each seemed either — " 

if this plan of reform which existed in the recesses of their 
minds, and in the secrets of their counsels, had indeed either 
shape or substance, the people of England had a right to 
complain that six months had elapsed since the present bill 
had been submitted to their notice, and that still no infor- 
mation was communicated to them of that nostrum which 
was to act as the antidote to the bane which ministers had 
recommended to their acceptance. 

Lord Lansdown said he was glad that the noble marquis 
(Londonderry) cried out " hear" so lustily, for perhaps the 
noble marquis would come forward that evening as a parlia- 
mentary reformer, and tell them what his nostrum was. 
With all deference to the noble marquis, he would venture 
to tell him once more, that the people of England had a 
right to complain, that although the necessity for an efficient 
reform had been stated at an early period of the last ses- 
sion — although the dissolution of parliament had taken 
place for the express purpose of ascertaining the opinions of 
the people as to the existence of that necessity — although 
the present bill, after long and mature discussion, had passed 
through the House of Commons — and although it had now 
arrived at its second stage in the House of Peers — they were 
still left without the means of knowing what remedy he had 
in store for them, and what that safety was which existed 
in his plan, or in the plan of his noble associates, and yet 
could not be found in that of the ministry. All that we can 



356 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

learn at present is, that the noble lords opposite have made 
some progress in their plan, and that there are certain things 
in it which, under certain circumstances and at certain times, 
might be for the benefit of the people of England, though 
they will not vouchsafe to tell us what those things are. 
" So that, when we have embarked on this voyage/' con- 
tinued the noble marquis, " not unconscious of the dangers 
and perils to which we are exposed, and still less uncon- 
scious of the formidable degree to which those dangers and 
those perils will increase by delay, it turns out, that all the 
noble lords opposite, save one, have been dropping down 
with us to St. Helen's, and are lying at single anchor to join 
with us in such voyage, if it shall appear expedient. I must 
say, that when it is imputed to us that my noble friend near 
me is acting the part of an impostor and an empiric, and is 
dealing out to the public noxious wares instead of whole- 
some commodities, it is rather hard that those who think 
themselves by prescription the only real state physicians — 
admitting, as they do, that they see the disorder, and are 
acquainted with the remedy — should keep their medical 
science to themselves, and that the public should still be 
obliged, in want of a regular remedy, to recur to the quackery 
of my noble friend, because nothing else is offered them. 
There have been a great many differences, and of no trifling 
nature, among all the noble lords who have yet spoken of a 
remedy. There has been a great desire amongst them all 
to find something to propose for your lordships' considera- 
tion, and every one of them, without exception, has stated 
some concession he was willing to grant. Nay, even his 
noble friend (Earl Mansfield,) who had spoken so vigor- 
ously against every species of reform, was at last so moved 
by the palpable necessity for it, as to give some small con- 
tribution to the new reform stock, to which the noble 
lords at the other side of the house were now subscribing. 
His noble friend would do something to diminish bribery 
at elections ! — that is the only concession of my noble 
friend. 



MARQUJS OF LANSDOWN. 357 

The Earl of Mansfield said, he offered no opinion at all 
on the subject of bribery. 

The Marquis of Lansdown — I beg my noble friend's par- 
don. I am sorry that I committed him hastily into the 
opinion; that bribery is inexpedient. My noble friend then 
will do nothing ; but that is not the case with the other 
noble lords near him. They have all a remedy for the 
abuses of our representative system, but their remedies 
differ widely from each other. My noble friend who com- 
menced this debate, in a speech replete with good sense and 
ability, fairly stated to your lordships that he was ready to 
concede the whole principle of the Scotch reform bill. 
Scarcely had the debate made any progress, when the noble 
duke travelled out of his course, to discuss the represen- 
tation of Scotland, and told us that the state of Scotland 
was a perfect state of society. 

The Duke of Wellington declared that he had not said a 
word of the kind. What he had said was this, that no country 
was better governed than Scotland, or had advanced more 
in commerce, intelligence, and prosperity, than that country, 
within the last sixty or seventy years. 

The Marquis of Lansdown replied — Exactly so ; but when 
the noble duke said that Scotland was the best governed 
country in the world, he used it as an argument that the 
representation of Scotland was the best in the world, and 
that it was the cause of that good government, and of that 
prosperity which had followed in the train of that good 
government. All that I can state on this subject is, that 
in all the observations which the noble duke has made 
regarding the prosperity of Scotland and its rapid advances 
in wealth and intelligence, I fully concur. No one can wit- 
ness that improving country without agreeing, that it pre- 
sents a striking picture of civilization and refinement. 
There is its capital, which by the industry, and talents, and 
acute investigation of its inhabitants, has become the centre 
of northern civilization, and has justly acquired the title 
of Modern Athens. There is Glasgow, which has covered 



358 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

the banks of the Clyde with its steam-engines, and the 
waves of the Atlantic with its ships. — (Lord Ellenborough 
here smiled, and taunted the noble marquis with being a 
member of that government which had endeavoured to im- 
pose a tax on steam-engines and on steam-ships.) The 
Marquis of Lansdown proceeded — The noble baron is 
offering us a supplement to the joke which his noble friend 
near him endeavoured to cut, though with most miserable 
success, on our measures of finance. I could say something 
on the measures of finance of the noble baron and his 
friends, but, in mercy to them, and to your lordships, who 
have already been fatigued sufficiently by the introduction 
of topics foreign to this debate, I abstain. I was observing, 
before I met with the interruption of the noble baron, that 
there was Glasgow, which covered the Clyde with its steam- 
engines, and the Atlantic with its ships, and I was pro- 
ceeding to notice what I considered to be the other signs 
of the prosperity of Scotland. But who is there who will 
tell me that all that prosperity is in consequence of the 
superiorities of Scotland? The only superiority which 
I can discover there, is the superiority of education, and 
the superiority, too, of unrepresented education. That 
superiority which we wish to introduce into the legisla- 
ture, and which the noble duke would exclude for ever, 
by adhering rigidly and stubbornly to the wisdom of our 
ancestors. One great -feature of the present bill is, that 
it will include in the constituency of the country its know- 
ledge as well as its power — that it will bring within the 
pale of the constitution those who ought never to have 
been excluded from it, and that it will connect them with 
the representation of the country by the closest and most 
indissoluble ties. The noble duke has also expressed his 
alarm at the amount of representation that is to be ex- 
tended to other places which have hitherto been unrepre- 
sented; and, in order to deter us from such a measure, 
has stated instances of the abuses attendant on the repre- 
sentation of large populous towns, as they exist at present. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 359 

He has selected his instances — and very curious instances 
they are too — from the. towns of Dublin and Liverpool. 

It was here intimated to the Marquis of Lansdown, that 
the allusion to Liverpool had been made by Lord Harrowby. 

The Marquis of Lansdown was sorry that he had attri- 
buted to the noble duke sentiments which had fallen from 
the noble earl near him ; but he was quite sure that the noble 
duke would not feel himself injured by having any senti- 
ments of that noble lord put into his mouth. Reverting 
to the elections for Dublin and Liverpool, he observed, that 
there could be no doubt that great abuses had occurred in 
both places. They had been informed of those abuses on 
the best authority, for they had been made the subject of 
inquiry upon oath before two committees of the House of 
Commons — and what had been the result ? That these in- 
stances of corruption, which were intended to deter their 
lordships from extending the right of representation to 
other large towns, were proved to have been committed only 
by the freemen of Liverpool, whom this bill did away with, 
and not by the householders of Liverpool, whom this bill 
introduced into the representation. His noble friend near 
him observed, that some of these freemen were also house- 
holders. On that, he would say a word or two directly. 
But he begged to impress this on their lordships once more — 
that, at Liverpool, all the bribery attached to the freemen 
only. In the representation of Liverpool, which was se- 
lected to deter their lordships from incurring the hazards 
of this bill, there was something peculiarly curious. All 
the householders were excluded from voting. Out of 2400 
persons, who as householders of that town were qualified to 
act as jurors, there were only eighty that had votes for its 
representatives. All the other householders were excluded. 
The late Mr. Roscoe, who by his talents and his virtues 
had given to the town of Liverpool a celebrity which it did 
not previously enjoy — that great and good man, who, with 
all his sons, was established in business in that town, had 
not a vote for its representatives ; but their gardener had. 



360 MARQUIS OF LANS DOWN. 

And yet their lordships were to be told that it was an argu- 
ment against this bill, that it would disfranchise freemen, 
who, from being in the situation of Mr. Roscoe's menial 
servant, were exposed to bribery, and that it would enfran- 
chise men like Mr. Roscoe, who were far above bribery. 

The noble earl, who had taken a conspicuous part in the 
debate of last night, (Harrowby,) had stated his apprehen- 
sions and his objections to what he would call the conjec- 
tural consequences of the bill, and had blamed the noble 
earl, (Earl Grey,) for having omitted all mention of them in 
his speech. The noble earl had stated, one of his apprehen- 
sions was, that when the new constituencies framed under 
this bill should get to work, they would overawe the House 
of Commons, and would thus put an end at once to the tax- 
ation, and to the national debt, of the country. He could 
have wished that the noble earl, before he had ventured upon 
that rash assertion, had considered who the £10 household- 
ers were. He held at that moment in his hand a paper — 
and it was a curious paper, as serving to illustrate that 
which he was always glad to illustrate, namely, the great 
and general diffusion of wealth in England — he held in his 
hand, he repeated, a paper, which gave a return of the num- 
ber of accounts kept at the Bank for dividends. He found 
from that paper, that out of 274,823 persons, keeping ac- 
counts there, 264,668 were persons having less than £200 a 
year. He asked the noble earl whether it was not a degree of pro- 
bability amounting almost to certainty that these individuals 
would compose a great portion of the new £10 constituency ? 
And if they did compose a great portion of that constituency, 
what became of his apprehensions ? Did the noble earl sup- 
pose that these individuals, who, he said, would issue such 
peremptory mandates to their representatives, and whose 
voices he described as already thundering in the ears of their 
lordships — did the noble earl, he repeated, suppose that 
those individuals would tell their representatives to do what 
they liked on other matters, but to take care above all things 
that they touched the dividends ? He would put it to the 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 361 

noble earl whether such conduct would not be as devoid of 
common sense and of common prudence as that man's con- 
duct would be, who should say to his steward — " Do what 
you will to my estate, but take care that no rents are paid 
to me V 

There was another objection to the bill, which had been 
brought forward by the noble duke who terminated the 
debate last night. The noble duke had insinuated, that as 
all the members of this new constituency were of one class, 
they would therefore, on that account, be more accessible 
to bribery. Now, in making that assertion, the noble duke 
seemed to have forgotten that this new constituency included 
all householders above £10, as well as all householders to 
that amount ; that this uniformity of suffrage included every 
thing from £10 to £10,000 ; so that, in point of fact, there 
was no uniformity, but the greatest inequality, in voting. 

The Duke of Wellington here rose to say, that he had not 
stated that these voters would be more accessible to bribery. 
What he had said was, that there would be a greater spirit 
of combination among them, than was known under the 
present system. 

The Marquis of Lansdown said, that it came to much the 
same thing. There would be no more chance of combina- 
tion than of corruption, among these new voters : for he was 
happy to state, that there would be in the towns more voters 
occupying houses above than under £10. The noble duke, 
in stating his apprehensions on this subject, and in referring 
to the history of this demand, or, he should rather say, of 
this wish for reform, had stated that the whole, or, if not the 
whole, the greater part of it, had proceeded from the events 
which took place at Paris in last July. He was inclined to 
dispute that position. In referring to the history of Eng- 
land, he found that this demand for reform was an opinion 
which had been growing up long, very long, in this country. 

A noble lord said, Only since the American war. 

The Marquis of Lansdown. — Only since the American 
war ! oh, no, it had its existence long before the American 

3a 



362 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

war. But even if it had received its existence at that time, 
an opinion of misgovernment which had been growing up 
for the last fifty years, was the one which deserved and ought 
to meet the serious attention of every administration. The 
noble duke had said, that this opinion had advanced either 
rapidly or uniformly. It was in the nature of things that 
such an opinion should not progress either with rapidity or 
with uniformity. Those changes which acted on the opinions 
of large masses of men, took place by slow and irregular 
degrees. What Lord Bacon had said of things, was equally 
true of men, namely, that f* when they were moving to their 
places, they moved irregularly ; and that when they had got 
into them, they moved regularly enough." His noble friend 
was making a joke upon his words again. His noble friend 
was at liberty to do so as long as he pleased, for laughter 
was a very bad substitute for a want of argument. The 
point to which he wished to call the attention of their lord- 
ships, was that which formed the main source of our present 
discontent. When the noble duke said that the discontent 
with our present system of representation, which now per- 
vaded the country so generally, originated from the events 
of last July, he used language which was tantamount to say- 
ing, that danger did not arise out of the gunpowder, but out 
of the match which created its explosion. Whilst this dis- 
content was capable of being stimulated into exertion by the 
excitement attendant upon events occurring in foreign coun- 
tries, there could be no safety for the state, except by 
removing the cause of its danger ; a danger, which was the 
more formidable, because it was not always visible, and 
which oftentimes only became visible at the moment when 
it was almost impossible to avert it. 

Lord Lansdown said, he would not detain the house any 
longer with his observations. The real principles of this 
bill were those to which every noble lord, who had yet 
taken a share in the debate, had given his assent, either it 
a greater or a smaller degree. The principles of this bill — 
and he abstained from entering into its details, though it 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 6bo 

was the policy of the noble lords on the other side of the 
house to direct their attention to its details rather than to 
its principles — the principles of this bill, assented to by 
implication by every noble lord who had yet risen, were 
these — the extinction of the nomination boroughs, the ex- 
tension of political influence to the middling classes of 
society, and the extension of the right of election in counties 
to every description of landholder, which had hitherto 
been confined to one class of landholders alone. These 
were the principles of the bill : all the rest of it consisted 
of details, which would be submitted to their consideration 
when the bill went into committee, and on which it was 
as much the wish of his noble friend near him, as it was 
of himself, that their lordships should exercise their un- 
doubted privileges of alteration and amendment. If for 
an instant he could have supposed that his noble friend 
(Earl Grey) had been animated by a desire to debar their 
lordships from the exercise of these privileges — an exercise, 
by the way, from which it would be impossible for his 
noble friend to debar them — he should not have hesitated, 
first in private, and afterwards in public, to have expressed 
how widely and how materially he differed from his noble 
friend. He was as ready and determined as any man in 
the house could be, to contend for those legal and consti- 
tutional privileges, whenever and however they might be 
attacked, which they had derived from their ancestors, and 
one of the most undoubted of which was the right of calmly 
deliberating and determining on any important measure 
which might be sent up to them from the other branch of 
the legislature. 

This conducted him to the last point upon which he 
should have occasion to trouble their lordships. Though 
last, it was not least in importance. Amongst, or rather 
in addition to the other objections stated to this measure, 
it had been said that it would affect the future existence 
of the House of Peers. As he saw that this proposition was 
assented to on the other side, he would, on that account, 



364 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

beg for a few minutes to call the attention of the house to 
it. When their lordships should have passed this bill into 
a law, (supposing that they intended to do so,) notwith- 
standing the assumption of his noble friend who com- 
menced that night's debate, and of many other persons, 
that their lordships' privileges would thereby be placed in 
jeopardy, there would not be one constitutional privilege 
belonging to the house, described by any author, claimed 
in any parliament, which would not remain as much in 
force as at the present moment. That of which their lord- 
ships would be deprived, if they were deprived of any 
thing, was a corrupt share in the abuses of the other house 
of parliament. He knew that it had been said, and often 
repeated, " What will this house do, when it shall come 
into direct collision with public opinion?" His answer 
was, that they must stand upon the constitutional ground 
which public opinion assigned to them, on that ground 
which public opinion claimed for them, and on which they 
would be stronger than they could hope to be by any 
illegal influence which they could possibly obtain. Sup- 
pose (and it was necessary for the hypothesis of danger to 
suppose so) that a case should arise, in which public 
opinion would be opposed to that which the wisdom of 
their lordships should deem to be good policy. And if their 
lordships were unable to support themselves in the exer- 
cise of their honest and constitutional duties, sitting in that 
house, which might be called the citadel of the constitution, 
did they suppose that they could find defence in the corrupt 
outworks of Gatton and Old Sarum ? Let not their lord- 
ships suppose that the public did not see through so flimsy 
a disguise. In the exercise of their lordships' undoubted 
rights, privileges, and influence, which were revered by the 
people of this country, if their lordships should have the 
misfortune to act in opposition to public opinion, they 
would meet with support from the people ; but they could 
not expect to obtain that support by persevering in claim- 
ing a participation in a system which involved in its rami- 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 365 

fications an evasion of the law, and all sorts of inquiry— 
which was attended in its working with the most pernicious 
effects. 

" fraudesque, dolusque, 

Insidiaeque, et vis amor sceleratus habendi." 

That was not the character of the system on which he 
wished their lordships' power to rest. He entertained the 
hope, from no selfish feeling, of being able to transmit to 
posterity those honours which, for the benefit of the pub- 
lic, no less than for his own, he had derived from his an- 
cestors. He believed those honours, not in his own person 
alone, but in the persons of all their lordships, to be essen- 
tial to the well-being of the country, particularly as con- 
nected with the state of society and of property existing 
in this empire. He feared that he had almost exhausted 
their lordships' patience, and would not further occupy 
their attention. After what he had before stated, he hoped 
that it was unnecessary for him to add, that he did not 
wish their lordships to be influenced by public clamour. 
He hoped that no threats or intimidation would be used ; 
but if they should be used, he hoped that their lordships 
would disdain to notice them. At the same time he thought 
it would be unwise to disregard the deliberate expression 
of public opinion ; and he trusted that their lordships would 
not act an unworthy part, and, with the view of shewing 
that firmness which no man had a right to doubt their pos- 
session of, overlook all the considerations of policy which 
pointed to the adoption of this measure, because it was con- 
nected with changes in society which no noble lord could 
deny. By a course of useful legislation, their lordships 
had encouraged the spread of population, increased the pro- 
ductions of science, and raised up large towns. Would 
their lordships deny their offspring the rights and privileges 
of manhood ? By the progress and development of the 
policy which their lordships had pursued, the surface of the 
country had been covered with new streams. Was it pos- 
sible to turn these streams to flow in the old narrow chan- 



366 MARQUIS OF LANSDO'WN. 

nel, with all its imperfections unreformed ? Was it not 
better to prepare a new channel, by which the wealth, know- 
ledge, and industry which their lordships' policy had cre- 
ated, should be incorporated with the legislative institutions 
of the country ? 

When the second reform bill came before the house, 
April 11th, 1832, his lordship thus defended it, chiefly 
against the Bishop of Exeter and the Duke of Buckingham : 

The Marquis of Lansdown commenced with observing on 
what had been advanced in the course of the debate, in oppo- 
sition to the bill, which had been sent up a second time by 
the Commons for the consideration of their lordships. He 
paid very proper compliments to the Bishop of Lincoln, 
who had so calmly, and so candidly, and so clearly, and so 
satisfactorily stated his intention of supporting the second 
reading of the bill, on the ground of the great change which 
had been effected in the country. He expressed his surprise 
that the Bishop of Exeter had turned ie recruiting sergeant," 
to enlist supporters to the measure proposed by the Duke of 
Buckingham ; he fully admitted the responsibility which the 
prelate and the noble duke and a baron had attached to 
the government, with whom the important measure of 
reform originated, and he was fully willing to share the 
responsibility with his noble friend and their colleagues. 
He should have had a contempt for himself, and he should 
have had a contempt for his noble friend, if he had shrunk 
from the difficult and necessary task of healing the wounds 
that threatened the country with dissolution, of endeavour- 
ing to cement those connexions which every day were more 
and more dividing and separating. " They cared not for 
the transitory dignity of office, they were ready to risk it 
all; they were ready to sacrifice personal comfort and 
happiness. All they wished was, to restore the constitu- 
tion, and, by restoring it, to give additional stability and 
prosperity to every part of the empire." — These sentiments 
are becoming a nobleman of high station, and of large for- 
tune, who holds office, not for its emoluments, but from a 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 36? 

sense of duty ; and who., if he could have aroused his ener- 
gies, and have forgone his domestic enjoyments, might have 
aspired himself to the premiership. He denied the assertion 
of the Bishop of Exeter, that the measure was one of revo- 
lution, and shewed that his notions of revolution would 
apply to the most important and beneficial changes that had 
ever been made in the institutions of this country — that 
change and alteration were incidental to the world — that 
changes were continually taking place in every portion of 
society— that alterations could not be prevented — and it was 
by the careful, by the deliberate, and by the effectual appli- 
cation of such alterations, that it was possible for any poli- 
tical system to bear up against the perpetual inroads which, 
time must necessarily make upon it. It had been well stated 
by a noble lord, (the Earl of Shrewsbury, a Catholic peer,) 
who had been lately introduced to the house by that great 
act of justice which had been delayed too long, " that of all 
the absurdities that ever could be imagined, that of an 
immutable state of the law, in a mutable state of things, was 
the most absurd.'* He gave a practical lesson to the ambi- 
tious prelate, (Dr. Phillpotts,) who cannot certainly accuse 
the noble marquis of being either a radical or an ascetic 
nobleman, whose plans were not yet ripe, but whose failing 
is to be constitutionally an aristocrat, who is fastidiously 
attached, even to a weakness, to the distinctions of classes, 
who values himself in his long line of ancestry, and has 
retaken the name of Fitzmaurice. His lordship said, he 
was not prepared, more than a brother marquis, to found 
any change that was proposed, as well on new doctrines as 
on new circumstances. All that he and his friends asked, 
was, to go back to the elements of the constitution, to exa- 
mine how far new circumstances required the application of 
old doctrines. 

The noble marquis demonstrated, to minds not hermeti- 
cally sealed against all public good, the security that arose 
from making all requisite alterations, from time to time, as 
circumstances required, of extending the elective franchise 



368 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

to those places which had become the depositories of that 
knowledge, and the possessors of that influence on society, 
which the wisdom and policy of this government had always 
endeavoured to attach to itself, in disfranchising small and 
insignificant places, and enfranchising others of great and 
growing extent and importance. In such a project, is there 
any robbery — any spoliation — any approach to revolution ? 

Lord Lansdown very happily shewed how America had 
not only preserved her existence, but added to her strength, 
by the accession of new states ; equally so by adducing the 
unions of Scotland and Ireland, which were indeed revolu- 
tions ; for both were effected by corruption, and the latter 
with the melancholy addition of blood ; but these changes 
were made, not at the instance of the people, but by the 
.constituted authorities, and to answer the purposes of those 
holding office ; and therefore, in the eyes of Dr. Phillpotts, 
the Dukes of Wellington and Buckingham, and other wise, 
and good, and enlightened men, were no revolution. The 
noble marquis was quite correct in stating, that there was no 
parliament in France, to check the crown nor to protect the 
people. There were what were called parlemens — that of 
Paris, and those of the provinces ; but these were mere beds 
of justice, and had no powers of legislation, and only regis- 
tered royal edicts as a matter of form. What little inde- 
pendence these parlemens possessed, what little good they 
produced, had been destroyed by the despotic royalty of 
Louis XIV., who declared that the law was concentrated in 
his royal person. Violence only occurred in France on the 
part of the people, because the court first indulged in it 
against the tiers etat, after having assembled that body; and 
violence always begets violence, until it destroy itself by 
exhaustion. Dr. Phillpotts and the Duke of Wellington 
would infallibly produce violence in this country, were they 
not fortunately restrained by the patriotism of the monarch, 
the integrity of the ministers, and the union of the people. 
The noble marquis equally rebutted the absurd clauses which 
Lord Ellenborough had made for the colonies, in the asser- 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 3G9 

tion that because seats could no longer be purchased 
by their agents, they would lose all the benefits of 
representation. Is a purchased seat for a salaried agent 
desirable ? Might not colonial peers be demanded as reason- 
ably as colonial representatives? As to Newfoundland, will 
not Poole and Bridport, and other ports connected with the 
fisheries, always return members, to protect its interests ? 
As to India ; who have ever been represented in a corrupt 
house ? the poor natives ? No, but a plundering Nabob. 
A reformed parliament will destroy the present monopoly 
enjoyed by the honourable body of merchants — colonization 
will be permitted — knowledge will spread in India, and 
paternal government will be established there — representa- 
tion will gradually creep in, and justice will be done at 
home without the necessity of appealing to England. A 
reformed parliament leads to the amelioration of our colonial 
system, as well as to every other. The noble marquis so 
severely handled the ill-begotten, ill-formed bantling of his 
Grace of Buckingham, as to cause its dissolution before it 
could possibly be presented in its swaddling-clothes to the 
house. His lordship did also ample justice to that very 
important and most intelligent body of the people — the 
Dissenters. He scouted, and most properly, the antiquated 
and mistaken notions, that they were likely to be governed 
in their choice of representatives by undue, factious, or 
revolutionary motives ; and, above all, by any thing like a 
desire to disturb the tranquillity of the country. u I may be 
permitted to ask by whom are returned the best, the most 
able, members of the present House of Commons ? Unde- 
niably, by the Dissenters. Are Mr. John Smith, Lord 
Ebrington, Mr. Warburton, less likely to be returned for 
the respective places for which they now sit, by a reformed 
parliament ? The church-and-state corporations now return 
the worst members. These may be better; they cannot be 
worse." His lordship neglected no leading topic, connected 
either with the bill itself, or with what had been advanced 
against it by its opponents. He so distinguished himself, as 

3b 



3/0 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN. 

to deserve to be enrolled amongst the positive reformers, 
and to secure the respect of all. 

These able speeches furnish ample materials for forming 
a judgment of Lord Lansdown's principles as a statesman, 
and his qualifications as a senator. No man better under- 
stands the British constitution, or more strongly appreciates 
its excellencies. Nurtured in the school of Fox, under 
whose auspices he made his debut into the House of Com- 
mons, and whose enlightened views and liberal principles 
his lordship adopted as the basis of his parliamentary career, 
he has constantly adhered to them with unwavering steadi- 
ness and inflexible tenacity. His public conduct exhibits a 
pleasing specimen of integrity and political consistency, such 
as is calculated to inspire confidence, and lead the country 
to look up to him as one of the pillars of the state. That 
he is a patriot, in the truest sense of the term, no unpreju- 
diced mind will hesitate to acknowledge : he has the welfare 
of the country at heart, and is, we are confident, actuated by 
the sincerest desire of promoting it. He has given proof 
that the latter is more an object with him than the interests 
of a party. The large property which he possesses in Ire- 
land, has naturally made him sensitive, at all times, as to 
the state of that unhappy country, and anxious for its ame- 
lioration. Hence the lively interest his lordship took in 
that great measure, by which the Catholics of that island 
were conciliated. — In private life, the noble marquis displays 
great moral purity, combined with mild and courteous man- 
ners. His temper is placid, his knowledge extensive, and 
his delivery in parliament pleasing. He patronizes litera- 
ture and the arts, and is never backward, at his country's 
call, to lend his prompt and efficient aid to whatever project 
is adapted to further the advancement of knowledge, and the 
happiness of mankind. 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 371 



THE RT. HON. 



CHARLES GRANT, 

President of the Board of Control. 



This gentleman, who, for his eloquence in the senate, and 
ability in the service of his country, has raised himself to 
considerable distinction in parliament, is the son of an East 
India director, of whom it will be a pleasure to record, in 
this place, a few particulars. 

The late Mr. Charles Grant, father of the subject of this 
memoir, was born in Scotland, in 1746, and was the son of 
a military officer who fell at the battle of Culloden, on the 
same day that his son was born. The latter, after receiving 
a good education at Elgin, -was sent to India in a military 
capacity, which, however he soon abandoned for a civil em- 
ployment at Bengal, where he married a young lady of the 
name of Frazer. In 1773, he became secretary to the board 
of trade at that place, and, after having filled various other 
situations in the company's service, he returned to England, 
and in 1794, was elected *a member of the board of East 
India Directors, of which he was chosen deputy-chairman 
in 1804, and president in the following year. He became 
also a member of parliament, being elected to represent the 
county of Inverness, which he did in three successive parlia- 
ments, and highly distinguished himself as a member of the 
House of Commons by his extensive acquaintance with East 
Indian affairs. In political opinions he was opposed to Sir 
Philip Francis, who nevertheless bore ample testimony to 
his probity and private worth, declaring, in the House of 



372 MR, CHARLES GRANT. 

Commons, that there could not be a more competent witness 
on East India affairs, nor any human evidence less to be 
suspected, than that of Mr. Grant. As a writer, he rendered 
himself conspicuous by a letter which he addressed to the 
board of which he was a member, recommending the propa- 
gation of Christianity in India, by means of missionaries ; 
and by his valuable tract, entitled, " Observations on the 
State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain/' 
which the House of Commons caused to be printed, for the 
use of its members. He contributed greatly, by his munifi- 
cence and personal exertions, to the diffusion of the gospel 
among the inhabitants of India; and joined his friend Mr. 
Wilberforce, with whom he agreed in his religious views 
and opinions, in an unsuccessful attempt to establish a 
settlement at Sierra Leone. Mr. Grant was also a member 
of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge ; Vice- 
President of the Bible Society ; and one of the commis- 
sioners appointed to superintend the building of new 
churches. He died on the 31st of October, 1823, leaving 
two sons, Charles and Robert ; and his funeral sermon was 
preached by Daniel Wilson, who has recently been appointed 
bishop of Calcutta ; an honour which he probably owes to 
the interest of the " President of the India Board/ ' or Board 
of Control. 

The two sons appear to have received the finishing touch 
to their education, at the University of Cambridge, where 
we find them about the year 1800, at which time the elo- 
quent Robert Hall was pastor of the Baptist church in that 
place; — a man whose popularity drew many of the gownsmen 
to hear him. " I have seen," says the author of a recent 
publication, who then resided at Cambridge, " forty or fifty 
graduates, fellow- commoners, and noblemen, in their cos- 
tume, at meeting — and among others, who were almost con- 
stant in their attendance at this time, were the two Mr. 
Grants, now members of parliament, and ministers of the 
crown." * 

* Greene's Reminiscences of Hall, p. 24. 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 373 

Mr. Charles Grant succeeded his father as member of 
parliament for Inverness-shire ; and first distinguished him- 
self by some eloquent and able speeches, through which 
there ran a spirit of liberality and benevolence that was not 
so much in fashion at that time, as it has since become. 
One of these speeches ably advocated the cause of the 
oppressed Irish Catholics — while another of them portrayed 
in vivid colours the real state of that unhappy country, and 
pointed out the only remedy for the complicated evils under 
which it was doomed to groan. Of these speeches we shall 
hereafter take some notice ; in the mean time it may be 
proper to lay before the reader what we find stated, by one 
apparently not ill-informed on the subject, respecting Mr. 
Charles Grant's official labours as secretary to the Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, an appointment which seems to have 
been conferred upon him in consequence of the able speeches 
above mentioned. 

It was during the time that Lord Talbot was viceroy, that 
Mr. Grant was sent to Ireland, where he continued, year 
after year, exerting himself in every possible way, by a train 
of liberal proceedings, to ameliorate the condition of the 
inhabitants, but found his benevolent intentions not only 
thwarted by an illiberal viceroy, but also by a posse of 
underlings, who, having themselves profited by the ascen- 
dancy principles, concluded that they must consequently be 
the most advantageous for the country. At the end of his 
five years of office, Mr. Grant discovered, that the best 
intentions alone, without the power of carrying them into 
effect, are comparatively of little use ; and that a statesman, 
in order to effect a great measure of reformation, requires 
the co-operation of all his colleagues. Divested of this aid, 
Mr. Grant's efforts were unavailing ; but in his place in par- 
liament, he took every opportunity of exposing, in eloquent 
terms, the hideousness of the Irish system, and pleading for 
a different line of policy towards that degraded country. 

It has been remarked as a curious circumstance, that it 
was the fate of Ireland to possess at one period an illiberal 



374 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

viceroy, (Lord Talbot,) and in Mr. Charles Grant, a liberal 
secretary — and at their recall it was determined, on the sys- 
tem of " checks and balances/' to reverse that order of 
things, and to send the Hibernians a liberal viceroy in the 
Marquis of Wellesley, and an illiberal secretary in Mr. 
Goulburn. Whatever, therefore, Mr. Grant had done, Mr. 
Goulburn sought to undo. Mr. Grant first occupied him- 
self in efforts to relieve the citizens of Dublin from the 
exactions of the most griping corporation, with which any 
country had been afflicted ; while Mr. Goulburn, imme- 
diately on his arrival, flung himself into the arms of that 
body, and took them for his " guide, philosopher, and 
friend." Mr. Grant sought, by enforcing the laws, to sup- 
press Orange Societies, and to protect the Catholics from 
the wanton infliction of massacre and insult : while Mr. 
Goulburn became the apologist, if not the active supporter, 
of those illegal confederations, which accordingly waxed 
stronger and more daring under his sway. Mr. Grant was 
anxious to devise a system of national education, by which 
the Catholics would be under the superintendence and con- 
trol of their own clergy ; but Mr. Goulburn was opposed to 
this, as clashing with the privileges of the patrons and sup- 
porters of the Kildare School Society. In short, there was 
no measure to which Mr. Grant was favourable, that Mr. 
Goulburn did not oppose. The one was cheered by the 
Tories — the other respected by the Whigs ; and each differ- 
ently estimated by the conflicting parties in Ireland. While 
the liberal Protestants, and the great body of the Catholics, 
marshalled themselves on the side of Mr. Grant, the Orange- 
men strenuously adhered to Mr. Goulburn ; and in this 
state things continued until Mr. Canning got firmly seated, 
when Mr. Lamb was sent to succeed Mr. Goulburn, and a 
better order of things was introduced. 

During the time that Mr. Huskisson was President of the 
Board of Trade, Mr. Grant filled the office of Vice-Presi- 
dent ; and in that situation he acquired an intimate know- 
ledge, not only of the great interests of the country, but of 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 375 

those minor details to which gentlemen of Mr. Grant's very 
superior order of mind do not always descend. His views, 
too, are altogether liberal and enlarged ; and he is fully 
impressed with those theories of commercial policy for 
which Mr. Huskisson's memory is revered. On Mr. Hus- 
kis son's retirement from office in 1S27, Mr. Grant succeeded 
him as President of the Board of Trade, and it would not 
have been easy to select a more competent person for the 
station. Independently of his official knowledge, his pre- 
tensions as a speaker rank very high — he is, in truth, infe- 
rior to very few in the House of Commons, in point of 
eloquence. To great enthusiasm of mind, he joins much 
fervency and impressiveness of manner ; and his language is 
strong, nervous, sustained, and in a high degree oratorical. 
It is much to be regretted that ill health, combined with 
constitutional indolence or timidity, prevents him from tak- 
ing that active part in debate for which he is so eminently 
qualified by his talents, his station, his knowledge, and his 
experience. This is deservedly lamented by his friends, as 
well as by the country at large, who are the chief losers by 
his silence. 

In justification of what we have now said of Mr. Grant's 
liberal views and enlightened policy, we shall lay before the 
reader the substance of a few of his speeches on some of the 
great national questions which have engaged the attention 
of the legislature. 

On the 28th of February, 1821, Mr. (now Lord) Plunkett, 
brought forward in the House of Commons the subject of 
Catholic disabilities, and moved the repeal of those statutes 
which excluded them from the enjoyment of their civil 
rights. After an able and eloquent speech of great length, 
the reasonings of which were ably seconded and supported 
by Sir James Macintosh, Mr. George Dawson opposed the 
motion, and declared that the Catholics of Ireland enjoyed 
as much liberty as it was necessary for any set of men to 
enjoy. The Catholic, he said, was looked upon with jea- 
lousy in all Protestant countries. He might adduce as 



3J6 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

examples Denmark, Sweden, and Holland. The house 
ought not to turn a deaf ear to the voice of experience ; it 
ought to consider, whether the granting of privileges to 
Catholics would not excite the alarms of their Protestant 
fellow- subjects — he should vote against the motion. 

Mr. Charles Grant followed Mr. Dawson in the debate, 
and said he would now trouble the house with the few 
observations which he had to make; because, from the 
advanced stage of the night, he might otherwise be pre- 
cluded from offering his sentiments on this important 
question 5 the delivering of which, in the situation in which 
he stood, he esteemed a solemn and imperative duty. He 
said, he had listened, with the utmost attention, and with 
the greatest delight, to the eloquence with which the motion 
had been introduced — an eloquence which, while it called to 
the support of the policy which it recommended, the names 
of the illustrious statesmen and great geniuses of former 
times, evinced the possession of a high portion of kindred 
talent. He had, indeed, heard the speech of the right 
honourable and learned gentleman with wonder and admira- 
tion, esteeming it worthy of the cause which it defended, 
worthy of the principles which it advocated, and worthy of 
the petitioners whose claims it stated and enforced. Mr. 
Grant presumed to think that the cause had made progress, 
not only from the powerful eloquence and convincing reason- 
ing of Mr. Plunkett, but from the observations of his right 
honourable friend Mr. Peel, who had spoken on the question 
as became the frankness and candour of his just and manly 
mind. His right honourable friend had, however, argued 
upon a view of the question which was not before the house, 
and answered propositions which had not been advanced. 
He had argued as if it had been proposed to repeal all the 
disabilities under which the Catholics laboured, at once, 
without examination or deliberation; whereas it merely 
pledged the house to inquire into them by a committee. 

Mr. Grant expressed his surprise at hearing his right 
honourable friend, Mr. Peel, draw a parallel between the 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 377 

repeal of the Catholic disabilities and the abolition of the Test 
and Corporation acts ; and to argue, that, because the latter 
could change the former, it ought not to be taken into con- 
sideration. The prayer of the petitioners contained nothing 
offensive or revolting. They asked for inquiry — they be- 
sought the house to examine their case — and if their claims 
could be shewn to be founded in policy and justice, to 
remove the disabilities under which they laboured. Mr. Peel 
answered to this— "True it is, we feel for your situation; 
true it is, your case is a hard one ; but we cannot grant your 
request ; for if we did so, we must repeal the Test and Cor- 
poration acts !" The Catholics came boldly forward, and 
said, that past causes of animosity ought to be forgotten ; 
and that, in their present disposition toward our establish- 
ments, there existed no ground for alarm. To this his right 
honourable friend answered — " True, they are forgotten ; 
but in the revolutions of states, at some future distant 
period, we may become afraid of you ; and we will, there- 
fore, persevere in the same treatment of you as before, when 
you were really dangerous." It was thus that we treated 
the Catholics of Ireland. He had been called upon by his 
friend, Mr. Dawson, to follow him to Denmark, to Sweden, 
and to Holland, and see how the Catholics were there 
treated. He would not obey the call — he would not follow 
him to foreign countries — he would appeal to the British 
constitution, and call upon the house rather to set than to 
follow an example. Motives of policy and justice, which 
affected the whole empire, pressed upon parliament the 
consideration of the Catholic claims ; but, more particularly, 
the interests of Ireland required that so important a part of 
the population should not be excluded from the benefit of 
the British constitution. Mr. Grant here drew a striking 
contrast between the state of the inhabitants of Great Britain 
and of Ireland, and attributed some share of the difference 
of circumstances in the two countries to the anomalous dis- 
abilities under which most classes of the sister kingdom 
laboured. He represented Ireland as subject to inconsist- 

3c 



3/8 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

encies and anomalies of all kinds — suffering much local 
oppression and great general distress, having its higher 
classes excluded from privileges to which the lower were 
admitted — wanting that sympathy between the different 
orders of society, and that interchange and communication 
of sentiment and feeling between the different ranks of life, 
which constituted at once the glory and the security of 
England. In this country, freedom " lived along the line" 
which joined all the classes of the community, and our 
institutions were conductors of the general feeling. Why 
was not Ireland in this state ? why was property there 
stripped of its influence ? why was it divested of the force 
of authority ? What was the result of all this ? Local 
outrages — distrust of the laws in a people disposed to obedi- 
ence, extending to all classes of the community— operating 
in the higher classes to a contempt of the law, and in the 
lower to a transgression of it. 

Mr. Grant said, he did not attribute all this state of 
things to the Catholic disabilities ; but as little was he 
inclined to allow that these disabilities had no part in it. 
The system formerly pursued with regard to Ireland, had 
been to legislate contrary to the opinion of the country. 
The calamities of the people followed, step by step \ the 
system of degradation to which they were subjected, and 
the relaxation of the oppressive laws, had been as invariably 
followed by improvement and increasing order. It should 
not be forgotten, that while Wales and Chester owed their 
liberties to Charles the Second, Ireland had been deprived 
of her's by William the Third. — When he heard of the incon- 
sistencies that would be involved in granting the Catholic 
claims, he could not but contrast them with the inconsist- 
encies of the present system, where Ireland might have 
Catholic electors, but could not return a Catholic repre- 
sentative — where Catholics might be magistrates, but not 
sheriffs — barristers, but not king's counsel. There was 
nothing more inconsistent in a Protestant king having per- 
sons of the Catholic religion in his council, than a king of 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 379 

the episcopal system having presbyterian counsellors ; and 
a parliament that might be filled with Dissenters, could 
admit a Catholic without inconsistency. 

But did the exclusion of the Catholics from the privileges 
they claimed produce peace, or any corresponding advan- 
tages ? No : if there was danger to our establishments, as 
alleged, from the admission of the Catholics, there was 
greater danger from their exclusion. There were two lines 
of demarcation on which the house might take its stand. 
First, it might have repealed the penal laws, and, after 
repealing them, might have stood on the existing disabilities, 
or might repeal both. But parliament had not stood on 
either. It had repealed all the penal statutes, and some of 
the disabilities, retaining others. It was contended that, 
if the Catholics obtained the abolition of the existing dis- 
abilities, they would become formidable to our establish- 
ments, by becoming more powerful. This, he contended, 
would not be the case. As individuals, those who attained 
office or distinction would become more powerful ; but the 
body would be less so, because less united. Besides, a 
government ought not to found its security on the weakness 
of its subjects, but on their confidence. There was no part 
of the constitution which ought to depend on the powerless - 
ness of any portion of the subjects. It was impossible to 
tell the countless and nameless ties by which the consti- 
tution attracted to itself the affections of subjects; and 
therefore it was madness to persist in any measure, the 
inevitable tendency of which was to alienate those affections. 
He implored the house to consider, that the fate of Ireland 
was at stake — to look at the state of the population of that 
country — to reflect on its present misery — and on what the 
parliament of Great Britain had already done for that coun- 
try, under the auspices of George III. Let it no longer be 
said of Ireland, that, having performed the duties which the 
constitution exacted, she was still excluded from the privi- 
leges to which she had a constitutional right. He called on 
the house to ratify this night the solemn contract of the 



380 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

Union, and to make that great measure in reality what it 
was in name. What did Mr. Pitt, who had projected that 
measure, conceive to be its nature ? He asked the house 
what meaning that great statesman attached to the follow- 
ing lines, which he had applied to the union of the two 
countries : — 

Non ego, nee Teucris Italos parere jubebo, 
Nee mini regna peto : paribus se legibus ambae 
Invictas gentes aeterna in faedera mittant. 

What, he asked, did Mr. Pitt understand by the eternal 
laws of confederacy, which were in future to bind those 
nations, not in the relations of conqueror and conquered, 
but in equity of laws? We profess, said Mr. Grant, to 
follow the policy of that enlightened statesman in our 
intercourse and relations with foreign countries; but on 
his system of domestic policy we have not yet acted, nor 
will the maxims on which that system was founded be 
reduced to practice till the inscription on his tomb records 
the liberation of Ireland. Look at the state of education 
in that coutry, and view its natives pursuing every means 
of acquiring knowledge. These are securities springing 
up where they were least expected, as if sent by Providence 
to remove a base and illiberal pretext. Let us not take 
advantage of them to continue the present system of in- 
justice, but let us rather avail ourselves of them, as raised 
up by that Providence which I believe to be the peculiar 
protection of national faith and national justice. 

When Mr. Grant sat down, the cry of "question, ques- 
tion," was vociferated from every part of the house. It 
was felt, by the friends of Ireland, that his admirable speech 
had made a deep impression on the members, and a division 
was desirable before its effects should be effaced. The 
result was, that Mr. Plunkett's motion for going into a 
committee of the whole house on the Catholic claims, was 
gained by a majority of six : the number of members who 
voted was 448. But though the motion was carried success- 
fully through the Commons, the third reading having a ma- 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 381 

jority of nineteen, it was negatived on a second reading in the 
House of Lords, April 17th, by a majority of thirty-nine. 

In the following year, Sir John Newport called the 
attention of parliament to the existing state of Ireland, on 
which occasion he found himself ably supported by Mr. 
Grant. The right honourable gentleman went into an his- 
torical review of the various disturbances of the peasantry, 
by which Ireland was agitated. The first of these dis- 
turbances took place in 1760, and was occasioned by the 
enclosure of a common — the rising by the " Hearts of Oak 
Boys" was caused by abuses in the system of road-making. 
The " Heart of Steel Boys" originated in the severity of a 
great proprietor of tithes. In 1785, serious disturbances 
disgraced the south of Ireland ; these were excited by the 
"Right Boys," and were provoked by the tithe system. 
Much about the same time the north of Ireland was agi- 
tated by « Defenders." The rebellion of 1798 followed. 
It was hoped that the union would have laid the foundation 
of permanent tranquillity; but in 1806, movements of a 
very alarming nature took place in Sligo, Mayo, and the 
adjoining country — the insurgents pursued the same system 
then that had recently been pursued in the county of Lime- 
rick ; and the enactment of the Insurrection act followed. 

Adverting to some then recent disturbances in Limerick, 
Mr. Grant said, they were excited in the first instance by 
the conduct of the agent to ' the Courtenay estate. These 
disturbances, marked as they were by so many acts of out- 
rage and atrocity, yet proceeded from local causes. The 
wretchedly abject state of the peasantry was no small 
cause ; and here he could not help observing, that distress, 
in its most frightful form, had made its appearance in the 
southern counties. Symptoms of famine had already com- 
menced in Clare, in Limerick, and in Kerry. He had 
already said, that the first exciting cause of discontent 
was the abject state of the peasantry. And in no part of 
Europe, except Poland, were the peasantry so badly off as 
they were in Ireland. In point of food, clothes, and 



382 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

lodging, they were in the lowest state. All the habits of 
the people were low and uncomfortable; and the least 
local misfortune exposed them to distress, and rendered 
them desperate. The absence of great landed proprietors 
was an evil which nothing could effectually compensate ; 
but where that absence was indispensable, it was the duty 
and interest of proprietors to leave behind them agents of 
respectability and character. A great cause of complaint, 
undoubtedly, was the pressure of taxes : but when the 
people cried out against taxes, it was not of general taxes 
they complained ; local taxes, county assessments, formed 
the great source of discontent. Mr. Grant gave one in- 
stance, to shew the increase of those taxes. In the county 
of Cork, previous to the war, the town land-cess amounted 
to between five and six shillings ; it increased during the 
war to twenty pounds. Since the return of peace, it fell 
down to, from twelve to fifteen pounds. 

With respect to tithes, Mr. Grant was of opinion that 
the effect of them was over-rated. But when he heard it 
said, that a moderate commutation of tithes affected the 
established church, he protested against such a conse- 
quence. Surely it was meet that a clergyman commencing 
his sacred functions, should not be obliged to commence 
them by quarrelling with the flock ! He was far from 
intending to say any thing of the clergy that was not to 
their praise. They were a respectable order; and they 
supplied, in no small degree, the place of the absentee 
proprietors. The present system of tithes was vexatious, 
arising mainly from the manner of collecting them. Under 
this system, the farmers and peasants were kept in a state 
of continual fever, and trouble of mind. In the month of 
Mav, two viewers came on the land ; in three or four 
months after, they return to view the crop. In October, 
the tithes are demanded, and the farmer passes his note, 
payable fifteen days before the January sessions. If the 
note be not paid, it is generally renewed, payable fifteen 
days before the April sessions; if not then paid, process 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 383 

is served, and the law takes its course. In April the view- 
ers again come on the land, and thus, throughout the year, 
the mind of the farmer, or wretched peasant, is harassed 
with apprehensions. But the cause of discontent did not 
stop there ; a distrust of British legislation had sunk deep 
in the hearts of the people. They sought not the over- 
throw of the government ; they entertained no revolu- 
tionary notions ; but they had a great distrust of the law, 
because they conceived it was not intended for their benefit 
or protection. 

As to the want of moral instruction in Ireland, it was 
not attributable merely to the want of schools, for there 
were no less than eight thousand schools in that country, 
and, giving each of them fifty scholars, there must be four 
hundred thousand children in the course of education in 
Ireland. Some of the schoolmasters, however, were of the 
worst species, and employed themselves in all the agita- 
tions of the country ; and the books which they put into 
the hands of the people, were calculated to create a fond- 
ness for adventure and secret combination, which were but 
too congenial with their disposition to court danger, and 
their romantic idea of faith and personal attachment. In 
looking to the causes of the want of instruction, Mr. Grant 
said, he could not acquit the clergy, whether Protestant 
or Catholic. The former, in spite of the obligations im- 
posed upon them by their large endowments, and their 
interest in the peace of the country, had till lately thought 
themselves bound only to instruct the Protestants, and 
contemn the Catholics. Some of the Protestant clergy 
were now, however, among the most anxious to diffuse 
the blessings of education. As for the Catholic clergy, 
their neglect was not to be condemned, while the perse- 
cuting code existed. They had then but few stolen visits 
with their flock, and those visits were chiefly confined to 
the offices of religion ; but since that code was relaxed, 
their inattention was culpable. Of the magistracy, he 
spoke with much deference, because there were many of 



384 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

them who possessed much influence, and exerted it most 
beneficially ; nevertheless, there were many among them 
who were totally unfit for the station, and ought not to 
be there. The want of activity was the mildest account 
that could be given of their conduct. The great misfor- 
tune was, that the government was never reduced to the 
necessity of sympathizing with the people ; it had been 
supported by foreign force or foreign fraud. It was clear, 
that with several of the causes of the evils of Ireland, the 
government had now nothing to do. 

Mr. Grant proceeded to observe, that " there were three 
great purposes on which the power of the legislature and 
government could be employed. The first of these was 
the improvement of the constitutional means of defence for 
the people — the police, and the magistracy. The present 
system of police was not effectual, because it had not been 
fairly tried. In those parts where it had been fairly 
worked, it had fully succeeded ; for instance, in the county 
of Longford, where his noble friend, Lord Forbes, one of 
the members of the county, had paid great attention to 
the appointment of the constables. The power of the 
ordinary police w T as there so increased, that any ordinary 
constable could go into a crowded fair to execute an arrest, 
without danger. As to the magistracy, the lord-chancellor 
of Ireland had been for two years collecting information 
respecting the gentlemen most proper to form that body. 
Mr. Grant said, that when he left Ireland, that noble lord 
was prepared with information for the general revision of 
the magistracy, with the exception of two or three counties. 
The second object of legislation was, the establishment of 
schools. The best plan appeared to him to be, to supply 
the funds liberally, at the discretion of the government, 
to all the religious sects, taking care that the purpose on 
which it was expended, always was the moral improve- 
ment of the people. There was now a small fund of three 
or four thousand pounds per annum, supplied to three 
gentlemen, Messrs. Latouche, Woodward, and Dunn, who 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 385 

deserved the highest praise for the liberality and impar- 
tiality with which they exercised the discretion entrusted 
to them. 

The third measure, of still larger importance, was the 
removal of religious disabilities. That great question was 
now in a peculiar position. The visit of the King to 
Ireland, and the appointment of the present Lord Lieu- 
tenant, had created such a feeling, that if the claims of the 
Catholics were still rejected, the result must be the utmost 
distrust and disappointment. All efforts would be vain, 
unless there was a spirit of conciliation and harmony among 
the various classes. It should not be supposed that the 
creation of this spirit was a hopeless task. Wherever the 
attempt had been fairly made, it had succeeded, and with 
mentioning one instance of the kind, he should conclude his 
address. In the county of Limerick there was a populous 
parish, which had entirely escaped the present agitations. 
It was nine miles from the city of Limerick. Though in 
the midst of the disturbances, the clergyman could sleep 
without any additional fastening on his doors, relying on 
the protection of his parishioners, who were almost entirely 
Roman Catholics. At Christmas, the priest, when his 
chapel was full, introduced the Protestant clergyman to his 
Roman Catholic flock, and there, at the altar, he addressed 
his parishioners, in a discourse which lasted half an hour, 
the object of which was to press upon them the propriety of 
continuing in their loyalty ; and at the close, the whole 
of them came forward, and took the oath of allegiance. 
This was not a sudden burst of enthusiasm — it was the 
habit of confidence and good will : and this was the result 
of conciliation and kindness. 

This faithful expose of the miserable and degraded state 
of Ireland, no doubt, contributed much towards drawing- 
attention to the subject, and helped to pave the way to that 
partial redress of grievances which has subsequently taken 
place. We may even perceive in Mr. Grant's speeches the 
germ of those improvements which the present admin istra- 

3 i) 



380 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

tion have instituted, and which are now in progress ; and 
it is reasonable to conclude, that Mr. Grant's personal 
acquaintance with that country, and the information acquired 
during his five years' residence there, must qualify him for 
giving much useful advice, and assisting his colleagues with 
many valuable suggestions respecting the amelioration of 
that unhappy country. 

When Mr. Canning was raised to the premiership, Mr. 
Grant succeeded Mr. Robinson as treasurer of the navy> 
and president of the board of trade, which offices he held 
under the short administrations of Mr. Canning and Lord 
Goderich. When the Tories returned to power under the 
great captain, Mr. Grant retired with Lords Goderich and 
Lansdown. But, though not in office, he lent his aid to the 
service of his country. One of the great difficulties which 
parliament had to encounter, at that time, was the settle- 
ment of the corn question. Accordingly, when the Duke of 
Wellington assumed the ministerial reins, he came forward 
with a plan for the regulation of the trade in corn, the pro- 
posing of which to the House of Commons was committed 
to the hands of Mr. Charles Grant, who, on Monday, March 
31st, 1828, moved, that the house do resolve itself into a 
committee of the whole house, to consider the state of the 
corn laws. 

In introducing his resolutions on this perplexing subject, 
Mr. Grant availed himself of the opportunity to pay a just 
tribute to the memory of Mr. Canning, by reminding the 
house of " that memorable speech in which this subject was 
explained in all its bearings, with all that placid, temperate, 
and chastened eloquence, of which the speaker was as great 
a master, as of every thing that is delightful in fancy or in 
genius, in all their most exquisite forms ;" and then Mr. 
Grant added, that " he was sure, that in the tribute which he 
attempted to pay to the memory of Mr. Canning, he was 
joined, not only by every member of that house, but by 
every feeling and intelligent mind throughout the country.' 
To those who remember what treatment Mr. Canning had 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 387 

received at the hands of certain dukes, marquises, earls, 
and barons, of anti-Canning notoriety, Mr. Grant's qualifi- 
cation must appear very discriminating and emphatical ! 
Nor was it to be expected that he should escape the notice 
of the friends and advocates of those great personages, on 
this occasion. His compliment to Mr. Canning's memory 
raised him up a host of enemies. " The offence was rank/' 
and drew down upon him the ire of the Tory journalists, 
who were pleased to reward Mr. Grant's ofnciousness by 
complimenting him as " a snivelling saint and servile 
Scotchman !" 

Soon after this, Sir Francis Burdett, in a long and able 
speech, moved, u that the House of Commons do resolve 
itself into a committee, to consider the state of the laws 
affecting our Roman Catholic fellow- subjects in Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory 
adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and safety of 
the united kingdom, the stability of the Protestant estab- 
lishment, and the general satisfaction and accordance of all 
classes of his Majesty's subjects." 

The debate being adjourned from Thursday, May the 8th, 
to Monday, May the 12th, Mr. Grant rose to move the order 
of the day for its resumption, and delivered his sentiments 
in an address which commanded great attention, and was 
loudly cheered by the house in every part of it. " We can- 
not enter upon the discussion of this question," said Mr. 
Grant, " without looking at the internal state of Ireland ; 
and the more we do so, the more necessary it becomes for 
us to enter into some inquiry with a view to our arriving at 
some satisfactory results. It appears on all hands, that 
there does exist in Ireland a vast and compact body, exer- 
cising a power not recognized by the government; exercising, 
I may say, a fiscal authority, and collecting sums of money 
from the public, in furtherance of their object : and no 
matter whether the statements we have heard on this subject 
be overcharged, or the deductions made from them, — I say, 
that, if only a slight portion of those statements be true, it 



388 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

is right and fitting that this house should, without delay, 
inquire into them, and to the causes by which they are pro- 
duced. The present state of Ireland affords memorable 
lessons of the impolicy of retaining a prohibitory and perse- 
cuting system of laws, after the necessity which caused their 
enactment has passed away. 

f c The honourable baronet who introduced the motion has 
at once pointed out the evil and suggested the remedy. 
And what, let me ask, are the objections made to that 
remedy ? We are told that the Roman Catholics will not 
rest satisfied with what we propose to give them, conse- 
quently, the tranquillity of Ireland will not be secured. 
Other honourable members object to any concession, on the 
ground of the violent language and extravagant tones in 
which the Roman Catholics express themselves in demand- 
ing what they call their rights. This, sir, is a specimen of 
the kind of argument always used when every improvement 
is resisted, and when oppressive laws, being no longer 
necessary, are sought to be removed. If the law be so 
severe and oppressive as to excite strong feelings, and to 
urge men on to acts of violence and atrocity, are these to be 
the grounds upon which honourable members contend that 
there ought to be no change ? Who is it that produced the 
present state of things in Ireland ? You destroyed the 
influence of rank and property — you threw the body of 
the people at the feet of the incendiary — you have changed 
the whole system ; and why ? because you give to numbers, 
what you refuse to property. I wish to know, sir, what 
benefit can be contemplated by giving to Ireland small por- 
tions of the British constitution, and that by shreds and 
patches ? The very essence of the British constitution is 
equipoise ; but when you give only a part of that consti- 
tution, you destroy this balance, and, instead of conferring a 
benefit, you very probably inflict an injury. 

" Again, the Catholic Association was pointed at as a 
reason why the Irish people would never be satisfied ; and, 
in support of this argument, the violent language, intolerant 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 389 

speeches, and extravagant demands of that body, have been 
cited. But is it not in the very nature of things, that such 
should be the case ? When you refuse every thing, is it 
not natural that the aggrieved persons should ask every 
thing to which they conceive themselves entitled ? In such 
a state of things, the most violent passions naturally become 
the most forward, whilst the more moderate are placed in 
the back ground. But, let this house take a different course 
— let us shew the Irish Catholics that we are willing to hear 
their claims and examine their complaints — and you will 
reverse the case. The moderate party will then come for- 
ward, while the violent will be restrained, and kept within 
bounds. But we are told that the Catholics will not be 
satisfied, inasmuch as they have followed each concession, 
step by step, and will never rest till they have obtained all. 

" Sir, I am ready to admit, not only that they did, but 
that they were entitled to seek more. Sir, it is a delusion 
to say that, after having so far relaxed our laws, we could 
now stop where we are ; it is contrary to history, it is con- 
trary to nature ; and the arguments respecting the danger 
to be apprehended, are totally groundless. As well might a 
person who saw the tide encroaching on the beach, endea- 
vour to stop it half way, from a fear that, when, it reached 
its height, it would deluge the country. 

" The honourable member for Ripon (Sir R. Inglis,) has 
expressed his apprehension for the safety of the established 
church, in the event of any further concessions to the Ro- 
man Catholics. Sir, I am as anxious as the honourable 
member can be on that point. But I should like to ask the 
honourable member, whether he is satisfied about the safety 
of that church, if we continue in the state in which we now 
are ? Does the honourable member suppose that the pre- 
servation of that church consists in securing its tempo- 
ralities, in protecting its influence, and in preserving the 
walls of its cathedrals ? No, sir ! I would preserve the 
established church by watching over its fame and character, 
by supporting the purity of its doctrines, and bv the exeril- 



390 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

plary lives of the teachers of those doctrines. I would 
guard that purity by removing every law which I consider 
degrading and disgraceful to it. And, sir, what, let me ask, 
can be more injurious to our church establishment than the 
imputation that it is a bar to the rights and privileges of a 
great portion of our fellow- subjects ? This is an odium 
which I am most anxious to remove. Let us remove every 
thing which is calculated to cast an unfavourable stigma on 
that church. Let us do this, and we shall deepen its foun- 
dations, and cause it to be looked up to as acting upon the 
pure spirit of its divine Founder. 

" Having alluded to the security of the church, I must 
observe, that there are many honourable and conscientious 
men who are willing to concede the Catholic claims, but 
who are deterred, from an apprehension of some undefined 
danger, and are anxious for securities. Sir, I too am 
anxious for securities ; I think that the Roman Catholics are 
bound to give every security which they have it in their 
power conscientiously to give. The house should bear in 
mind, that, at the close of the war, this country was placed 
in a peculiar situation. All the nations of Europe were col- 
lecting in their resources, and repairing the injuries they 
had sustained. They were also providing for the future by 
removing all disabilities, and thus rooting out animosities, 
and uniting their representative states in one body. We, 
too, began to look to our finances, and curtail our expendi- 
ture — we began to trim the vessel, in order to provide for 
whatever might happen : but we did not follow the example 
of our neighbours — we did not endeavour to remove disabi- 
lities, and thereby consolidate and harmonize our domestic 
resources. We omitted to conciliate Ireland, and to do 
away with the intestine disturbances of that country. It is 
not for me to say, that a war will speedily arrive ; but I do 
say, that in such an event, we are bound to consider what 
prospect have we of success, while Ireland remains in her 
present state ? During the last war, Ireland had, by a 
miraculous interposition, contributed to the safety of this 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 391 

country. During that war, we obtained the empire of the 
seas, and commanded the commerce of the nations. When 
peace came, other nations began to compete with us, and 
property was turned into new channels. We have strength, 
wealth, and wisdom to guide us ; but let no man undervalue 
our united population. Let no man neglect the fact, that 
internal discord retards the efforts, paralyses the exertions, 
and cripples the industry, while it adds, at the same time, 
to the expense and weakness of the nation. The matters of 
which I speak are no secrets to foreigners — they have heard 
them before now ; and there is not a foreign power in 
Europe, who, in the contemplation of a war, has not fixed 
an eye upon Ireland, as our weakest and most vulnerable 
part. Have any remedies been proposed for these evils on 
the other side ? I have heard of none, except the motion to 
dismiss the question, and wait for another session. 

" I am aware, sir, that we have been asked whether this 
measure will help to cultivate the waste lands of Ireland — 
whether it will explore her mines, increase her capital, and 
add to her trade. Sir, I am anxious that all these things 
should be done ; and when they are undertaken, I sincerely 
hope it may be with success ; but I do say, that neither one 
nor the other can succeed, without first adopting this pre- 
liminary measure, which must be the groundwork of all the 
rest. You must root out every fibre of the present system, 
before you can cure that rankling and jealousy to which 
it has given rise, and which tends to keep alive those feel- 
ings which are a bane to social order and internal happiness. 
I place the case of the Catholics of Ireland, and of the Ca- 
tholics of England, not on the temporary grounds of expe- 
diency, not on the limited arguments of policy, not on 
engagements of warriors and sovereigns by stipulation and 
treaty, but I place it on the eternal principles of truth and 
justice. Their claims are founded on obligations of para- 
mount authority, such as no sovereign or warrior can either 
establish or shake — they are founded on that eternal com- 
pact which it is beyond all human power to dissolve — the 



392 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

compact between the governors and the governed — between 
the ruler and his people. It is on these principles that I 
make my appeal to the House of Commons, and through 
them to the people of England — and I know that appeal will 
be answered. I know it will be answered— whether now or 
to-morrow, I cannot say ; but answered it must be, and will 
be, ere long. I see the prognostications of its ultimate suc- 
cess — I see them in every thing around us— I see them in 
this house — I see them out of this house. I may mention 
as one instance, the conduct of the two Universities with 
respect to this question. Oxford has presented but one 
partial petition; and Cambridge, for the first time, has pre- 
sented none at all ! I say, therefore, that I see in every 
thing around me, the anticipations of the ultimate success 
of this question. And if the question must be carried, why 
should it not be carried now ? Why will you not give to 
an act of justice, the grace of an act of generosity ? Let 
the house enter on the consideration of this subject with 
the generous feelings of Englishmen — let us fill up the mea- 
sure of a former legislature — let us complete what they left 
undone, and make the Union which they created, a union in 
reality, as it is in name. I have great anticipation of those 
who in this country wish to see such a union effected — of 
those who are anxious to see the expression used by Mr. 
Pitt verified, in describing what he expected to be the 
effect of the Union — 

" paribus se legibus amba? 



Invictas gentes aeterna in foedera mittant." 

Let us, I say, verify this description — let us teach foreign 
nations that we are really united— let us shew them that 
we are most strong where we have been most vulnerable. 
Let us exhibit the glorious spectacle of a nation, formerly 
weakened by dissensions, but now, by our union, improved 
in resources and stability. Having conquered other nations, 
let us shew them that we know how to conquer ourselves ; 
and let us, on the ruins of our prejudices, erect a monument 
of imperishable greatness." 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 393 

It will not be questioned by any candid and unpreju- 
diced mind, that this speech, delivered, as all Mr. Grant's 
speeches are, in a tone of impassioned eloquence, must 
have produced a sensible impression on the members in 
general, and tended much to dissipate their prejudices, and 
influence their votes. But the cabinet was yet in a divided 
state, and it was not until the commencement of the fol- 
lowing year, that this great act of concession could be 
obtained. On Thursday, March 5th, 1829, Mr. Peel rose, 
as the minister of the crown, to vindicate the advice 
which had been given to the King "by an united cabi- 
net," and to move parliament to take into consideration 
those passages in his Majesty's speech which related to 
the state of Ireland. An adjournment of the debate having 
taken place, Mr. Grant rose first on the succeeding day, to 
deliver his sentiments on the subject. 

He commenced by observing, that the necessity of yield- 
ing to the claims of the Catholics, had been wholly denied 
by some, while by others it had been considered as remote. 
But the period was now arrived, when, as the necessity was 
very generally acknowledged, it could no longer be viewed 
as remote. He would ask, whether, when the session of 
parliament had commenced, there were not six millions of 
people arrived at such a height of disaffection, that a 
single word from one man would have involved the empire 
in civil war ? Up to this year, it had been said that the 
question of Catholic emancipation was interesting to only 
a few individuals, and was totally uninteresting to the 
people of Ireland. The people had now refuted that as- 
sertion, and had come forward voluntarily to identify them- 
selves with the Catholic Association. What, he would ask, 
were the grounds of resisting the claims of the Catholics 
to political power ? That their religion was incompatible 
with their allegiance to their sovereign. Yet in every bill 
which had been passed to relieve the Roman Catholics, 
this principle was abandoned, and the act proceeded with 
the declaration that they were loyal subjects. The member 

3e 



394 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

for Oxford had last night said, that the government was 
not yet reduced to the necessity of concession. He had 
said that a united ministry might be formed, and that the 
Protestants might be rallied, and supported by the army 
of England, to keep down the efforts of the Catholics of 
Ireland. 

This was what his honourable friend called moral force ! 
The honourable member seemed to think that civil war 
was impossible ; but he need only to look back to a period 
of thirty years, when what he considered to be impossible, 
actually took place. The Duke of Wellington, who had 
been accustomed to military command, when a crisis ar- 
rived, declined having recourse to power, and preferred 
conciliation ; whereas his honourable friend, who, he be- 
lieved, had not been much used to military command — 
when that crisis arrived, would have recourse to his system 
of moral force — an appeal to the bayonets of the Protestants 
of Ireland, supported by the bayonets of the army of 
England ! ! Mr. Grant went on to remark that the prin- 
ciple of exclusion could not be found in the bill of rights ; 
and all the great authors, from Bacon to Burke, declare 
that the British constitution is not an exclusive one. He 
regarded the bill about to be introduced, as an act of 
liberality — an act of justice done in a spirit which gave 
to it all the grace of favour. A noble lord (Chandos) had 
declared that he thought the securities to be introduced 
in the proposed measure were good for nothing. In Mr. 
Grant's opinion, the measure did not rely on those securities 
so much as on its own essential principles. The feelings 
of the nobility, the gentry, and the yeomanry of Eng- 
land, were decidedly in favour of the established church ; 
and all those classes were united heart and hand against 
the errors of the Roman Catholic faith. This was the real 
security. For his own part, he looked for securities in the 
affections, not only of the people of this country, but more 
particularly of the people of Ireland. There would now 
be a united kingdom. He was sure that the day the bill 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 395 

received the royal assent, would be for ever remembered 
in Ireland at their solemn meetings, and in their hours of 
conviviality; and that it would be remembered, not as 
the signal of disunion and discord, but as the pledge of 
tranquillity on the one hand, and of protection on the other. 

These references to Mr. Grant's speeches will be sufficient 
to justify what has been said of his liberal sentiments and 
enlightened views of policy, particularly in regard to Ireland. 
But that was not the only subject on which he has distin- 
guished himself. He is an able pleader for the system of 
free-trade, so powerfully advocated by Mr. Huskisson. On 
the 17th of June, 1828, General Gascoyne, member for Liver- 
pool, moved the House of Commons for an inquiry into the 
causes of the apparent diminution of ships, tonnage, and 
men, which had recently taken place in the commercial navy 
of the country. After a speech from Mr. Courtney, then in 
office, Mr. Grant spoke to the following effect. 

He commenced by remarking, that he was glad the right 
honourable gentleman, Mr. Courtney, and those other gen- 
tlemen, whose innocent minds were like blank sheets of 
paper — he was, indeed, happy that these simple-hearted 
persons intended to examine the subject, in order that they 
might have a great field of consideration through the sum- 
mer — he could not but feel sure that the examination would 
end, as it ought to do, in a confirmation of the principles of 
his right honourable friend, Mr. Huskisson. It appeared to 
him, from the shape of the present motion, that it was a 
renewal of those efforts, which had so often been made to 
persuade the house that his right honourable friend had 
failed in his project; and he must confess, that, — notwith- 
standing this was the evening of wonders, he had never 
heard a more extraordinary proposition. It certainly ap- 
peared, from the accounts on the table, that the number of 
the registered vessels was diminished; but if the gallant 
general would only take the trouble to look at the foot of 
the account, he would find the explanation he wished to 
have ! He thought they were very far from having auy just 



396 MR. CHARLES GRANT. 

ground of alarm for the state of British navigation, or the 
maritime interest. The real criterion of the question was, 
what was the actual employment of the ships ? So that, 
even if they had an accurate account of the number of ships, 
it would still be fallacious \ for they would not be able to 
tell how far they would be employed, or whether one half or 
two-thirds of them were lying idle in dock. The gallant 
general appears to have been struck with the diminution of 
the human race ! A complaint had been made, that the 
number of men employed in our shipping had diminished, 
while that of the persons employed in foreign shipping had 
increased. But the truth was, that there had been an in- 
crease in both ; and it was greater in favour of this country 
than of other nations. He admitted that the shipping in- 
terest was in a state of depression ; but that depression did 
not arise from want of employment, but from the want of 
a power to derive a profit from it. The profits of the trade at 
present were very low ; and he was not surprised that men 
who, in 1825, were making such large profits, should now 
complain when those profits were so much reduced. The 
house should not legislate for particular classes; but it 
ought to look at the whole of the vast machine ; and if, on 
the whole, they saw there was a favourable increase of its 
activity, its power, and its productiveness, they should be 
satisfied. He could not regard foreign commerce to this 
country, but as an accession to our general trade. Mr. Grant 
here entered into numerical statements, all tending to shew 
that the commerce of this country, internal and external, 
was in a state which did not justify the complaints which 
were made. He asked whether, under these circumstances, 
England was to fear the competition of other nations — 
whether her commerce was in jeopardy from their efforts, 
when they saw that, notwithstanding all the disadvantages 
under which this country laboured, the tonnage in her trad- 
ing increased beyond that of any other nation, even when 
theirs increased, but also increased when at the same time 
theirs had diminished. 



MR. CHARLES GRANT. 3&J 

It is incompatible with our restricted limits, to trace the 
labours of Mr. Grant, in discussing the various measures of 
trade and finance which have, from time to time, engaged 
the attention of parliament, such as the silk-trade, the duties 
on sugar imported, &c. &c. ; on all which his judgment has 
always been deferred to by the house, and allowed to have 
great weight. 

We are not aware that Mr. Grant has ever employed his 
great and commanding talents on the all-engrossing subject 
of parliamentary reform ; and this circumstance has induced 
a suspicion in the minds of some, that he is no friend to the 
measure. We do not, however, yield to that suspicion : he 
has invariably given his vote in favour of it, which is surely 
no slight test of evidence that he approves of it. We do not 
recollect that he took any part in the debates respecting the 
repeal of the Corporation and Test acts ; and yet the manner 
in which he exerted his eloquence, to procure emancipation 
for the Irish Catholics, forbids us to entertain the opinion 
that he was indifferent about the former measure, the secur- 
ing of which almost unavoidably drew the latter in its train. 
Mr. Grant is evidently a modest, unassuming man, less 
aware than others are of his superior acquirements, and 
less solicitous about displaying them ; add to which, that he 
is often disqualified, by indisposition, for taking an active 
part in the debates. The office which he holds in the pre- 
sent cabinet, president of the India board, is a very important 
one, and such as demands superior talents, and no ordinary 
exertions to manage : — -with any deficiency of the former, 
Mr. Grant has never been accused $ it is for him to supply 
the latter. 



398 LORD DURHAM. 



THE RT. HON. 



LORD DURHAM, 

Lord Privy Seal. 



John-George Lambton, Baron Durham, takes his surname 
from the manor of Lambton, in the county of Durham, of 
which his lordship's ancestors have been possessed from 
time immemorial. Surtees, in his history of that county, 
tells us, that u no earlier owners of Lambton are on record, 
than the ancient and honourable family which still bears the 
local name. The regular pedigree can only be traced from 
the twelfth century, many of the family records having been 
destroyed in the civil wars : but the previous residence of 
the family is well proved by attestations of charters and 
incidental evidence, from a period very nearly approaching 
to the Norman wars. " Thus, John de Lambton was wit- 
ness to a charter of Uchtred de Wodeshend, about the year 
1180; John de Lambton was also witness to a charter of 
Alexander, one of the Scottish kings, of lands granted to 
William de Swynburne in 1260; and Richard de Lambton, 
to charters of Finchale Abbey, about 1270. Robert de 
Lambton was lord of the manor of Lambton in 1314, and 
died in 1350. From him, the present Lord Durham is the 
sixteenth in lineal descent. Intermarriages with nearly all 
the great northern families have long insured to his ancestors 
a leading influence in the county and city of Durham, one or 
other of which they have generally represented in parlia- 
ment, from the earliest period at which the elective franchise 
was extended to those places. 




' I I Lawrence, E RA-. 



Enjravea V; J. Cochrar. 



THE RT HO^bxe • JOBTN-GEOIU^E L.VM BT< >.\. BAItON DURHAM 





in 



LORD DURHAM. 399 

William-Henry Lambton, the father of the present Lord 
Durham, was born 16th November, 1764, and represented 
the city of Durham in three parliaments. He married 
Lady Anne Barbara-Frances Villiers, daughter of the Earl of 
Jersey, and by her had five children, the eldest of whom is 
the subject of this memoir. William-Henry Lambton, Esq, 
died Nov. 30th, 1797 ', and his widow, who afterwards mar- 
ried the Hon. Charles-William Wyndham, brother to the 
Earl of Egremont, fell a martyr to the cholera morbus, on 
the 21st of April, 1832, at the age of 61, after a few hours 
illness. 

Lord Durham was born on the 12th of April, 1792, and 
on the 1st of January, 1812, married Miss Henrietta Chol- 
mondeley, by whom he had three daughters ; but, losing 
their mother, who died on the 11th of July, 1815, his lord- 
ship, on the 9th of December, 1816, was united to his pre- 
sent lady, the daughter of Earl Grey, by whom he has had 
issue, two sons and two daughters. Of those, the eldest 
son, the Hon. Charles-William Lambton, was snatched 
away, during the year 1831, to the great grief of his parents 
and the family, at the age of fourteen. 

An opinion has been propagated for some time past, and 
it seems to have gained credibility by time, and the gradual 
development of circumstances, that, whether the present 
very extensive plan of reform be such as the exigence of the 
case required or not, it owes its origination to the powerful 
mind of Lord Durham. One thing is certain, that though 
the subject of parliamentary reform had not infrequently 
been introduced before his lordship entered the House of 
Commons, yet no measure so comprehensive had been 
hinted at by Lord Chatham, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, or even 
Earl Grey, until Lord Durham, then Mr. Lambton, brought 
forward the subject of parliamentary reform, ten years ago, 
when a member of the House of Commons, in a speech 
which comprised much constitutional information ; and as 
it may afford matter of curious speculation to the reader to 
compare the plan then submitted to the honourable house, 



400 LORD DURHAM. 

with that which has recently occupied the public mind, we 
shall here produce it. 

On the 17th of April, 1821, pursuant to notice previously 
given, Mr. Lambton, then member for Durham, rose to 
bring under review the present state of our representative 
system. Averse as he was at all times to trespass on the 
attention of the house, at none was he ever more reluctant 
than at present, to introduce a subject of the highest moment, 
and demanding from them the most calm and dispassionate 
consideration. Nothing but an imperious sense of duty, and 
an anxious desire to see an end put to that spirit of discon- 
tent which was now pervading all classes of society, would 
have induced him to take up a question of such mighty 
importance. He knew that he had to contend against the 
disinclination of the house to listen to discussions of this 
nature — a disinclination or dislike, which it was natural for 
all men to feel, to the hearing of charges made against itself, 
and of arguments founded on those charges. If any evidence 
were wanting, to prove the existence of this aversion, it might 
surely be found in the state of the benches opposite !* He 
must confess that he was almost tempted to take advantage 
of the circumstance, to submit his proposition, and at once 
take the sense of the house upon it. An immediate division 
would, he believed, shew that the honourable friends by 
whom he was surrounded, did for once outnumber the sup- 
porters of his Majesty's ministers. Under all the circum- 
stances, however, he was not disposed to adopt this course ; 
and should only remark, that if it was meant as an insult to 
himself, he treated it with contempt — if as an insult to the 
question and to the people, he felt only indignation ; and 
trusted, that it would not be lost on, or forgotten by, the 
people. He trusted they would hereafter bear in mind in 
what way the subject on which they had rested all their 
hopes, was treated by the other side, where, of all his 
Majesty's ministers, he now perceived only the right honour- 

* The ministerial side of the house was, at the moment, very sparingly 
occupied by honourable members. 



LORD DURHAM. 401 

able twins, (Messrs. Vansittart and Bathurst,) united in 
principle, as well as in representing the oyster-dredgers of 
Harwick ! 

Mr. Lambton said, the house might be assured, that he 
was fully sensible of the disadvantage under which he 
laboured in following the eminent men who had distin- 
guished themselves as advocates of this cause — men who 
shed as bright a lustre on it, as the cause, however honour- 
able, could reflect upon them. He was aware, too, that he 
should have to encounter the splendid eloquence of a right 
honourable gentleman, Mr. Canning, who was always fore- 
most in his hostility to this question, and who resisted, with 
more than ordinary zeal, that extended system of ameliora- 
tion, which it was his (Mr. Lambton's) intention to propose. 
In this situation he threw himself upon the indulgence of the 
house, and would assure the honourable member for Boston, 
that he was impelled to this undertaking by the voice of the 
people, loudly and steadily uttering their complaints, and 
tracing the distresses which they endured to a course of mis- 
management and misrule that could not have taken place, 
but for the corruptions which prevailed in the organization 
of that house. They were often told that we lived in dan- 
gerous times ; and he readily admitted, that they were 
indeed awful and portentous — sad from a recollection of the 
past, and gloomy from a too obvious anticipation of the 
future. A spirit of discontent was abroad, and it would be 
satisfied with nothing vain or unsubstantial. The public 
mind had expanded ; a prodigious increase of knowledge 
had been obtained by the population at large; it was no 
longer possible to blind or deceive them. He was enabled 
since he came into the house to justify this part of his 
argument, by an authority on which he had not calculated — 
he meant the authority of Mr. Justice Best, who, in a late 
address to a grand jury, had remarked, that knowledge had 
been greatly extended, and that a state of knowledge was so 
different from a state of ignorance, that it would be as 
absurd to apply the same regulations to both, as to treat in 

3 F 



402 LORD DURHAM. 

the same way things that had, and things that had not, 
animation. 

Mr. Lambton proceeded to say, that he had enjoyed an 
ample opportunity of examining the habits, opinions, and 
feelings of the people in the northern counties, and he must 
state, that he had been astonished at their improvement. 
When engaged on his canvass, there was not a village, how- 
ever remote or secluded, in w T hich he was not questioned 
upon every important branch of our national interests, and 
reminded of those abuses which required correction. This 
was not the case twenty years ago ; but as knowledge had 
succeeded to ignorance, independence had taken the place of 
apathy, and would display itself whenever a fit opportunity 
should arrive. Had it not then become necessary to make 
some concessions, to give some satisfaction to the people ? 
Our national debt amounted to eight hundred and fifty 
millions — our annual taxation to fifty-three millions. We 
had a sinking fund which was a mere deception ; a system of 
collecting the revenue most burdensome and inconvenient ; 
commerce was every where depressed ; agriculture was 
represented as standing in need of. a relief which must be 
destructive of our manufactures, and the class of agricultural 
labourers were undoubtedly in a state not far removed from 
starvation. We had a large standing army — a subject of so 
much jealousy to our ancestors, though of none to us, and 
the maintenance of it was one of the reasons assigned for 
depriving James IT. of his throne. A system of corruption 
was actively at work, and was so firmly established, that 
seats in parliament were openly advertised to be sold. At 
the same time we were subject to perpetual alarms of treason 
and rebellion, and were informed but the other night by a 
noble lord, (Palmerston,) that we were only now in the first 
year of domestic peace. Our jails were overflowing, and 
our feelings shocked by barbarous executions resulting from 
the defective state of our criminal jurisprudence. If we 
turned our eyes abroad for consolation, the view was not 
less gloomy. We beheld repeated sacrifices of national 



LORD DURHAM. 403 

honour, and of faith solemnly pledged. Norway, Genoa, 
basely surrendered, and all free intercourse prevented with 
other countries by measures such as the alien act, repug- 
nant to every principle of freedom and civilization. 

We were now conniving at the endeavours of that 
unholy league, which had designated itself as "The Holy 
Alliance," to crush the awakening spirit of other states, 
and whose sacrilegious object it was to rivet for ever the 
chains which those states had already worn too long. 
Our foreign policy had in fact degraded the character 
which we formerly maintained ; and, instead of being re- 
garded with esteem and respect, we had been the object 
of distrust, jealousy, and hatred. It was natural, then, that 
every mind should be intent to discover causes of such 
consummate misery and disgrace ; and, unfortunately, it 
was not necessary to look far. That clause which ought to 
be a rock of security and defence to the people, was itself 
the source of the wrongs and grievances complained of. 

" Hoc fonte derivata clades 

In patriam, populumque fluxit." 

The people of this country had nobly struggled against 
the violent efforts once made to enslave them, and it was 
afterwards discovered that the arms of corruption were 
more prevailing than military force. So powerful indeed 
had they been found, that if we had any liberty remaining, 
it ought in fairness to be attributed to the forbearance of the 
government itself. Could any man say, who contemplated 
the legions of civil troops at the command of ministers ; 
the vast multitude of commissioners, tax-gatherers, and 
clerks ; the establishments of excise and customs, and of 
those connected with the army and navy — that the people 
had any chance of resisting such an influence? The sys- 
tem of checks, which was the boasted perfection of our 
constitution, was completely overthrown ; the people were 
entirely taken out of the balance. The groat and only 
effectual check upon the crown, the power of refusing sup- 
plies, had become null and void. Many of the members 



404 LORD DURHAM. 

of that house were returned directly by the crown, and 
some were returned by themselves. The augmentation of 
the public debt, under these circumstances, was no matter 
of surprise, any more than the commencement of wars, 
which uniformly ended in making the condition of the 
people more miserable. 

Every true lover of his country must therefore desire to 
see the influence of the crown diminished, and a repre- 
sentative system adopted, that should admit the popular 
feeling as one of the elements of its composition. In the 
present constitution of parliament, the sense of the people 
might be said to be altogether omitted. For, although a 
few members were elected by the present means, it might 
be shewn that a hundred and eighty individuals returned 
three hundred and fifty members, or a majority, in that 
house. In most instances, there was not even the 
shadow of popular delegation. Gentlemen accepted the 
Chiltern hundreds when they could not vote according to 
the wishes of their patrons; but who ever heard of their 
doing so out of deference to their constituents, if they had 
any, or to the country at large ? Nothing could more 
distinctly shew the practice of voting for this or that 
measure, on the mere recommendation of ministers, than 
the final vote to which the house came, on the famous, or 
rather infamous, expedition to Walcheren ! To prevent 
the further continuance of such a state of things, and the 
recurrence of measures such as these, was the object of his 
present motion. 

In order that the people might be more equally repre- 
sented, and in consequence have the influence over their 
representatives which might make the latter hesitate be- 
fore they consented to acts which affected the safety and 
the existence, of the rights, the properties, and the free- 
dom of their constituents, Mr. Lambton said, that he 
considered there ought to be an extension of the elec- 
tive franchise to three other classes besides the free- 
holders — namely, the leaseholders, copyholders, and house- 



LORD DURHAM. 405 

holders paying rates and taxes. There ought also to be 
a disfranchisement of all corrupt and venal boroughs. He 
would not here weary the attention of honourable gen- 
tlemen by entering at any length into the history of the 
constitution of the house, but lie would very shortly re- 
capitulate one or two points which it might be material 
to state. 

In the reign of Edward the Third, parliaments ceased 
to be held annually, in consequence of a disinclination on 
the part of sovereigns to summon parliaments, and on 
the part of representatives to attend them ; a reluctance, 
arising on the one hand from too great a tendency to 
arbitrary principles ; and on the other — from what he had 
ever conceived to be one of the worst symptoms of na- 
tional character — a want of spirit and zeal on the part of 
the people. Nay, to such a height was that vicious re- 
luctance carried, that in this same reign a statute was 
enacted, by which the wages to be paid by shires and 
boroughs to their members were ascertained and fixed. 

In the 16th year of the reign of Charles the Second, an 
act was passed of a most important nature ; for it di- 
rected, that, in future, parliaments should be holden every 
three years ; and then the 6th of William and Mary re - 
cited in the preamble, that frequent parliaments tended very 
much to the welfare and happiness of the people, and went 
on to ordain that parliaments should be triennial. 

The next statute it was necessary for him to notice, was 
that of the 1st of Geo. I. c. 38. and that virtually repealed 
the two preceding ones. It set forth, that it had been found 
by experience, that the act of William and Mary, limiting 
the duration of parliaments to three years, had been found 
grievous and vexatious, tending to excite jealousies and 
contentions, and to incur expense, besides keeping the 
country in a state of unquietness. This act, commonly 
called " the Septennial Act," was not passed without warm 
and repeated debates : and, in the protests which were 
entered on the journals of the House of Peers, he found 



406 LORD DURHAM. 

arguments which were at once so applicable and so cogent, 
that he could not refrain from stating them in substance to 
the house. Those protests, after tracing the law of fre- 
quent and new parliaments as one agreeable to the constitu- 
tion of these realms, and to the constitution as it existed at 
that day, and after denying the right of a parliament elected 
for a term of three years, to extend the period of its duration 
to seven, proceeded to observe, as the opinion of the sub- 
scribing peers, that " we conceive septennial parliaments, so 
far from preventing corruption, will rather increase it ; for, 
the longer the existence which a parliament has, the greater 
will be the danger of corruption, as seats become, on that 
account, the more valuable." 

They held that the establishment of septennial parlia- 
ments would place at the disposal of any bad minister who 
chose to avail himself of them, the certain means of pur- 
chasing and bestowing seats in parliament, and offices under 
the government, by the distribution of which they might be 
enabled to effect any measure, however injurious in its ten- 
dency to the honour of the crown, the purity of parliament, 
or the interests of the people. This septennial act, indeed, 
which he could not but characterize as the most daring and 
most unconstitutional exercise of parliamentary authority 
that ever was attempted within these walls, was undoubtedly 
founded upon circumstances of temporary necessity. It was 
only to be justified upon the fact, that if it had not passed, 
there would have been a new election 5 and it might have 
been doubtful whether (especially after the recent events 
which had then given cause of perhaps just apprehension to 
the government) a majority in that case would not be re- 
turned to parliament adverse to the Brunswick family, and 
to all those great principles which had lately placed them 
on the throne. He was aware that historians differed very 
greatly on this subject; but his own opinion on the matter 
was, that however much posterity might rejoice for the 
events in consequence of which this statute was obtained, 
yet that it would always consider it as perhaps the most 



LORD DURHAM. 407 

daring encroachment on rights which had been bequeathed 
to us by our ancestors, that any parliament had ever ventured 
to commit. He should not, therefore, under those impres- 
sions, have intended, for one moment, to propose any mea- 
sure to the house of this kind, which did not include the 
great object of triennial parliaments, thinking, as he did, 
that it was essentially necessary for the representative and 
his constituents to meet more frequently than they now met; 
and that the lengthened duration of parliaments operated to 
render the representative forgetful of those interests which 
he was returned to protect. 

The next great point to which he begged to call the 
attention of the house, regarded the electors and the elected. 
After a great deal of inquiry and research, he remained con- 
vinced, that, down to the reign of Henry VI., all persons 
possessing property, of which they paid a certain proportion 
towards the support of the state, had a right of voting in the 
election of members to serve in parliament. And this posi- 
tion he could confirm by various ancient state documents 
and acts of parliament. King Edward I., in his writ to the 
sheriffs, required the return of two knights from every shire 
or county, to represent it in parliament, and of two citizens, 
or burgesses, from each borough. And he assigned as a 
reason, that matters which concerned all should be known 
to all, and by them, through their representatives, be regu- 
lated ; and that they who possessed the property which was 
to be protected, should nominate whom they would choose 
to discharge such an office on their behalf. It was in the 
same spirit that Edward III., in answer to the petitions 
of his Commons for annual parliaments, and the return of 
knights of the shire to represent the counties in them, 
replied, " As to the parliament, it hath been required that 
it shall meet every year ; and there be statutes and ordi- 
nances of the land made and enacted in that behalf: let 
them be duly kept and observed. As for the return of 
knights of the shire, the king willeth that they shall be 
returned by the ' whole' county." 



408 LORD DURHAM. 

By the seventh of Henry IV., the house would find that 
this ancient right was formally and solemnly recognized in 
the statute-book; and, in cap. 15, there was this singular 
sentence — " Our Lord, the King, hath the grievous com- 
plaints of his Commons as to the undue returns made for 
certain shires." It proceeded to provide as a remedy, that 
at the next county court, after the delivery of the writ for 
such return, " all they which shall be then and there pre- 
sent, as well suitors as they that shall be summoned, and 
others, shall attend the election forthwith of such knight," 
&c. Now, as if the word cc suitors" was not a sufficient 
description, the word (( others" was added : and this proved 
that all free Englishmen had then an undoubted right of 
voting in the return of their representatives. The eleventh 
of Henry IV. recognized the same principle : and the first of 
Henry V. did so too, but it made a certain qualification 
necessary in the elector. At a period of 130 years after the 
first of these statutes, which he had been quoting, came 
the act of the eighth of Henry VI., under which the right 
of exercising the elective franchise was now regulated and 
ascertained : for, down to this statute, it had existed, as he 
had shewn, under very different circumstances. The pre- 
amble was the most extraordinary one imaginable. It 
recited, that — a Whereas the elections of knights of the 
shires, which had of late been held, had been made in 
tumults, and in heats and disorders ; and whereas riots, 
contentions, and batteries" — (the house would suppose, 
naturally enough, that it went on, l( did occur :" no such 
thing, but) " shall very likely occur :" then it proceeded to 
enact, that the right of voting should be limited to free- 
holders, having freeholds of the yearly value of 40s. 

From this period was to be derived the first transfer of 
the elective franchise from all freeholders and freemen of 
England to freeholders of 40s. a year ; a period, he would 
observe by the way, which was marked by the adoption of 
another daringly oppressive act, compelling labourers and 
artificers to work for certain lower wages than they then 



LORD DURHAM. 409 

obtained. As, therefore, all Englishmen contributing to 
defray the burdens of the state, thus enjoyed the right of 
electing their representatives till the 8th of Henry VI., so 
they now ought to resume those rights which had been 
treacherously wrested from their ancestors ; for the pre- 
amble of this very act shewed, that such was in truth the 
case. The 23d of Henry VI., recognized the enactments of 
the former statute, and recited an act which was passed in 
the 1st of Henry V. That act related entirely to residence, 
which it made a necessary qualification in the elector. It 
was not until the 14th of George III., that the laws relating 
to this qualification of residence was repealed ; and for that 
repeal, the act he had last mentioned assigned a very ridi- 
culous reason, viz. that they had become obsolete. The 
fact was, that they had been disregarded, from this most 
cogent motive — that they were exceedingly inconvenient to 
successive administrations. In their stead, a principle had 
been substituted, that the right of electing remained the 
same in the free-holder, resident or non-resident. Was 
this a principle, he would ask, at all applicable to the pre- 
sent system of borough representation ? It might be curious 
to inquire how some of those boroughs were represented, but 
much more so, how they returned their representatives. 
Many of them were places which had been formerly opulent 
and populous, but which were now deserted and decayed ; 
consisting, perhaps, not of the tenements and houses, and 
inhabitants, but only of a few solitary posts and stones, just 
serving to denote the site of the dwellings to which they 
once had been attached ; and members were returned to 
parliament for those places by those substances ! These 
were the constituents who were entitled to return them. 

If he were to ask such a question of certain honourable 
gentlemen whom he saw in that house, and they would 
answer him (which he very much doubted,) they would 
declare, most of them, that they had never been blessed 
with the sight of their constituents ; or if any of them had 
had that felicity, and had travelled down post to the Lands- 

3g 



410 LORD DURHAM. 

End, for the purpose of being returned to parliament, it 
would appear that they had carried with them the whole of 
their constituents locked up in their own trunks, after hav- 
ing been suddenly withdrawn from the dusty privacy and 
retirement of the solicitor's office. It was necessary for 
him to declare that he should propose to disfranchise these 
boroughs, and all corrupt and venal boroughs, entirely. Mr. 
Pitt had once proposed, and a similar proposition had very 
recently been proposed by Lord John Russell, that com- 
pensation should be made to such boroughs as should be 
disfranchised. He should decidedly say, that it ought not : 
for, if this venal right, this white slave-trade, which they 
exercised, had no legal foundation, he knew of no principle 
upon which it could be proper to give a compensation for 
it. They would still have all their constitutional property, 
their chartered and private rights ; but surely they could 
not expect remuneration for privileges which violated this 
general integrity of their common rights. The members of 
parliament, down to the reign of Henry VIII., it appeared, 
received wages from their constituents j and the same cus- 
tom might be said, in some places, to prevail now, with 
this difference indeed, that the principle had been just 
inverted — the principle had sustained a total change, be- 
cause, in certain places, the representatives might rather be 
said to pay their constituents' wages ! Unfortunately, the 
people of England did not feel that they had much bene- 
fited by the change. Certainly, as Mr. Locke had once 
well observed, there could be no fair principle assigned why 
the representatives of boroughs without any actual exist- 
ence, should have an equal right to vote away the public 
money, or to vote on questions involving public interests, 
with those who were returned by real communities, the 
possessors of the wealth, and the objects affected in fact by 
such questions. 

Mr. Lambton next proceeded to remark, that he did hold, 
that in extending the franchise he must have some basis to 
go upon, and that he knew no basis preferable to that of 



LORD DURHAM. 411 

property. The possession of a certain property gave a man 
a real interest in the return of a representative, at the same 
time that it removed from him that temptation which, if he 
were poor and dependent, he must be almost necessarily 
exposed to in the giving of his vote. He had no hesitation 
in avowing, that, owing to the lapse of time, and the opera- 
tion of other causes, he conceived that the state of our repre- 
sentation had fallen into decay, and that it exhibited defects 
and faults which called for reformation. He was not so 
infatuated with his own ideas as to suppose that the plan 
which he had to recommend to the house, was the best that 
could be adopted ; but he deemed it proper to explain, if 
the house would indulge him for a short time, how it would 
work ; and he would endeavour to bring its principal fea- 
tures fairly before the view of the house. He might be 
allowed to premise, that the principle of a change in the 
system of representation was by no means new, as might be 
shewn from a great variety of acts of parliament, as early as 
the reign of Henry VIII.* The 27th of Henry VIII., regu- 
lated the representation of the principality of Wales. The 
35th of the same reign ascertained the parliamentary wages 
to be paid to knights of the shire, and burgesses returned 
for Wales ; and an act of the 34th, the preceding year, 
recited, that whereas the county palatine of Chester had 
hitherto been excluded from sending members to parlia- 
ment, in consequence whereof it had sustained very great 
detriment and damage, therefore it was enacted, that there- 
after the county should send two knights, and the city two 
burgesses, to parliament. The next was a statute which he 
certainly felt a peculiar interest in, or otherwise he should 
not at that moment have had the honour of addressing the 
house on this subject. 

It was the 35th of Charles II., which enacted, that " the 
county of Durham, having habitually paid all levies, rates, 
and taxes, like all other counties, was therefore equally 
authorized, and should thenceforward be entitled, to send 
two members to parliament." After directing the attention 



412 LORD DURHAM. 

of the house to this statute, he thought he might with a 
better grace proceed to submit one or two propositions in 
favour of the unrepresented portion of the people of Eng- 
land. Now, these three classes, householders, leaseholders, 
and copyholders, ee as a remedy to restore rest, quietness, 
and peace," (in the words of the statute of Henry IV.) to 
this kingdom, he should propose to be admitted into the 
participation and enjoyment of the elective franchise. He 
had divided the bill which he had prepared into several 
parts ; the heads of which he would now recapitulate. He 
did not intend to go through the details of the bill at all \ 
but it might be convenient that he should state compendi- 
ously its objects. It had been one of the objections always 
urged against reformers, that, whatever they proposed, they 
offered nothing that was practicable. But he thought this 
bill, in the preparation of which he begged to acknowledge 
the great and valuable assistance of a legal friend, would be 
found capable of immediate application. 

The first part related to housekeepers, and the division of 
counties into districts, for the purpose of enabling such 
housekeepers, paying rates and taxes, to vote. The second 
part added to those at present qualified to elect in county 
elections, copy-holders and lease-holders, but it touched the 
present system of county representation in no other way 
than this. And here it was proper to state, that the two 
universities were left entirely as they are at present. The 
third part was to repeal the septennial act, and to make the 
duration of parliaments triennial. As to the first part of 
his plan — the division of counties into districts, in order to 
enable housekeepers to vote ; the effect of it would be to 
give a representative to every five and twenty thousand 
inhabitants, out of which number (reckoning one in ten to 
pay rates and taxes,) there would be two thousand five 
hundred electors. He assumed the population of England 
and Wales at ten millions and a half of persons ; and these 
would be represented by four hundred and seventeen mem- 
bers, to be returned, taking away, in this calculation, the 



LORD DURHAM. 413 

county members, and the members of rotten boroughs. He 
had originally estimated the number of constituents to each 
representative, at three thousand, seven hundred, and fifty j 
but it appeared on further consideration, that this estimate 
would be possibly rather exaggerated ; and, taking one in 
ten as a payer of rates and taxes, he was disposed to fix 
their number at two thousand five hundred. 

The right of election, according to this bill, was to be in 
all inhabitant householders being bona fide rated, paying 
rates and taxes, and having paid them for six months before 
the election, and never having received parochial relief. 
The next subject on which he had felt most anxious was, as 
to the returning officer ; of course, much would depend on 
his performance of the duties assigned him, and he (Mr. 
Lambton) had provided that he was to be annually elected 
by the overseers and churchwardens of the town-district 
every fourth Monday after Easter. He also proposed to 
authorize this officer to appoint a deputy to arrange all 
minor details, and to reside always on the spot. Then, with 
a view to provide for the impartiality of the returning officer, 
he had inserted a clause, rendering him liable to be punished 
by imprisonment in case of malversation. It was proposed 
to enable any individual who should be elected to the office 
to decline it upon paying the sum of £200, for the poor of 
the parish. The polling was to be opened in the chief 
towns in every district ; to be kept open eight hours each 
day, and not to last more than six days. Then there was a 
provision to furnish the sheriff, in all instances, with a suffi- 
cient quantity of polling books. The elections he should 
not like to have removed from the principal towns and 
places where they were now held. It was a good, that on 
these occasions there should prevail all that bustle, spirit, 
and interest, by which elections were characterized, and that 
the candidates should so be under the necessity, as it were, of 
meeting large bodies of their constituents openly and fairly. 
One particular arrangement was, that in districts consisting 
of more than one parish, the votes of persons residing nw' 



414 LORD DURHAM. 

miles and upwards from the principal town, might be polled 
before the churchwarden or overseer of the parish where 
they were so resident, and that this subordinate polling 
might last three days, and the result of it be regularly 
transmitted to the place of election every evening. He had 
also provided for giving ample notices of elections. The 
sheriff was directed to issue his precept within three days 
after the receipt of the writ, and the returning officer was 
then bound to proceed to election within thirty -six hours 
after the receipt of the precept. Thus it was calculated that 
the election could always be completed (without the inter- 
vention of a Sunday) in six days. No alteration was pro- 
posed in the oaths, as directed by the 30th Charles II., and 
the 1st George I., excepting so far as regarded the exten- 
sion of the franchise to householders, leaseholders, and copy- 
holders. All persons having now a right of voting were to 
preserve it for the remainder of their lives, and it was then 
(in cases where a franchisement was proposed by the bill,) 
to cease and determine. The expenses of clerks, booths, 
&c, it was proposed to defray by a slight county-rate, or a 
warrant signed by the returning officer and another magis- 
trate. This was a principle of the ancient law, for it was 
first vested in these parties by the 2/th Elizabeth, commonly 
called " The Hue-and-cry act." It was also recognized by 
the 31st George II., and by the 57th George III. 

As to enabling lease and copy holders to vote, the justice 
of this provision could hardly be disputed. Without going 
into any history of feudal times, it was sufficient to say, 
that, whatever effect this operation might once have had, 
copyhold was now as good property as leasehold : the 
copyholder could no longer be deprived by the will of his 
lord. Under the 15th George III., county pollings might 
be kept open for fifteen days —he should propose to reduce 
this duration to ten days only. One of the subjects of the 
bill related to disqualifications to sit in parliament. He 
should propose to disqualify all those who, having duties to 
perform abroad, it was morally impossible could properly 



LORD DURHAM. 415 

discharge their duties to their constituents at home. 
Under this clause would of course come ambassadors to 
foreign courts, governors of colonies, and military and 
naval officers. The bill would extend only to England and 
Wales. A noble friend of his intended to give notice of 
a motion on the same subject relative to Scotland, and 
therefore he did not think of including it in the operation 
of his measure. 

It now remained for him to say, that he should not at 
present propose to introduce the bill which embodied these 
different objects, but rather follow the example of his right 
honourable friend, (Mr. Plunkett,) when he moved for a 
committee, in the first instance, to consider of the laws 
affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects ; and he 
(Mr. Lambton) should therefore move, "that this house 
do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to 
consider the present state of the representation." If the 
house should grant him the committee, he should therein 
move certain resolutions, which would be founded on the 
principle of Lord Chatham, "that for men to be taxed 
without being represented, is contrary to all justice." 
Mr. Lambton said, his bill contained the form of an oath 
to be administered to the electors at the time of polling, 
which endeavoured, as much as possible, to guard against 
the possibility of all bribery and corruption in elections. 

Mr. Lambton concluded by vindicating the measure 
which he was desirous of introducing, and offered some 
free strictures on the treatment which similar attempts 
had been met with on former occasions. In thus advocating 
an extended franchise, he said, he was aware that he was 
exposing himself to the misrepresentations of many, the 
taunts of some, and the fears of others. These fears arose 
out of a system of alarm, which was first created by Mr. 
Pitt, at the commencement of the French Revolution, to 
cover the abandonment of his early principles j and now 
it was that danger was to be conjured up, and mischiefs 
were to be denounced, as the consequences of what was 



416 LORD DURHAM. 

termed innovation. Their minds were still to be alarmed 
by predictions of ruin, by visions of anarchy and confusion, 
when a measure was to be proposed, by which the people 
were to be put in possession of those rights which their 
own ancestors had enjoyed in prosperous tranquillity. 
He should have thought, indeed, that to confer on them 
franchises, was to retain them in submission to the laws 
and the constitution which those franchises gave them so 
direct and so apparent an interest in preserving. He should 
have thought, that to preserve them with the most valuable 
privilege of citizens, was to ensure that tranquillity in 
which alone it could be effectually exercised. He should 
have thought, that to concede those franchises, so far from 
an innovation, would be merely to do that for the people 
which their ancestors had done for them in the cases of 
Wales, of Durham, and of Chester — acts which former par- 
liaments had recorded on their journals in a way the most 
solemn and authentic. 

The system pursued towards the people of this king- 
dom, by the honourable gentlemen opposite, was, in- 
deed, a widely different one. Their claims, and their 
representations, on this head, were met by every species 
of neglect or indifference ; or by every kind of ridi- 
cule which the art and the ingenuity of the honourable 
member for Liverpool (Mr. Canning) could suggest to him. 
The right of petition to parliament, and of meeting to 
petition for redress of grievances, had been fatally abridged; 
and the result was, a sullen silence on the part of the 
people, more alarming than any loud and open expression 
of their feelings. But surely that house never could forget 
the insecurity of power founded on the sword, and on the 
sword alone. And when he alluded to the repressed de- 
claration of public opinion, he would tell these honourable 
gentlemen, that that public it was in their power to con- 
ciliate, but they could never hope to coerce. Yet, when 
this was the state of the country, and of parliament, him- 
self, and they who acted with him on such occasions as 



LORD DURHAM. 41/ 

the present, were to be called innovators. He should 
really be glad to know who were the real innovators on 
the British constitution— they who would restore to the 
people their ancient franchises and rights, or they who had 
violated the right of petition, suspended the habeas corpus 
act, and passed bills of indemnity ? He contended that 
he was not an innovator upon the institutions of the 
country — all he asked of the house was, to restore to the 
people those rights which had been enjoyed, exercised, and 
recognized in their forefathers. Against such propositions, 
two notable arguments had been adduced : — one, that the 
present system, though it might be theoretically bad, 
worked well ; the other, that rotten boroughs were useful 
for introducing into parliament, talented young men without 
property. 

Now, as to the first argument, it would be strange if 
the right honourable and honourable gentlemen, whose 
families benefited so largely by the money they derived 
from it, should for a moment think it worked otherwise 
than admirably for them ! And as to the second argument, 
was that house intended, he would ask, to be a mere theatre 
for the display of oratorical talent, or was it designed to 
be an institution for the purpose of checking the encroach- 
ments of the crown on the one hand, and of the aristocracy 
on the other ? If he might be allowed to consider the 
proposition as it respected his own private establishment, 
he would say, that he would rather be served by the most 
plain, downright, stupidly honest man, if they pleased to 
call him so, than the most splendidly gifted rascal that 
ever wore a livery ! In conclusion, he would observe, 
" that the present was not a time to tamper with public 
opinion. It was now making rapid strides through all 
the world. Wherever it was resisted, as in Italy, the 
effects would be destructive ; but where it was not op- 
posed, the prospect was uniformly cheering. When lie 
saw in so many places the powerful operation of a reform- 
ing spirit, he was tempted to expect that the time was at 

3 H 



418 LORD DURHAM. 

length come, when the power of opinion and of knowledge 
would be ascertained and established. And might he not 
indulge a hope, that the star which now rose over coun- 
tries once the darkest and most unenlightened of our 
hemisphere, would shed its all- conquering influence, and 
dissipate for ever the mists of religious and political 
bigotry ? He would now leave this subject in the hands 
of the house, and, resting his proposition, as he did, upon 
ancient and acknowledged rights, he felt that he had planted 
his foot upon a rock, from whence he might defy the fury 
of the fiercest tide that fear or misrepresentation could pour 
around him." 

The reader, after carefully perusing this very able speech, 
will be prepared to judge of the probability of the con- 
jecture, that we are indebted to Lord Durham for the very 
bold and sweeping measure of reform now on the eve 
of being carried into effect. And he may possibly find 
additional evidence, from the manner in which the noble 
baron has defended the bill in its passage through the 
House of Peers, to the notice of which we now proceed. 
It may not, however, be impertinent here to remark, that 
it was in support of Mr. Lambton's motion, on this occa- 
sion, that Sir John Cam Hobhouse, the present secretary 
at war, entered the lists with the late Mr. Canning, in a 
memorable speech, some account of which will be found 
in our sketch of the life of the honourable baronet, the 
member for Westminster, and in which he took ample 
vengeance on that illustrious statesman for a trifling insult ! 
But we proceed — 

Soon after Lord John Russell had expounded to the 
House of Commons the ministerial plan of reform, Lord 
Wharncliffe, among other noble lords, took alarm, and 
introduced a discussion upon the subject in the House of 
Lords, though the bill was not then before them. The 
noble lord entered his name upon the list of opponents to 
the bill, and declared hostility to it in all its parts, in a 
speech of considerable length, and concluded by moving 



LORD DURHAM. 419 

for " returns of the population of the different counties of 
England and Wales." Lord Durham rose in his place to 
reply to his noble friend, Lord Wharncliffe, on Monday, 
March the 28th, 1831, and after a few preliminary com- 
pliments, in which he acquitted that nobleman of all sus- 
picion of being actuated in his opposition by factious or 
party motives, he offered the following triumphant defence 
of the bill. 

ee The noble lord has complained of the language used 
by the public press, and of the violence and zeal with 
which the writers of it have advocated the great measure 
of reform which ministers have brought before the other 
house. My noble friend complains of the inflammatory 
nature of that language ; but, is he not aware that this 
is only a warning of the strength of public opinion, and 
of the consequent folly of an obstinate resistance to it ? 
He must know that the press is but the echo of public 
opinion, deriving nearly all its strength from it, and by 
means of it a statesman can judge with tolerable accuracy 
of the force and current of the public mind, The public 
press is a most useful guide of the strength and direction 
of the voice of the people on questions of great interest. 
When it is general in its advocacy of any great measure, 
it is so because the feelings of the public are deeply in- 
terested in its success ; and so it is with the great mea- 
sure of reform, and the manner in which it has been 
treated by the press. If a proof be wanting of the senti- 
ments of the nation with respect to this measure, your 
lordships may discover it in what my noble friend com- 
plains of — the general unanimity — for the exceptions are 
too few, and of too low a character, to be taken into ac- 
count—the unanimity with which every journal, distin- 
guished for talent, extensive circulation, or character, has 
advocated, not merely the principle of a reform in par- 
liament, but the particular plan brought forward by his 
Majesty's ministers. Why does this unanimity exist, 
I repeat, unless public opinion is directly in favour of it ? 



11' 



420 LORD DURHAM. 

Even my noble friend has admitted, that the irresistible 
force of public feeling has compelled him — the enemy of 
every species of parliamentary reform all his life — to admit 
that some measure of reform is necessary, and can no 
longer be withheld. 

. " And here let me refer to the charges brought, by my 
noble friend, against the advocates of this bill, of having 
sanctioned an unfair us€ of the King's name. This has 
"been made a ground of serious complaint j but I think 
very little is necessary to shew how extravagant such a 
charge is. If the name of the sovereign has been so in- 
troduced, it has not been by ministers — nor was it even 
necessary that it should. The fact of the King's appro- 
bation of the measure was evident when we proposed it 
to parliament, which we could not have done without his 
consent. If the name of the King was introduced at all by 
other advocates of the measure, it was only in consequence 
of the attempts made with such industry, by its opponents, 
to excite a belief that his Majesty was opposed to reform. 
The introduction of the King's name at all, was not our 
act ; and I most distinctly deny, on the part of the govern- 
ment, that we ever sanctioned or used that sacred name 
with a view to influence the conduct of any individual. 
The present ministry accepted office on the condition of 
bringing forward a measure of reform, of which they re- 
ceived his Majesty's sanction and support ; the importance 
of which sanction my noble friend has fully recognized, 
by admitting, that, after his Majesty allowed my noble 
relation to form an administration on the principle of 
reform, the question could no longer be resisted. 

" Now, let me remind your lordships of the peculiar cir- 
cumstances under which the present administration ac- 
cepted the seals of office. The late government of the noble 
duke opposite fell — not from any disinclination to retain the 
reins of power — not from any factious opposition or party 
combination on the part of those who had been for years 
excluded from office — not in consequence of the division 



LORD DURHAM. 421 

on the civil list — but from a want of confidence in the 
public in its capability to manage the affairs of the coun- 
try — a want of confidence loudly expressed at the general 
election, and increased by the emphatic declaration of the 
noble duke against all reform whatever. This declaration 
it was, more than any thing else, that led to the fall of 
the noble duke's government, by depriving it of the sup- 
port of the public. I heard the noble duke make that de- 
claration — I heard him say, also, that he not only thought 
parliamentary reform unnecessary, but that, if he had him- 
self to frame a constitution, he could not organize one 
more perfect than that now in existence ; and never shall 
I forget the impression it made on my mind, and on the 
mind of the nation at large. It was on account of this 
declaration of the noble duke, I repeat, and not in conse- 
quence of any party hostility — it was not his defeat on 
the civil list — it was not in consequence of any particular 
vote of this or the other house of parliament, but because 
many, I believe all, the colleagues of the noble duke, were 
anxious to resign their places, as they saw that the govern- 
ment could not be safely carried on after the declaration 
of his opinion on the subject of reform, that his admini- 
stration was* dissolved. Never was a ministry less exposed 
to the attacks of the party out of power, than the late 
ministry was — never did an administration fall so com- 
pletely from a want of confidence in itself, arising from the 
absence of public support. 

" I am sure that neither the noble duke, nor your lord- 
ships, can forget the conduct of my noble relative, near 
me, and his colleagues now in office, when the Catholic 
relief bill was brought forward. The advocacy of that 
great measure had excluded us from political power, the 
just object of every Englishman's ambition — their opposition 
to it had enabled our political adversaries to retain office 
for a long series of years. And yet, what did we do when 
the noble duke, avowedly through intimidation and fear, 
brought forward the very measure, for advocating which, 



422 LORD DURHAM. 

on the sound principle of political justice, we were excluded 
from office ? We not only suffered him to carry away all the 
credit of the measure at the very last moment, but we did 
so when he and they knew, that, unless he succeeded in carry- 
ing it, his administration was at an end. Nay, more ; had 
we been actuated by any motives of party or factious hos- 
tility to the government, we might have taken a stand on 
the proposition to disfranchise the forty- shilling freeholders ; 
for it is well known that many of us entertained strong feel- 
ings against the propriety of that measure — but, consulting 
only the public interest and the welfare of the country, 
which we knew would be promoted by the success of that 
great question, of which we had been the early and zealous 
advocates — we did not oppose the disfranchisement bill, 
knowing that, if we did, the great relief bill would be 
defeated. This conduct shews how little the fall of the 
noble duke's government was influenced by party hostility, 
and how wholly it was owing to the effect of the withdrawal 
of public confidence, consequent on his declaration against 
parliamentary reform. 

" Now, my lords, let me take the liberty of replying to 
the charge of precipitate rashness urged by my noble friend 
(Wharncliffe,) against my noble relation, for having brought 
forward the question so soon after his acceptance of office. 
I would ask him to recollect the state the country was in at 
that period. We found several districts seriously disturbed — - 
the public mind in a ferment — no confidence in the civil 
power — a spirit of combination ripe among the workmen in 
the manufacturing towns — and the population of six of the 
most important counties in the south of England, namely, 
Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Berkshire, Hampshire, and Wiltshire, 
in a state of almost open insurrection and rebellion, a ready 
prey to incendiaries and plunderers of every description. 
We found, moreover, the civil power without energy or 
direction — the magistrates in the disturbed districts afraid 
to act, and the king's peaceable subjects either besieged in 
their houses by night, or openly maltreated and plundered 



LORD DURHAM. 42 J 

in the day. We found a still more dangerous state of things 
in the unwillingness of the middle classes to support the 
government in the suppression of these disturbances — an 
unwillingness which we found carried to such a pitch on 
our accession to office, that I am confident even so expe- 
rienced a commander as the noble duke himself would have 
found it no easy matter, by the mere aid of armed soldiery, 
to pacify the disturbed districts, unaided, or at best but 
feebly and coldly supported, by that important body in every 
free state — the middle classes. This was the state of the 
country, not only in the disturbed districts in the south of 
England, but in the large towns in the manufacturing dis- 
tricts of the north. In this almost desperate situation did 
our predecessors leave the country, when they resigned 
their offices ! What then did we do, and with what success ? 
We first won back the confidence and support of the middle 
classes. This important body we found alienated from the 
civil power by the declaration of the noble duke against 
reform ; that alienation was removed by the open and 
uncompromising pledge of my noble relation in favour of 
reform. Having thus produced this important effect on the 
public mind — having enlisted the confidence of the country 
in our intentions to administer, on right principles, the 
affairs of this great empire ; and having firmly, yet merci- 
fully, asserted the majesty of the law, public tranquillity 
was restored, and the way was prepared for that internal 
improvement and amelioration which is now so generally 
perceptible. 

" Having then, on our accession of office, given a pledge 
in favour of reform, the question was, as to the manner and 
period of our fulfilling it. I need not tell your lordships, 
that, if ministers had contented themselves with barely 
redeeming their pledge by some small measure of reform, 
just sufficient to fulfil the promise they had given, this 
would not have satisfied the just wishes and expectations of 
the public. Such a course would not have been fulfilling 
the spirit of the pledge given, nor would it have been what 



424 LORD DURHAM. 

the people had a just reason to expect. It would not have 
strengthened the administration — but it would have weak- 
ened it, by sowing the seeds of future discontent and agita- 
tion, and would have further increased that want of confi- 
dence in the sincerity of statesmen which has so long 
prevailed, with the worst effects, in the public mind. 
Besides, I know that there is no policy more blindly mis- 
chievous than an obstinate resistance to the just claims of 
the people : your lordships well know that no lesson of 
history has been more frequently taught, than that the ill- 
timed refusal of such demands of a nation have no other 
effect than to raise them higher and higher, till you are 
compelled to yield, without thanks, what, if timely granted, 
would have been received with gratitude. Ministers knew 
and felt this ; and therefore were determined that their 
measure of reform should be one, from its broad basis, and 
from its adaptation to the just demands of the people, of 
permanent settlement. My noble friend, it is true, denies 
that the measure will be a permanent one : but his denial is 
only an assertion, entirely unsupported by facts or reason- 
ing. We, on the other hand, affirm, that by our plan an end 
will be put, at once and for ever, to the rotten -borough 
system, and the elective franchise bestowed on a large and 
important class, which at present are denied it — in other 
words, we at one blow remove a great abuse, and provide 
an efficient remedy — we enable all those who possess suffi- 
cient property to insure their independence to exercise the 
elective right; and, without yielding to extravagant demands, 
we satisfy the just claims of the people. There is no prin- 
ciple of our constitution — there is no principle affecting the 
representative system — that has not property for its basis ; 
and I am warranted in saying, that the plan of ministers is 
of this nature. It is therefore, I contend, of a perma- 
nent character, and I know that it has been so considered 
by all classes of the community. I think that I may ven- 
ture, without the fear of contradiction, to assert, that the 
measure has been hailed as wise and beneficial by the 



LORD DURHAM. 42f> 

enlightened and respectable portion of the people — that the 
middle classes have been unanimous in its favour, and that 
the great body of the people regard it with satisfaction. If 
we consider the almost countless petitions that have been 
laid on the table of this house in favour of it, from all parts 
of the country, and from all classes — if we look to the pro- 
ceedings of the various public meetings in England and 
Scotland — if we refer to the emphatic declaration in its 
favour by the first commercial body in the world, I mean 
the merchants and bankers of the city of London — if we 
remember that the great organ, the public press, has gene- 
rally and ably supported it, and advocated its immediate 
adoption — in fact, in whatever way the opinion of the pub- 
lic on the subject is investigated, it will be found that the 
plan of government has satisfied the just expectations of the 
country, and that we have honourably, consistently, and 
boldly redeemed the pledge we gave on coming into office. 

st I now come to the bill itself, which, rather irregularly 
I own, has been so unsparingly discussed and criticized by 
my noble friend — but I do not complain of this proceeding 
on his part ; on the contrary, I rejoice at every opportunity 
that is afforded his majesty's ministers of explaining and 
defending, here, the measure which is now pending in the 
other house. The first part of the bill to which my noble 
friend objects, is that which cuts off the rotten boroughs ; 
and he is pleased to call this a breach of the constitution of 
the House of Commons. Now, I cannot conceive that any 
measure, short of lopping off altogether these rotten bo- 
roughs, can produce those beneficial results which we anti- 
cipate from the present bill. These boroughs are so 
monstrous an abuse — they are so wholly indefensible — that it 
is hardly necessary for me to detain your lordships, by enter- 
: ng into a detail of the hideous defects of the system, and 
the gross bribery and corruption to which it leads. We 
have had so many proofs daily before our eyes of these 
abuses — we have them in the printed records of the evi- 
dence, given at our bar, in the cases of Penrhyn, Grampound, 

3i 



426 LORD DURHAM. 

and East Retford, in which bribery and corruption were as 
notorious as the sun at noon-day — that it is almost a waste 
of time to do more than mention them. Have your lord- 
ships forgotten the evidence to which I have just alluded ? 
My noble friend, at any rate, has not ; for he has com- 
plained that this house, by its strict adherence to the rules 
of evidence in these cases, has prevented the adoption of 
a trifling and " bit-by-bit" reform, and thus produced this 
universal demand for a more comprehensive measure. Then, 
as to the notorious corruption of the rotten-borough system ! 
Do you not know, that persons of every description buy and 
sell seats in the other house of parliament ? that Jews, as 
well as Christians, deal in the right to nominate members of 
theUegislature ? Has the threat of a noble boroughmonger 
been forgotten, that he would put his own menial in parlia- 
ment — as a representative, forsooth, of the people of Eng- 
land — a threat which was not fulfilled, not for want of 
power on the part of the proprietor, but from his individual 
discretion ? I myself heard the fact of nomineeship, that 
libel on the representation of a free people, distinctly 
avowed, not long since, in the other house of parliament ; 
and in common with, I am sure, many who now hear me, 
I heard of sales of seats in the other house being a matter 
of daily occurrence ; that, for example, £1200 a year was 
sometimes paid to a borough- dealing attorney, for the 
representation of some rotten borough, of which the person 
elected, perhaps, had never heard before, and which he 
would never visit. But the abuses of the rotten-borough 
system are notorious, and their continuance would be dis- 
graceful. Even in the more open boroughs, need your 
lordships be informed of what you have in evidence on your 
journals — extorted, it is true, by the most unjust and inqui- 
sitorial process, but yet there recorded — and, I fear, too 
well known by practice to some of your lordships individu- 
ally — the disgraceful bribery and corruption, of which they 
are almost invariably the scene, under the present system ? 
These facts are matters of public notoriety, and no reform 



LORD DURHAM. 427 

can possibly satisfy the public mind, that permits their con- 
tinuance. How then, I would ask, could ministers, in 
justice to themselves and the country, shrink from boldly 
and impartially proposing to disfranchise, at once, all those 
boroughs, where such gross abuses exist? We hesitated 
not for one moment, and determined to propose the extinc- 
tion of every one borough, which could not be purified by 
the practicable infusion of independent electors. My noble 
friend has urged some objections to the line which has been 
drawn, in disfranchising those boroughs. I confess I do not 
think that we could have adopted any fairer course than that 
which we did. I will enter into a short explanation on this 
point, as the view his Majesty's ministers took of the case 
has been misunderstood in this house, as well as elsewhere. 

"In fixing on a population of 2000 inhabitants, in 1821, 
as the line within which all boroughs should be disfran- 
chised, our object was to cut off all those rotten boroughs, 
for which there could be no purifying remedy by way of 
extension of franchise. It was not because the boroughs, 
the population of which was under 2000 in 1821, contained 
but few electors, that we proposed to extinguish them en- 
tirely ; but because we could not possibly extend the fran- 
chise in them, so as to do away with the evils of the system, 
without absorbing in them nearly the whole county repre- 
sentation. It was because that line accurately described 
them, because it included them all — and if the line of 2000 
had not effected this, we should have proposed 3000, or any 
other number which could have effectually accomplished 
this purpose. This was the reason that we fixed upon the 
population returns of 1821 — not from any attachment to 
a particular number, or theory — and in founding upon them 
our line of disfranchisement, we were wholly influenced bv 
a regard to the general good of the community at large, 
without consideration of personal detriment or advantage, 
to friends or enemies. 

"And here I hope I may be permitted to say a few words in 
reference to myself, impure motives having been imputed to 






■I 



428 LORD DURHAM. 

me, which it is but fair to allow me to refute ; the rather, 
as my situation in the government requires such refutation 
to be explicit. It has been insinuated, that I used my official 
influence in favour of the county with which I had the 
honour to be connected, in procuring for it additional mem- 
bers, to which it would not otherwise have been entitled. 
No language which I can summon to my aid can express my 
contempt for the baseness of the insinuation ; nor can I find 
words to express my pity for the understandings which 
could suggest or harbour such an imputation. Need I dis- 
claim being actuated by such low, paltry motives of self- 
aggrandizement ? I feel that I need not : for I know that, in 
considering this bill, all merely personal or party feelings 
were absorbed in a desire to promote the general interest of 
the country. But how does the matter stand as regards the 
county of Durham ? Simply, that it contains 50,000 persons 
more than the number which has been fixed as the line, above 
which the counties were to receive an additional member. 
If, therefore, you refrain from granting to Durham additional 
members, the exclusion, on the same ground, must extend 
to ten other counties, and the North and East Ridings of 
Yorkshire, which are now included in the bill. It was pro- 
posed that Durham should have new members, because it 
fell within the line of wealth and population which had been 
fixed upon as a just ground for an extended representation. 
If, therefore, you exclude Durham, you must also exclude 
Shropshire, Gloucestershire, Suffolk, Cumberland, Northamp- 
tonshire, Sussex, Nottinghamshire, Hampshire, Worcester- 
shire, and Leicestershire. 

" With respect to the three towns in that county which 
will return members under the ministerial plan of reform, 
all that I need say is, that their population is considerably 
above the line of population and property which has been, 
after due deliberation, fixed upon as the basis of extending 
the representation to large towns. The population of Sunder- 
land, and the two Wearmouths, is 33,000; of Shields, 16,000; 
and of Gateshead, 11,000 : so that, if you do not allow these 



LORD DURHAM. 429 

places to return members, you will exclude many others. 
With two of these places I never had any further connection 
than that which arose from my being member for the county 
in which they are situated. With Sunderland I certainly 
have commercial relations ; but not more than my noble 
friend who expressed his opposition to this plan of reform a 
few evenings ago, and who has also property and influence 
in the neighbourhood. Indeed, I should be ashamed to stand 
up in this house, if such an unworthy motive could, for one 
moment, have actuated me. I have no parliamentary influ- 
ence, and therefore exercise none. I have never sought the 
possession of such influence, contenting myself with having 
in my own person, and at an immense cost, asserted the 
cause of independence in a contested election in my native 
county. I have no doubt that voters, not elevated to a cer- 
tain rank of life, might easily have been induced to support 
my political views ; but it never has been an object of desire 
with me, to establish a parliamentary influence. If, however, 
I had been accidentally possessed of it, let the extent be 
what it might, I should be glad to relinquish it, for the sake 
of the great and beneficial change which the bill before the 
house is intended to accomplish. I shall say nothing more 
with reference to the insinuation which has been attempted, 
so unfairly and unjustly, to be cast upon me. 

" Having explained to your lordships the principle on 
which we proposed to disfranchise all boroughs where the 
population was less than 2000 in 1821, I come now to 
those in schedule B. That class consists of those which 
may be retained, after purification by the admission of £10. 
householders. But, it was found that, under the operation 
of the bill, several of these boroughs would not possess more 
than from fifty to eighty electors ; hence the necessity of the 
provision which adds to them the adjoining districts, so as 
to insure a constituency of at least 300. We have thus 
drawn a distinct and most important line between the 
curable and the incurable boroughs : the incurable we lop 
off as rotten branches ; the curable we protect against dis- 



430 LOilD DURHAM. 

ease, by an efficient constituency. They are both denned by 
the population returns of 1821 ; but I beg to assure your 
lordships, that if, in the list of either, it is found that 
exceptions ought to be made, owing to an incorrectness in 
those returns, his Majesty's ministers will deem it their duty 
to see them rectified. 

" The next question is, as to the unrepresented towns on 
which it would be expedient to bestow the choice of repre- 
sentatives. And here, again, ministers take population and 
wealth as their guide for the measure of an efficient and 
independent representation ; and, in doing so, we have 
adhered closely to the ancient principle of our representative 
system. My noble friend says, in allusion to the time at 
which his own borough (Bossiney) was erected, that then 
the amount of population was not attended to, and that it is 
not therefore the principle on which representation was 
originally granted. This is undoubtedly true as regards 
that particular period, because the object then was, to 
strengthen the king and the aristocracy ; but had my noble 
friend gone a step farther back in his inquiries, he would 
have seen that the primary object of representation was, to 
give population, wealth, and intelligence their due share of 
weight and influence in the decision of the legislature — an 
influence not allowed them under the present system. He 
would have found, that originally (before it became an*object 
with kings and nobles to obtain personal influence in parlia- 
ment) writs were always issued to populous and wealthy 
towns; and for the plainest and most obvious reason — 
supplies of money were wanted for the service of the state, 
and from those sources alone could they be derived. My 
noble friend has read an extract from a work by Lord John 
Russell, on this point. Will your lordships allow me to cite 
an authority, greater, he will admit, without supposing that 
I undervalue that to which he has alluded — I mean Mr. 
Locke: "Things of this world/' said Locke, "are in so 
constant a flux, that nothing remains long in the same state. 
Thus, people, riches, trade, power, change their • stations ; 



LORD DURHAM. 431 

flourishing, mighty cities come to ruin, and prove in time 
neglected desolate corners ; whilst other unfrequented places 
grow into populous countries, filled with wealth and inhabit- 
ants. But things not always changing equally, and private 
interest often keeping up customs and privileges, when the 
reasons of them have ceased, it often comes to pass, that in 
governments where part of the legislature consists of repre- 
sentatives chosen by the people, that, in tract of time, this 
representation becomes very unequal and disproportionate to 
the reasons it was first established upon." After commenting 
on the absurdity of places without inhabitants returning 
members to parliament, Mr. Locke thus proceeds : " Salus 
populi suprema lex, is certainly so just and fundamental a 
rule, that he who follows it sincerely cannot dangerously err. 
If, therefore, the executive, who has the power of convoking 
the legislature, observing rather the true proportion than 
fashion of representation, regulates, not by old custom, but 
true reason, the number of members in all places that have 
a right to be distinctly represented, which no part of the 
people, however incorporated, can pretend to, but in propor- 
tion to the assistance which it affords to the public, it cannot 
be judged to have set up a new legislative, but to have 
restored the old and true one, and to have rectified the dis- 
orders which succession of time had insensibly, as well as 
inevitably, introduced/ ' 

" Upon this principle, and upon no other, have ministers 
proceeded ; and they have, therefore, enfranchised the 
largest and most populous towns of Great Britain." 

Lord Durham thus proceeded — " I now come to that part 
of the question which has so alarmed my noble friend — 
namely, the class of voters who are to be allowed by this 
bill. Your lordships will take into consideration, that the 
£10, householders are possessed of sufficient independence 
and property to insure a permanent interest in the pros- 
perity of the country; that they are free from undue influence 
on the one hand, and factious excitement on the other ; and 
that, therefore, we could not have selected a better class of 



432 LORD DURHAM. 

people in whom to vest this important privilege. The nohle 
lord, it appears, has at present in his employment a labourer, 
who happens to be a householder to that amount ; but what 
inference are we to draw from such a fact ? Why, that the 
noble lord is a good master, and that his labourer is well- 
conducted and industrious ; and it appears to me matter 
of congratulation to the noble lord, that he has the oppor- 
tunity now offered him, by which he may confer such an 
invaluable privilege on so respectable a person. But why 
should not this individual have a right to vote, if in other 
respects eligible ? I really cannot admit, that the fact of 
being a labourer can be a just reason for excluding him 
from the exercise of the elective franchise. The right of 
householders to vote at elections has been repeatedly asserted 
to be the ancient right of the people of England. It has 
been recognized by a resolution of the House of Commons, 
which declared, that, " where no custom by charter of 
incorporation existed, there the right of franchise was in 
the householders f' and, therefore, we do not go further, 
by adopting this measure, than we are justified in doing, 
either by this resolution, or upon constitutional principles. 
Anciently, all possessors of any property, however small, 
had the right of voting — all freemen — from the earliest ages 
until the time of Henry VI., when those rights were most 
arbitrarily narrowed. We, therefore, do not propose to give 
the right of voting to any class of persons whose claims 
have not been already recognized by the legislature itself 
Consequently, I repeat, that, in giving the franchise to these 
classes, we have not introduced any thing new or unknown 
to the constitution." At this part of his speech, Lord Dur- 
ham corrected some mistakes into which Lord Wharncliffe 
had fallen, in regard to the number of persons who would 
be entitled to vote under the new order of things — in which 
there was a dry detail of numerical calculations, which we 
omit. His lordship then said : — " I come now to what 
I confidently hope will be the advantages arising from the 
adoption of this measure. If it be true, as the noble lord 



LORD DURHAM. 433 

and others have stated, that there is a spirit of discontent 
abroad, among the lower classes, hostile to the institutions 
of the country, and tending to the destruction of the mo- 
narchy : — if there be this spirit abroad, (which I deny,) I 
should like to know in what class will the supporters of the 
constitution find greater friends henceforward, or more 
stedfast allies, than among the middle classes ? And what 
measure can be wiser than that which goes to secure the 
affections, and consult the interests, of those classes ? How 
important must it be to attach them to our cause ? The 
lower orders of the people have ever been set in motion by 
their superiors ; and in almost all cases they have chosen 
their leaders from men moving in another sphere. From 
the multitude, therefore, we take the body from whence they 
derived their leaders, and the direction of their movements. 
To property and good order we attach numbers; and the 
issue of a conflict, if any should ever occur, cannot be 
doubtful. 

" But I cannot make these observations without stating, 
that I do not believe such a spirit exists as that of which we 
have been told. I believe, on the contrary, my lords, that 
the lower orders are attached most sincerely to the monarchy, 
and to the maintenance of the three estates, King, Lords, 
and Commons, as the sources of their welfare and security ; 
and that of all the nations in the world, the lower orders of 
England would be least disposed to change for a theoretical 
republic, or a pure despotism. To give security to the 
three estates, is the object of our bill. We leave the peers 
in possession of all their privileges ; the crown, in the enjoy- 
ment of all its prerogatives ; but we give to the people at 
large that share in the government, of which, by the lapse 
of time and the progress of corruption, they have long been 
deprived. 

" The principle of the bill being the extension, not con- 
traction, of the elective franchise, we have felt it right, 
disfranchising only the rotten boroughs, to preserve all 
existing rights ; although, in many instances, the exer 

3 K 



434 LORD DURHAM. 

of those rights has been grossly abused ! but we certainly 
have not thought it consistent, in these cases, to extend this 
great privilege beyond the present possessors. True it is, 
my lords, the opponents of the bill, sympathizing for the 
first time with them, have endeavoured to excite alarm and 
jealousy on the part of the potwallopers and burgesses — but 
those bodies disclaim all community of feeling with the 
anti-reformers, and petition generally in favour of the 
measure. Driven from this strong hold, the opposition 
have now changed their ground, and profess similar alarm 
for the privileges of the apprentices. How that body might 
act under such circumstances, it is not for me to say ; but, 
judging from the manner in which others have performed 
their part, I have no doubt that they likewise will emulate 
such an example, and that they will not interfere to deprive 
the country of the benefit of a measure in which they them- 
selves will participate, and by which they will be gainers. 
I regret very deeply that I have to weary your lordships by 
going into these details \ but I have felt it necessary to take 
some notice of the remarks advanced by the noble lord 
(Wharncliffe) upon the details of the measure, and to state 
such observations as have occurred to me upon them. I 
shall not at present pursue them any further, contenting 
myself with simply observing, that in this bill we have also 
amply provided for the diminution of expense at elections — 
which will be effected by the enforcement of residence, the 
registration of votes, and taking the poll in counties, in 
districts. 

"Before I leave this part of the subject, I would state, 
with regard to the observation, made rather sarcastically, by 
the noble lord, as to the power which it is proposed to give 
to the privy council — the reasons why we have made this 
provision in the bill. We felt it necessary that power 
should be given to alter the limits of boroughs, in order to 
ensure a numerous and independent constituency, and to 
make the necessary divisions in counties, for the purposes 
of lessening the expenses of county elections ; and we felt 



LORD DURHAM. 435 

that, in order to effect this, we could not go to a body more 
responsible, better known, or more confided in by the coun- 
try, than the members of the privy council ; among whom 
are individuals unconnected with the administration — men 
eminent for talent and character, whose decisions could not 
possibly be impugned as that of interested parties, and who 
were, therefore, liable to no misconstruction of motives, or 
imputations similar to those which have been already 
directed against myself, and others of my colleagues, on 
the discussion of this question. It was upon these grounds 
that we considered the privy council the best and most 
impartial power to apply to, entertaining, however, no wish 
to give any undue influence to that particular body. 

" My lords, I now come to almost the last subject upon 
which I have to make any observations ; and it is one of the 
gravest importance. The noble lord (Wharncliffe) has said, 
that though he will not charge us with being revolutionists, 
yet that we are guilty of introducing a great change in the 
existing constitution, and that we shall subvert our present 
happy form of government : in short, my lords, though he 
disclaims the word " revolutionary," still, that is the term 
which the noble lord, by his arguments and insinuations, 
does really apply to us. If, however, he has been sparing of 
the term, he is unlike others, both in and out of this house ; 
we have been assailed by them, and that in no measured 
terms, with reproaches of the most bitter and vituperative 
description. We have been told that we are destroying the 
constitution, and perniciously changing all the relations 
which have heretofore subsisted between each branch of it. 

" I am not to be scared by a nickname, or discountenanced 
by a word. Undoubtedly, any change effected in the govern- 
ment of a state, may be deemed a revolution. The glorious 
events of 1688 bear that name — yet they are hallowed in the 
breast of every true Englishman. I have often heard that 
memorable revolution termed a glorious event, by the same 
persons who now use the word for the purpose of denuncia- 
tion and opprobrium. This revolution of 1688 was upheld 



436 LORD DURHAM. 

by none more warmly than by the noble lords opposite, 
during the discussion of the Roman Catholic relief bill : 
it was then never mentioned but in terms of approbation 
and reverence — because it suited their political purposes — 
and yet the noble lord and others now use the word 6i revo- 
lution" in order to frighten us from the adoption of the 
proposed measure. Revolution, it seems, is at the present 
day, no longer glorious, but horrible ; and it is now no 
longer associated with the recollections of 1688, but with 
those of the revolution which occurred in France forty 
years ago — all its horrors are dressed up in the most vivid 
colours — for the purpose of scaring weak, timid, and short- 
sighted alarmists — and the effects produced by the opera- 
tion of different causes made applicable to a state of things 
now utterly and entirely dissimilar. 

" My lords, I ask how is that revolution to be assimilated 
to the present period in England ? The people then mas- 
sacred their superiors, it is true ; but for what cause ? 
Not in consequence of their just claims having been granted, 
but because they were wrongfully denied, and pertina- 
ciously withheld. The populace were hurried into crimi- 
nal enormities, not in the exultation of success, but in the 
recklessness of despair. It is this very state of things we 
wish to avoid — this very crisis we would avert — by granting 
to the people those claims which they have a right to 
make — and by refusing which, we must inevitably leave the 
power in the hands of those who would plunge us into all 
the evils of a civil war. Such a deplorable consummation 
it is our object to prevent ; and the measure which has 
been proposed, so far from leading to anarchy or revolu- 
tionary excesses, will conciliate the disaffected, if such 
there be, while it strengthens and consolidates the fabric 
of the constitution. But my noble friend tells us that this 
bill will destroy the constitution : — that I most peremptorily 
deny. It involves no departure whatever from the princi- 
ples on which the constitution was established in 1688. 
It is an enforcement of them — not in violation of, but in 



LORD DURHAM. 437 

complete conformity with them. In fact, it is the final 
settlement of that great work, which in this respect was 
avowedly left defective. 

"It may be known to your lordships, that it was a 
matter of grave charge against the authors of the revolu- 
tion of 1688, that they did not do that which we are now 
going to do by this bill. It is stated by Lord Boling- 
broke, that the authors of the revolution ought not only 
to have made the act of settlement, but that they ought 
also to have secured the independence of parliament. In 
his " Dissertation on Parties," after alluding to the con- 
duct of the authors of the revolution, he says, "They 
ought to have been more attentive to take the glorious 
opportunity that was furnished them by a new settlement 
of the crown and the constitution, to secure the independ- 
ency of parliaments for the future. Machiavel observes, 
and makes it a title of one of his discourses, e That a free 
government, in order to maintain itself free, hath need 
every day of some new provision in favour of liberty/ " 
After affirming the truth of this assertion, and illustrating 
it by reference to Roman history, Bolingbroke thus pro- 
ceeds : — " If a spirit like this had prevailed among us at 
the time we speak of, something like this would have been 
done — and surely something like it ought to have been 
done ; for the revolution was, in many instances, and it 
ought to have been so in all, one of the renovators of the 
constitution which we have often mentioned. If it had 
been such with respect to the electing of members to 
serve in parliament, those elections might have been 
drawn back to the ancient principle on which they had 
been established, and the rule of property which was fol- 
lowed anciently, and was perverted by innumerable changes, 
which length of time produced, might have been restored, 
by which the communities to whom the right of electing 
was trusted, as well as the qualifications of the electors and 
elected, might have been settled in proportion to the then 
state of things. Such a remedy might have been a radical cure 



438 LORD DURHAM. 

of the evils which threaten our constitution — whereas it is 
much to be apprehended, even from experience, that all others 
are merely palliative." — So far Lord Bolingbroke. 

" But, my lords, I should like to know from whom the 
charge against us proceeds, of making innovations upon 
the constitution of 1688 ? Why, it has been mainly ad- 
vanced by the promoters of the Roman Catholic relief bill ! 
If this measure be an alteration of the constitution — what 
was the Roman Catholic relief bill ? Certainly that relief 
was most wisely afforded. But is it for those to object 
so loudly to the introduction of change, who have so 
materially altered the constitution by the admission of 
Roman Catholics to privileges which they had not before 
enjoyed since the revolution so often referred to ? The 
policy adopted in reference to that portion of our fellow- 
countrymen, was wise and judicious, undeniably ; but still, 
was it not a change in the constitution ? It was urged 
then, with a good deal of clamour, and not a little perti- 
nacity, that emancipation would alter the three estates of 
the realm — would violate the coronation oath — would anni- 
hilate the church, and destroy all the liberties of the 
people. And yet, my lords, those very persons who then 
stoutly resisted this clamour, are now struck with horror 
and amazement at any proposal which goes to affect the 
inviolability of that constitution, which they themselves 
had fundamentally altered only two years ago. 

" But, my lords, let me not be misunderstood : I think 
these changes were of the greatest importance to the wel- 
fare of the country ; and events have proved that the 
change effected by the Catholic relief bill has been essen- 
tially beneficial. It has admitted within our walls noble- 
men who have long been deprived of their rights — it has 
opened the doors of the other house of parliament to as 
loyal, as honest, and as respectable men a? are to be found 
in the country — and it has erased that foul blot of religious 
and political intolerance which had so long disgraced our 
constitution. 



LORD DURHAM. 439 

" My lords, I believe that I have now, to the best of 
my ability, gone through all the arguments of the noble 
lord opposite. I do not offer any opposition to the motion. 
On the contrary, I assure the noble lord that it is the wish 
of his Majesty's ministers to produce every information 
that can facilitate the most strict examination into all the 
various points which bear on the question ; convinced, as 
we are, that the more the subject is probed, the more the 
measure will be found entitled to the approbation of the 
country. 

" I must declare, on the part of his Majesty's government, 
that, so far from being influenced by a wish to change the 
institutions of the country, we are anxious to protect and 
strengthen them. We propose to enable your lordships to 
exercise your high privileges consistently with the legiti- 
mate rights of the people, and the real interests of the state. 
We do not permit even the smallest jewel to be extracted 
from the crown, but we add to its grace and lustre. We 
secure to the monarch the undisturbed enjoyment of all his 
dignities and prerogatives, sustained and cherished by the 
love of an affectionate people ; and on them we propose to 
confer the noblest gift which can be presented to freemen — 
the power of choosing representatives, in whom is vested 
the maintenance of their properties, their rights, and their 
liberties." 

There are, probably, few readers who, after a careful 
perusal of this vindication of the reform bill, will have any 
hesitation in considering Lord Durham as its legitimate 
father ; or, at any rate, of applying to his lordship the 
words, Quorum pars magna fuit ! That the noble baron 
might avail himself of the suggestions of his colleagues, 
in various parts of the complicated machinery, is no way 
incredible ; but his has evidently been " the master-mind," 
and the country owe him a debt of gratitude, for the labour 
he has bestowed on it, and the ability with which he has 
defended it. 

When the second reform bill was under discussion, 



440 LORD DURHAM. 

April 13th, 1832, on the second reading taking place. Lord 
Durham, though labouring under the effects of severe indis- 
position, rose after Lord Wynford, but evidently more with 
the intention of replying to a speech delivered the preceding 
evening by Dr. Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter. This intem- 
perate and indiscreet prelate, to whom the army would, 
probably, have been a more appropriate station than the 
church, had attacked the reform bill with all the hostility 
of fanatical zeal. The preamble, he said, expressed the 
necessity of reforming abuses ; " but who was to suppose 
that it was to be followed up by the extinction of rights, by 
spoliation ami robbery!" The principle of the bill, he 
declared to be change — revolutionary change ; and, after 
indulging himself in a furious tirade, the bishop quoted an 
expression from the Times newspaper, and went on to 
describe that journal, according to general belief, as breath- 
ing the inspirations of Lord Durham. 

The noble lord (Durham) began, by offering some obser- 
vations on the long and desultory speech of Lord Wynford ; 
but said, he did not feel himself called upon, at the moment, 
to enter into an investigation of the many subjects which 
his lordship had introduced into his address, because they 
were not within the scope of their lordships' consideration. 
He complimented the learned lord, in not having adopted 
a tone of party asperity, and rancorous animosity against 
his Majesty's ministers, (and then turning round, and direct- 
ing his observations to the bench of bishops,) very different 
from the tone and temper of a right reverend prelate, who 
had spoken the last night. " Of that exhibition on the part 
of a reverend bishop," (Phillpotts, bishop of Exeter,) said 
Lord Durham, " I shall only say, that if coarse and virulent 
invective, malignant and false insinuations, the grossest 
perversion of historical facts, decked out with all the choicest 
flowers of his well-known pamphleteering slang — " 

Here the noble lord was called to order from the opposi- 
tion benches, and the Earl of Winchilsea moved, that the 
words " false insinuations/' and " pamphleteering slang," 



LOUD DURHAM. 441 

should be taken down. After some observations from Earl 
Grey, Lord Holland, and the Duke of Buckingham, Lord 
Durham continued as follows : — 

" My lords, I was interrupted by the noble earl in the 
course of a sentence I was addressing to your lordships, and 
it now seems to be his intention, that the words which I 
uttered should be taken down. I have not the slightest 
objection to that course being adopted — on the contrary ; 
and I now state to your lordships the reasons which induced 
me to use those words — I shall not stop to inquire whether 
the words, " pamphleteering slang" were the most elegant 
which I could have used. They do not, perhaps, suit the 
noble earl's taste ; but they are the only words which I con- 
sider can correctly describe the reverend prelate's speech. 
Now, as to the words, " malignant and false insinuations :" 
the noble duke (Buckingham) who wishes me to retract, 
must, I am sure, well recollect that that reverend bishop, 
in the course of his harangue, insinuated that some of his 
Majesty's ministers were unbecomingly connected with the 
press. From the terms in which that insinuation was 
couched, I could have no doubt that he alluded to me : it 
would be gross affectation in me to deny it ; the more espe- 
cially, as I, had been previously told, by those who had read 
those papers, that the same charge had been made against me, 
by name, in those weekly publications which are so notorious 
for their scurrility and indecency. When, therefore, I found 
that charge repeated in this house, in terms which neither 
I, nor any man living, could misunderstand, 1 determined to 
take the earliest opportunity of stating to your lordships, 
that it was as false as scandalous. I now repeat that decla- 
ration, and pause, for the purpose of giving any noble lord 
an opportunity of taking down my words." 

Lord Durham then resumed his seat for a moment, but as 
no noble lord rose, he proceeded : — 

" My lords, as it seems no further interruption is to be 
offered me, I shall dismiss the subject by saying, that I 
never will shrink from the opportunity of meeting before 

3l 



442 LORD DURHAM. 

this house, or my country, any charges or insinuations 
which may be directed against me, from whatever quarter 
they may proceed. If I have expressed myself somewhat 
earnestly and warmly, your lordships will, I am sure, deem 
me justified, when you reflect that, to all the tortures of an 
afflicted mind, have been of late superadded calumnies of 
the basest description — calculated to wound not only my 
own feelings, but those of all who are dearest to me : but I 
now return to the question, from which I have been diverted 
by the interruption of the noble earl. 

" My lords, we have been charged by the noble duke 
(Wellington) and a noble earl who sits on the third bench 
(Mansfield) with having created the excitement in the public 
mind which led to that general demand for reform, which is 
now admitted to prevail by many of those who formerly 
denied its existence. On what facts these noble lords found 
their assertions, I cannot comprehend. If there is any one 
subject which more than another has been discussed, both 
in and out of parliament, especially within the last fifty 
years, it has been that of a reform in the representation of 
the people. From the revolution it has been advocated by 
the most eminent men of which this country can boast. 
From the year 1783, when the celebrated Yorkshire petition 
was presented, it has never been lost sight of by the people ; 
taken up, it is true, with more or less energy, according to 
the circumstances of the times — but always holding a high 
place in their estimation, and connected by them with the 
most vital interests of the country. It was brought under 
the notice of parliament by the Duke of Richmond, in 1780; 
by Mr. Pitt in 1782, 3, & 4, — and subsequently by Mr. 
Flood, my noble relation (Earl Grey,) Sir Francis Burdett, 
Mr. Brand, Lord Archibald Hamilton, Lord John Russell, 
and many others. The noble and gallant duke, therefore, is 
not supported by facts, when he says, the feeling is one of 
late growth ; and still less when he says, that it is owing to 
the examples of the French and Belgian revolutions of 1830. 
That it has assumed a much more formidable appearance 



LORD DURHAM. 443 

within these last four or five years, is true ; but not owing 
to the causes alleged by the noble and gallant duke. In my 
opinion it has been owing, in a great measure, to the 
repeated refusals of your lordships to grant representation 
to the great towns of Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham, 
when the fitting opportunities were afforded you. It has 
also arisen from the exposures which took place in the par- 
liamentary inquiries relative to Grampound, Penrhyn, and 
East Retford, laying bare scenes of the grossest political 
profligacy and corruption : but above all, my lords, it has 
been in consequence of the great mass of the middle classes 
having at length identified themselves with this question. 
To this part of the subject, I particularly wish to call your 
lordships' attention, not only because I think its full con- 
sideration involves one of the great and leading principles 
of the bill — I mean the emancipation of those classes — but 
because it will account, in the only satisfactory way, for 
the intensity of feeling with which this measure has been 
received; and will demonstrate the improbability of the 
country being satisfied with any less degree of reform than 
that which is afforded them by this bill. 

" Your lordships are, no doubt, too well read in the his- 
tory of your country not to be aware, that, up to the revolu- 
tion of 1688, the object of each successive struggle was to 
prevent the sovereign from obtaining despotic power. At 
that period, the crown was defeated, and has ever since been 
dependent on, and at the mercy of, two parties of the higher 
orders — between whom the contest for political power has 
been bitter and incessant — whilst the people were well or ill 
governed, according to the principles of the party which 
was predominant. For a long time, the people acquiesced 
in the supremacy of the higher orders, and their exclusive 
possession of political privileges. Conscious of their own 
incompetency, from want of education, to enjoy those privi- 
leges, they felt no jealousy, and offered no opposition to the 
monopoly vested in their superiors. But, my lords, a great 
change has taken place within the last fifty years in the 



444 LORD DURHAM. 

state of society. The two extremes have been gradually 
meeting — the one standing still, whilst the other has been 
constantly improving. It cannot be concealed, that the 
middle classes have increased, of late, in skill, talent, politi- 
cal intelligence, and wealth, to such an extent that they are, 
and feel that they are, competent to the performance of 
higher duties. They thus, naturally enough, feel ambitious 
to be no longer excluded from their fair share of political 
power ; and the result of their continued exclusion must be 
a political convulsion — and necessarily, a destructive one — for 
the unnatural compression of great power by insufficient 
means, always ends, not only in the annihilation of the 
feeble bonds which restrain it, but in the destruction of all 
that is within the range of its explosion. 

" That the middle classes have a right to indulge in these 
feelings, no accurate observer of the state of society can 
deny. The noble duke opposite, (Buckingham,) the pro- 
prietor of St. Mawes, has thought proper to describe them 
as paupers — as beggars. So far from this being the fact, 
their wealth more than doubles, it nearly trebles, that of the 
higher orders. And as for their intelligence — look at all 
the great towns of the empire — this metropolis, Leeds, Man- 
chester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Liverpool, Newcastle, Edin- 
burgh, Glasgow ; and many others — and by whom will you 
find the scientific institutions, the literary societies, the 
charities, in short, all associations tending to the advance- 
ment of arts, literature, and of science, and to the ameliora- 
tion of the human kind — by whom will you find them sup- 
ported ? by whose example, and whose purse, maintained ? 
By the middle classes. The gentry, living apart in the 
country, enjoy the luxuries and amusements peculiar to 
their class, but mix neither in the pursuits or relaxations of 
their neighbours in the towns. Whenever they are brought 
together in public meetings, on political occasions, their 
superiority in learning or intellect is no longer manifest ; 
the reverse is the fact, and I can assure the noble baron 
(Ellenborough,) that whether he is right or wrong in the 



LORD DURHAM. 445 

opinions he entertains with regard to the inferiority of 
intellect displayed by the newly returned members, if he 
were to attend any of the meetings of the middle classes, 
and enter into a discussion with them on political or sci- 
entific subjects, he would have no reason to plume himself 
on his fancied superiority. 

"Such being the case then, the question is naturally 
asked, is that a fit and proper state of the constitution, 
which excludes from the enjoyment of political power and 
privileges, a large body of men, possessed of talents, skill, 
and wealth, merely because they do not happen to be 
included in a particular class, endowed with privileges 
bestowed upon them in different times and different cir- 
cumstances ? I contend, therefore, my lords, that these 
feelings alone would be sufficient to induce the people to 
desire that the advantages, as well as the burdens of the 
constitution should be extended to them. But, were there 
no other reasons ? Did the working of the constitution, 
in its present exclusive state, produce no other mischievous 
effects than their exclusion ? Did those who virtually re- 
presented them — as the noble and learned lord (Wynford) 
says — did they perform the duties of their trust advan- 
tageously to the country ? The answer, my lords, which 
the people give to these questions is, and always has been, 
in the negative. I can accumulate proofs upon proofs of 
the correctness of this assertion — a few will suffice. It 
appears, that when this corrupt parliamentary system first 
came into operation — I mean shortly after the Revolution — 
the national debt amounted to sixteen millions : at the 
end of the last war, in 1814, it had risen very nearly to 
eight hundred millions ! The national expenditure had 
increased, during that time, from five millions and a half 
to more than ninety-four millions ! ! the poor rates, from 
one million to seven millions ! ! ! In one reign alone, 
that of George the Third, seven and twenty millions were 
lavished in subsidies to all the great powers of the Con- 
tinent. In the same period, the naval and military expen- 



446 LORD DURHAM. 

diture amounted to £928,000,000 — that is to say, the luxury 
of indulging in war cost this country a sum little less 
than One Thousand Millions. 

" All these proofs of an unlimited and unchecked expen- 
diture, and many others which I need not now detail, be- 
came known to the people at the conclusion of the war. 
Great distress followed — much discontent and loud com- 
plaints prevailed — and how were they met ? by concili- 
ation or concession ? No, truly ; but by every species of 
repressive and coercing enactment. Measures for pre- 
venting the exercise of public meetings and petitioning — 
for fettering the press — for suspending the habeas corpus 
act — for granting indemnity bills — was successively pro- 
posed to the House of Commons, and immediately adopted 
by that assembly. These proceedings seem, if I may judge 
from their cheers, to be approved by the noble lords oppo- 
site — they were not grateful to the people, I can assure 
them — who, seeing their liberties attacked, and their re- 
sources squandered, through the instrumentality of a House 
of Commons, theoretically the guardian of both, naturally 
directed their attention to the mode in which that house 
was chosen, which neither represented their feelings, nor 
protected their interests. The picture which was then 
presented to them was no less startling and disgusting 
than that of the state of their finances, to which I have 
just alluded. They found one portion of it nominated by 
peers — a second by commoners — a third by trafficking 
attorneys, selling seats to the highest bidder — a fourth 
owing its return to the most unblushing bribery and cor- 
ruption ; — in one part of the empire, a park with no 
population at all, or, at least, of the smallest kind, returning 
two members — in another, a large and important town, 
with hundreds of thousands of inhabitants, yet no repre- 
sentation whatever — and even that small part of the house 
still dependent on the public voice, so fettered and circum- 
scribed by the immense expenditure required, as to be vir- 
tually placed in the hands of a very small class. 



LORD DURHAM. 447 

"My lords, all this led to that state of things which 
has been so prophetically and so accurately described by 
a celebrated writer, whose name is so familiar to noble 
lords opposite, and whose opinions are generally so pleas- 
ing to them, that I make no apology for substituting his 
glowing words for my feeble expressions. Mr. Burke 
says : — " An addressing House of Commons, and a petition- 
ing nation — a House of Commons full of confidence, when 
the nation is plunged in despair — in the utmost harmony 
with ministers, whom the people regard with the utmost 
abhorrence — who vote thanks, when the public opinion 
calls upon them for impeachments — who are eager to grant, 
when the general voice demands account — who, in all 
disputes between the people and the administration, pre- 
sume against the people — who punish their disorders, but 
refuse even to inquire into the provocations to them : — 
this is an unnatural, a monstrous state of things, in this con- 
stitution. Such an assembly may be a great, wise, awful 
senate — but it is not, to any popular purpose, a House of 
Commons." 

Lord Durham, then concluded his able and spirited ad- 
dress, to the following effect. 

"My lords, I think that I have now stated sufficient 
reasons to account for the general prevalence of that desire 
for reform which now exists, and to shew that it did not 
owe its origin, either to our instigation, or to the French 
and Belgian revolutions, as stated by the noble and gal- 
lant duke (of Wellington) opposite. At all events, of this 
I am quite confident — that, to whatever causes it is to be 
attributed, it never can be allayed or removed by any other 
mode than that of a full and generous compliance with 
the wishes of the people. Here, however, I am met by 
the noble lord opposite, who talks so loudly of the dan- 
gers of concession, and the safety of resistance — and by 
the reverend bishop (Phillpotts of Exeter) who preaches to 
us the necessity of leaving consequences to God. My 
lords, I say nothing of the impropriety of those constant 



448 LORD DURHAM. 

appeals to the sacred name,, in this place, especially from 
such a quarter, but I ask, is history to be for ever a sealed 
book to those noble lords ? are its pages to be for ever per- 
verted by that reverend prelate ? do they not teem with 
instances of the folly and inutility of resistance to the deter- 
mined wishes of the people, intent on the acquirement or 
restoration of their rights ? When the consequences have 
been left to Providence, has that resistance ever produced any 
thing but a postponement of those claims, always to be 
renewed with increased vigour, and ultimately attended with 
complete success } 

"My lords, I assert that the revolution of 1641, the 
French revolution of 1785, and the separation of the North 
American colonies — might all have been averted by timely 
and wise concession. Can any man, with the slightest 
knowledge of our history, attempt to persuade me, that if 
Charles I., after conceding the petition of rights, had kept 
his faith with his people, he would not have saved his crown 
and his life ? Again, with reference to the French revolu- 
tion, I say, that if Louis XVI., had adopted the advice given 
by his ministers, the people would have been satisfied — the 
ancient institutions of the country ameliorated — the altar, 
the throne, and the aristocracy preserved from the horrible 
fate which afterwards befell them. Twice had Louis XVI., 
opportunities — first, under Turgot's ministry, secondly, 
under Necker's — of conciliating the country, and averting 
that fatal catastrophe, by limited concession. The nobility 
resisted — and the revolution followed. The noble baron 
(Wharncliffe) has so ably detailed to you the impolicy of 
our resistance to the claims of the North American colonies, 
that I need only add to his powerful argument my own con- 
viction, that if, after the repeal of the stamp act, England 
had not destroyed all the benefit of that concession, by the 
declaratory act, and the re-imposition of the tea-duties, 
North America would at this hour have been a portion of 
the British empire. My lords, I repeat, therefore, fortified 
by these examples, that when the consequences have been 



LORD DURHAM. 449 

left to Providence, according to the suggestion of the reve- 
rend bishop, (Phillpotts,) the course of events has always 
been uniform; — in the first instance, bigoted resistance to 
the claims of the people — in the second, bloody and pro- 
tracted struggles — and, finally, but invariably, unlimited, 
disgraceful, but then useless concession. 

" But, my lords, have those of you who talk of resistance, 
calculated the comparative amount of forces which are 
arranged on each side ? On the one hand, are arrayed the 
crown, the House of Commons, and the people — on the 
other, not two hundred peers. Now, my lords, supposing 
that you reject this bill a second time, and supposing that 
the people acquiesce quietly in your decision, and that their 
feelings of disappointment do not break out in open tumult 
and violence ; will there be no punishment to you, in the 
utter separation which must take place, between you and 
your fellow-countrymen ? In the sentence of excommuni- 
cation which they will pass upon you — are you prepared to 
live in solitude in the midst of multitudes — your mansions 
fortified with cannon, (as was lately that of the noble duke, 
Newcastle,) and protected by troops of faithful, perhaps, but, 
if the hour of danger came, useless retainers ? Surely there 
must be something in this state of things most revolting to 
the habits and feelings of a British peer ; and yet these are 
the most favourable circumstances which can follow the 
second rejection of the bill. I see before me many noble 
lords, who pride themselves on the cordiality of their inter- 
course with all around them, in the country, both rich and 
poor, whose presence there is generally welcomed by the 
congratulations of their neighbours of all ranks — will those 
noble lords receive with equal complacency the greetings 
they will have to encounter, after having destroyed the long- 
cherished hopes of their fellow-countrymen ? No, my lords, 
I fear the change between confidence and distrust, affection 
and hatred, will be so great, that the satisfaction of having 
preserved nomination-boroughs for a time, and for a time 
only, will but ill console them for the annoyances and 

3 M 



450 LORD DURHAM. 

expressions of dislike and aversion which will be heaped on 
them on all sides. 

" My lords, it was under this conviction, and believing as 
I did, and still do, that the claims of the people of this 
country were not to be trifled or tampered with by any 
ministers ; it was under this persuasion, that I, for one, and 
I believe all my colleagues, came to the consideration of this 
measure, and were anxious to frame such a bill as, by its 
large and comprehensive provisions, might not only give 
general satisfaction, but at the same time set this question, 
generally, at rest." After a few more general observations, 
Lord Durham concluded with the words of the late Charles 
James Fox. " We risk our all upon the excellence of this 
bill. We risk upon it whatever is most dear to us, what- 
ever men most value — the character of integrity, of honour, 
of present reputation and future fame — these, and whatever 
else is precious to us, we stake on the constitutional safety, 
the enlarged policy, the equity, and the wisdom of this 
measure." 

These eloquent and impressive speeches will make Lord 
Durham more known than he has hitherto been, and, in pro- 
portion as they extend his reputation, they will also raise 
him in the estimation of his countrymen. They display, 
not only great eloquence, but an intimate acquaintance with 
the feelings and wants of the country, which marks him as 
jsuperior to most of his colleagues, and, we may say also, to 
most of the members of the aristocracy. His lordship has 
proved himself a sterling reformer, and, as such, deserving 
the confidence of the people. We may justly say of him, as 
has been remarked by a powerful writer of the present day, 
that " he is a lump of pure ore, seldom found without some 
alloy." The public will be glad to see Lord Durham come 
more prominently forward than he has of late, and exert 
his great talents more actively in parliament than he has 
hitherto done, since he became a minister. 







TELE E T HOy." HE3TKY TOHN" TEMPLE , VISCOUNT EALMERSTQEBT, G. C. B. 




rrSEKR SOS" i- .:.- LOSIxrNr 1SL-C. 



LORD PALMERSTON. 451 



THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 



LORD VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, K.B. 

Foreign Secretary. 



This gentleman, whose family name is Temple, is the third 
Viscount Palmerston in succession. He was born on the 
20th October, 1784, and inherited the title from his father, 
Henry, the late Viscount, who died on the 17th of April, 
1802, at which time the son was eighteen years of age. 

The Temples, from whom this noble family paternally, 
and the present ducal house of Buckingham and Chandos 
maternally, descend, are said to be of Saxon origin, and to 
spring immediately from the son and heir of Algar, Earl of 
Mercia. The reader whose curiosity may prompt him to 
trace their lineage, may be gratified by looking into Burke's 
Peerage and Baronetage, art. Palmerston. 

One of the ancestors of the present viscount was Sir 
William Temple, Knight, an eminent English statesman, 
and polite writer, of the 17th century. He was born at 
London about the year 1629, and at seventeen years of age 
was sent to Emanuel College, Cambridge, where he had the 
celebrated Dr. Cudworth for his tutor ; and, on leaving the 
university, went abroad, to visit Holland, Flanders, and 
Germany. On the restoration of Charles II. he became a 
member of the Irish parliament ; but being sent over to 
England as a commissioner to the king in 1662, he settled 
here, with his family, and became a very efficient member of 
the state. He conducted himself with peculiar honour and 
success from the age of 37 to 52, when he declined meddling 



452 LORD PALMERSTON. 

any longer with public employment, and retired into private 
life. To give a particular account of Sir William Temple's 
negociations at home and abroad, would be to relate a great 
part of the reign of Charles the Second, and therefore must 
not here be attempted. He died at Moor Park in Surrey, in 
the year 1/00, in the 72nd year of his age. 

Henry Temple, Esq. a descendant of the nobleman last 
mentioned, was created a peer of Ireland, 12th March, 1722, 
by the titles of Baron Temple and Viscount Palmerston, 
and was the first who bore the latter title. Henry, the 
second Viscount, was grandson of the preceding, and born in 
1739. This nobleman, in 1783, married Mary, the daughter 
of B. Mee, Esq., by whom he had issue Henry-John, the 
present peer; also William, secretary of embassy to the 
court of St. Petersburg ; and two daughters. 

Viscount Palmerston, the subject of this memoir, was 
educated at Cambridge, and entered parliament about the 
time of Mr. Pitt's death, ranging himself on the ministerial 
side of the house, and aiding the measures of government by 
his vote and influence. In 1809, during the administration 
of Spencer Perceval, he obtained the office of secretary at 
war, which he continued to fill for nineteen years success- 
ively, namely, from October, 1809, to May, 1828, when he 
gave place to Sir Henry Hardinge, in consequence of the 
breaking up of Lord Goderich's cabinet. 

The office which Lord Palmerston filled during this long 
period, extending through the successive administrations of 
Perceval, Castlereagh, Liverpool, Canning, and Goderich, is 
one of acknowledged importance, and of no inconsiderable 
difficulty ; and the best proof of his lordship's competency 
for discharging its functions, is to be found in his continuing 
to retain it undisturbed amid the conflict of parties, and the 
perpetual changes which, in other offices, were continually 
taking place. It is pretty evident that Lord Palmerston, for 
much of this time, must have avowed Tory politics, and given 
his support to them. But it is equally plain, that, of late 
years, he imbibed the liberal principles of Mr. Canning, and, 



LORD PALxMERSTON. 453 

after that lamented statesman's death, he discovered an evi- 
dent leaning towards the enlightened policy of Lord Goderich 
and Mr. Huskisson. Though, like the latter, he accepted 
the office of secretary at war in the Wellington ministry, 
he took Mr. Huskisson's part in the fracas occasioned by 
that gentleman's vote on the East Retford question, and 
resigned his place on account of what he considered to be 
the arbitrary conduct of the Duke of Wellington on that 
occasion. 

On the meeting of parliament, January 1828, immediately 
after the formation of the Wellington cabinet, the address 
upon the king's speech was moved by Mr, Jenkinson, and 
seconded by Mr. Robert Grant. The former entertained the 
house with a tedious, but edifying discourse on the merits of 
his brother, the late Lord Liverpool, then living, but incapa- 
citated for business, and who, he thought it important to 
assure the house, concurred in the formation of the new 
ministry ! In seconding this address, Mr. R. Grant adverted 
to the circumstance of Mr. Huskisson and Lord Palmerston 
forming a part of the administration^ and mentioned the 
latter gentleman as being then in the house, though he depre- 
cated any strictures on the conduct of other ministers who 
had not yet taken their places. This brought up Mr. 
Brougham, who said, " Before entering on other topics, I 
beg to say, that I agree most entirely with an observation 
which has fallen from the last speaker, that we should do 
well to refrain from entering into a full discussion of certain 
questions, as if all his Majesty's ministers had their seats. 
But with this sentiment in his mind, I must own that I do 
not think it quite consistent with candour, or with perfect 
fairness, for the honourable and learned gentleman to have 
entered upon so many subjects as he has done to-night, i 
must own, that if the theory which he has recommended to 
others had been practised by himself, I should have been 
better pleased." 

After passing some severe strictures on what he con- 
sidered the inconsistent conduct of both the mover and 



454 LORD PALMERSTON. 

seconder of the address, Mr. Brougham thus proceeded to 
advert to Lord Palmerston : — " I do say, that to propose 
such a course, presents an inconsistency which no excuse 
that can be made to-night will get over. For while the 
honourable gentleman has been exercising his opinion — 
his plenary opinion, I may say — not only on the question 
of the old ministry, but likewise on that of the new, he 
negatives all idea of any thing being said in reply : and 
not content with his own sentiments on the matter, he 
has given the house the sentiments of a noble lord (Pal- 
merston) who, I certainly thought, was not in a condition 
to have any knowledge of what was passing in the politi- 
cal world -, but certainly what has been thus advanced, 
removes from my mind all feeling of delicacy that I might 
have had in entering my protest against the manner in 
which the affair has been carried on ! The opinion of the 
noble lord (Palmerston) was to be received as the opinion 
of a member of a former cabinet ; and indeed as a member 
of every cabinet which had existed for the last twenty years — 
as though he was a sort of hereditary member I ! That the 
noble lord was universally respected by his political ene- 
mies, and that I, for my own part, can bear witness that 
he was the fairest and most candid adversary that it ever 
fell to my lot to contend with, I am most willing to admit ; 
but why the honourable mover of the address has had re- 
course to his opinion, to prove that the present adminis- 
tration, founded on the ruins of the old one, is as good an 
administration as ever existed, I cannot conceive/' * 

When Mr. Brougham sat down, Sir Joseph Yorke called 
upon Lord Palmerston to give the house some explanation 
how it was that this great battalion of Whigs and Tories 
had been broken up so suddenly on the martial appearance 
of the new premier, and concluded with expressing his 
obligations to his honourable and learned friend, Mr. 
Brougham, for his powerful speech. 

* The remainder of Mr. Brougham's speech on this occasion, will be found 
page 62, &c. of this volume. 



LORD PALMERSTON. 455 

Thus called upon, Lord Palmerston rose, and said, he 
was not prepared to accept the invitation of the gallant 
admiral, Sir Joseph Yorke, to go into a detailed statement 
of all the circumstances which attended the late change 
in his Majesty's councils. The honourable and learned 
gentleman, Mr. Brougham, who threw such an air of 
pleasantry about all the observations which he thought 
proper to address to the house, and who knew so well 
how to mingle the grave and the ludicrous, as to amuse 
even those against whom his observations were directed — 
that learned gentleman had on this occasion — although he 
must take leave to say, he thought with no very peculiar 
good taste — taken an opportunity to throw out some ob- 
servations calculated to lower the military character of the 
Duke of Wellington. After some well-turned compliments 
to the martial reputation of the hero of Waterloo, Lord 
Palmerston informed the house, that his grace had tendered 
to his Majesty his resignation of the office of commander- 
in-chief, the functions of which he, from this time, ceased 
to exercise. His lordship proceeded to say, that the 
honourable and learned gentleman, Mr. Brougham, had 
boasted that he was likely to prove a better tactician than 
the present first lord of the treasury, whom he had got 
into a dilemma, out of which it would not be easy for him 
to escape. But if all the anticipations and prognostications 
of the learned gentleman proved no better, nor more for- 
tunate, than the victory he fancied he had achieved to-night, 
he was not likely to prove very successful in the campaign. 
The King's speech pronounced no condemnation of the 
battle of Navarino. It neither condemned the action nor 
its consequences. The honours which had been sent out 
to the gallant admiral, and his brave companions in arms, 
bore sufficient testimony to the fact, that there was no dis- 
position to censure ; and when it was borne in mind that 
the admiral still commanded in the same position — one, 
manifestly of singular trust — and that he did so with the 
full and unchanged confidence of his Majesty's government 



456 LORD PALMERSTON. 

he thought it might be admitted that there could be no 
intention to censure his conduct in the speech from the 
throne. 

In perusing the noble viscount's speech on this occasion, 
one cannot but admire how much more solicitous he was 
to guard the fair fame of the Duke of Wellington, tnan 
to shield himself from Mr. Brougham *s home-thrust at 
his own political consistency ! Mr. Perceval came into 
office on the "No Popery' cry, and Lord Palmerston be- 
came one of his colleagues. The Peel and Wellington 
cabinet proposed the removal of the Catholic disabilities, 
and Lord Palmerston has shewn himself one of their most 
powerful advocates ! It may, no doubt, be said that his 
lordship lived to reap the benefit of experience, and that, 
as fresh light broke in upon his mind, he obeyed its dic- 
tates. Let us judge him candidly, and rather hope that 
such was the case, than that the noble viscount preferred 
the sweets of office to a regard for the honour which is due 
to political consistency. 

There are, it must be confessed, a few difficulties, that 
start up and perplex the mind, when endeavouring to make 
out a satisfactory vindication of his lordship's political 
conduct. His masterly speeches on the Catholic question 
afford convincing evidence of what his sentiments were 
when the Wellington administration was formed, of which 
he was one. Yet nothing could be more remote from the 
intentions of the noble duke at the moment of accepting 
the premiership, than to remove the Catholic disabilities in 
the manner it was afterwards effected. The repeal of the 
Test and Corporation acts was carried, despite of the Duke 
of Wellington and Mr. Peel — and that measure drew in 
its train the removal of the Catholic disabilities. As the 
heads of the government, at the time of forming the 
cabinet, had it not in contemplation to carry either of these 
important measures into effect, Lord Palmerston would 
appear to have given his consent, and yielded acquiescence, to 
a totally different line of policy, and, as regards Ireland, 



LORD PALMERSTON. 457 

opposite to his subsequently avowed principles. Considera- 
tions of this kind, which a fruitful mind would find no great 
difficulty in multiplying, tend somewhat to abate the confi- 
dence one would wish to repose in a person of his lordship's 
acknowledged talents and amiable character. Similar ob- 
servations will be found to apply to the question of parlia- 
mentary reform. But we proceed. 

When the subject of the breaking up of Lord Goderich's 
cabinet came under discussion in the House of Commons, on 
Monday, February 18th, Lord Palmerston said, When a 
proposition was made to him to become a member of the 
new government, he had answered at once, that he wished 
first to know who were to be the members of that govern- 
ment : and when he found that it was to include Mr. 
Huskisson, Lord Dudley, and Mr. Charles Grant, he wanted 
no other pledge for the maintenance of those principles he 
had always supported ! 

On the 3d of June, Mr. Huskisson submitted to the House 
of Commons his explanation of the difference which had 
taken place between himself and the Duke of Wellington, by 
reason of which he had lost his office. Lord Palmerston 
defended the conduct of his right honourable friend, who he 
considered to be ill-used by the premier, and at the same 
time declared his determination to resign his office and con- 
nection with the ministry. On this occasion, after detailing 
various particulars relative to this affair, and, among others, 
an unsuccessful interview which he himself had had with the 
Duke of Wellington, with the view of rectifying what he 
considered to be a misunderstanding — Lord Palmerston thus 
concluded his speech : 

" On Thursday my right honourable friend received from 
the noble duke the letter which he has just read to the 
house — a letter passing wholly by, all the explanations which 
my right honourable friend had offered, both verbally and in 
writing, and fixing my friend's first letter with a meaning 
which he had repeatedly declared was not that which he 
intended to convey. I became completely convinced that no 

3n 



45S LORD PALMERSTON. 

further communication on the subject could be of the slightest 
service. That conviction I communicated to my right hon- 
ourable friend \ and the impression on my mind being, that 
the removal of my right honourable friend from his Majesty's 
government would render it advisable for me to withdraw 
also, I requested an honourable friend of mine to postpone 
for me, till after the holidays, a notice of a motion which I 
had given in this house. Sir, I have stated those things, to 
shew that there existed, on the one hand, the greatest possi- 
ble avidity to take advantage of my right honourable friend's 
first letter, to pin him down to that letter as containing a final 
and positive resignation of his oifice ; and that there existed, 
on the other hand, no disposition whatever to receive any of 
the explanations which my right honourable friend was ready 
and desirous to make. This country, under the administra- 
tion of which my right honourable friend formed a part, has 
been raised to a point of proud pre-eminence which she 
never before attained. It is said that the course which we 
have thus so happily pursued is to remain unchanged. I trust 
it will. I confess, however, that there are prognostics, that 
there are symptoms, which inspire me with apprehension on 
the subject. I trust, however, that his Majesty's govern- 
ment will found their claim to the approbation of the people, 
by maintaining, not in this country alone, but wherever their 
measures may extend, the ascendancy of liberal, wise, just, 
and enlightened principles. Sir, it is only by pursuing such 
a course, that his Majesty's government can obtain the con- 
fidence of the house, and the public ; it is only by pursuing 
such a course, that they can secure the permanence of their 
own power." 

It could contribute little to the advantage of the reader, 
either in the way of instruction or amusement, to trace the 
steps of Lord Palmerston in his official labours during the 
nineteen years he filled the office of war secretary, moving 
the army estimates from year to year, and parrying the 
thrusts of Mr. Joseph Hume. In talent for debate, industry 
and application to business, and an intimate acquaintance 



LORD PALMERSTON. 459 

with the political state of Europe, and the corresponding 
duties of his office, there is no deficiency on the part of the 
noble viscount. There are also a few redeeming speeches 
which it would be unjust to the fair fame of Lord Palmerston 
to pass over in this place unnoticed. They breathe a tone of 
liberal politics, both as regards our own country and foreign 
nations ; on which account we shall preserve at least some 
traces of them. Viscount Palmerston opposed the repeal of 
the Corporation and Test x\cts at the time that question was 
brought forward by Lord John Russell, April 1828 ; but he 
opposed it chiefly by his vote, which, as a member of the 
Wellington administration, he might be compelled to do, or 
resign his office. His speech, which was the last that was 
delivered in the House of Commons on that occasion, prior 
to the division for going into committee, when ministers 
were left in a minority of 44, will sufficiently speak for itself, 
and shew that, though ostensibly levelled against the claims 
of the dissenters, it involves in all its reasonings a powerful 
plea in their favour. Thus his lordship spoke : 

" I can very sincerely assure the house, that, at this period 
of the night, and at this stage of the present debate, it is not 
my intention to detain them more than a very few minutes. 
I do declare to the house, that I am really most anxious to 
be permitted, however shortly, to state the grounds of the 
vote which I shall this night feel bound to give ; and I am 
the more desirous of doing this, as that vote will be adverse 
to the motion of the noble lord (Russell.) I am still further 
anxious to do so, for I should be extremely sorry, indeed, 
were the considerations which influence my intended vote 
for a moment misconstrued into the acknowledging myself 
favourable to a continuance of the laws now under consider- 
ation. J I beg most distinctly to declare that I am a warm 
and zealous friend to religious liberty; that I am as strenuous 
a partisan of religious freedom as the noble lord himself, or 
any other honourable member of this house. I concur with 
him as far as he, or any other man, can wish, that restraints 
upon the consciences of men can never be advantageous. 



460 LORD PALMERSTON. 

No good, no public benefit, can arise from them — much 
evil may possibly ensue from their operation. They con- 
vert into hypocrites men who would otherwise have been 
honest : they sow the spirit of disaffection among men 
who would otherwise have been loyal. They proceed upon 
a principle the most fallacious that can be conceived ; 
namely, that of assuming that peculiar religious opinions 
necessarily indicate the existence, in the same individual, 
of peculiar political opinions ; for it is not for a moment 
contended, that those restraints were imposed for the pur- 
pose of putting down religious sentiments of a peculiar 
character. No such thing : it is fully understood that 
they were imposed for the purpose of guarding against 
political acts, which were expected to proceed from the 
political opinions attributed to those who held religious 
tenets like theirs against whom those statutes had been 
directed. 

66 Now, sir, I fully agree with those who think that in 
their operation, if they were in operation at all, they must 
prove nugatory for the objects of their framers, and most 
unjust as respects those against whose consciences they 
were directed. If we refer to times of internal dissension, 
when breaches of law were frequent, and even treason 
did not fear to shew itself, I am perfectly ready to ad- 
mit, and I take much pleasure in referring to the fact, that 
the dissenters were not open to any accusation ; and as 
a sincere, though humble advocate of religious freedom, 
I take leave to say, that no particular set of theological 
opinions has been found to distinguish those who have 
arranged themselves against the existing government, and 
the preservation of social order. It is asked, do those 
precautionary tests afford a sufficient safeguard for the 
interests of the established church ? I think they do not : 
in that point of view I attach no value or importance to 
them. In my humble opinion, no rational man can set the 
slightest value upon them for such a purpose. The safety 
of the church depends upon the number and character of 



LORD PALMERSTON. 401 

those who are included within its pale ; depends upon its 
doctrines, its opinions, and its practical morality. But 
when it seeks to sustain its existence (and I deny that its 
friends in the present case propose so to do) by means of 
imposing, upon others, tests contrary to their consciences, 
it only rouses into activity that principle of human nature 
which makes men instinctively revolt from any shackles 
on the freedom of thought — which makes them hold with 
increased tenacity those very opinions which persecution 
would in vain seek to eradicate. No, sir, I think that, in 
the present day, the established church of this country 
derives no advantages from such safeguards, if safeguards 
they at all can be considered. In these times, the safety 
of the established church is founded upon the piety and 
learning of its prelates and clergy, and still more upon 
their practical morality. Its safety is, in these times, en- 
sured, not by the pains and disabilities imposed upon other 
denominations of Christians, but by the reverence which 
it has inspired, and continues to inspire, amongst the bulk 
of the people. So long as that freely is acknowledged, 
that learning pre-eminent — that morality spotless — and that 
general reverence unabated — it may disdain any attempts 
at external hostility. 

"If, then, I consider these laws unjust in the abstract 
— if I think them inexpedient even now — if I disregard 
them as securities to the established church — it will natu- 
rally be asked on what grounds I propose to justify my 
voting against the motion of the noble lord ? Now, sir, 
I must, in the first place, be permitted to say, that in spite 
of the refined legal arguments this night so ingeniously 
placed before the house — in spite of all the hypothetical 
cases suggested with such ability — -I must contend, that, of 
late years, these acts have been, to all intents and pur- 
poses, practically repealed. It is utterly vain to deny that 
they have been virtually suspended, and that there is not 
now — that there has not been for years — the slightest 
possible grievance affecting the dissenters. . It must be 



462 LORD FALMERSTON. 

fully in the recollection of the house, that there are two 
great classes in this country, who complain of labouring 
under religious disabilities — I mean the Catholics, and the 
Dissenters. Now, I am unwilling that the jealousy of the 
latter should be excited towards the former — I am unwil- 
ling that the lesser evil should be removed, before the 
greater becomes the object of legislative interference — I 
wish to bring the one up to the level of the other ; or, 
rather, I do not wish to be guilty of the partiality of re- 
lieving the Dissenter from that which is merely nominal, 
while the Catholic labours under real and substantial dis- 
abilities, and has, in fact, great grievances to complain of. 
It is upon these grounds, sir, that I am unwilling to accede 
to the motion of the noble lord — just as the measure may 
be, in the abstract — expedient as it may be, under any cir- 
cumstances — and indifferent as it may be to the interests 
of the established church;— -I am unwilling, I say, sir, to 
be so unjust towards the Catholics as to remove from 
others, or mitigate, I might say, an imaginary grievance, 
while real inflictions press upon them. While their fet- 
ters yet remain to be struck off, I can never consent to the 
demands of the Dissenters." 

The ground taken by the noble viscount, in this instance, 
is precisely that which was assumed by the late Mr. 
Canning ; but, happily for the country, a majority of the 
House of Commons thought it untenable ; and Mr. Peel and 
the Duke of Wellington found it necessary to yield to 
the public voice, and abolish the Corporation and Test 
acts before the Catholic relief bill came under consideration. 
It is due to Lord Palmerston, however, to add, that no 
sooner was the bill carried against his own vote and 
speech, than he rejoiced that an object was consummated, 
which would establish a good understanding between the 
established church and the dissenters. 

The removal of the Catholic disabilities, however, 
travelled quickly on the heels of the repeal of the Corpo- 
ration and Test acts. It was only in March, 1829, that 



LORD PALMERSTON. 463 

Mr. Secretary Peel brought forward that important mea- 
sure, in which he proposed to do away with the votes of 
the forty- shilling freeholders in Ireland, and raise the elec- 
tive franchise to £10 householders. Lord Palmerston, 
though in office, opposed this alteration, in a short speech, 
which we here insert. 

Lord Palmerston said, that, however unwilling he might 
be to oppose a measure which was said to be ultimately 
connected with the great measure which was intended to 
give tranquillity to Ireland, he was induced by insur- 
mountable feelings of dislike to this bill to meet it with 
his opposition. The house had been told that the bill 
for granting Catholic emancipation, and the present mea- 
sure, were inseparably connected. He denied that parlia- 
ment had made any such bargain with the government. 
The price required for Catholic emancipation was the im- 
mediate suppression of the Catholic Association ; and that 
price having been paid, it was impossible, in the event 
of the bill before the house being defeated, for govern- 
ment to turn round, and refuse to fulfil its part of the 
bargain. It was absurd to suppose that government could 
withhold emancipation. No ministry could do so. The 
house had been told that the measures of government were 
proposed in the spirit of peace ; but to him it appeared 
that the present bill was conceived in something like the 
spirit of vengeance. But the only offence of the persons 
against whom the bill was directed was, that they had 
exercised their privilege honestly and independently, and 
according to the dictates of their conscience. One of the 
other arguments in support of the bill was, that the forty- 
shilling freeholders were influenced by the priests, and 
that it was dangerous to leave them in possession of the 
power they now held. If the bill were passed on that 
ground, how could it be said that Catholics were admitted 
to an equality of political privileges ? The one measure 
proposed by government would defeat the other, and a 
Catholic question would still remain to be discussed. It 



464 LORD PALMERSTOX. 

was said that landlords in Ireland were too prone to sub- 
divide their estates, with the view of obtaining political 
influence ; but this evil might safely be left to cure itself. 
He believed this statement was not borne out by facts, 
and that in reality the system was the other way. During 
the last three or four years, attempts had been made to 
thin the population of Ireland, and advance its social con- 
dition, without considering the misery which suclv efforts 
occasioned to large bodies of people. It was said that the 
present measure would have the effect of giving to Ire- 
land substantial yeomanry. Honourable members would 
not wait until the progress of events worked out this 
desirable object ; but were determined to cut the matter 
short, and effect it at once by legal enactment. If the 
bill were passed, and a £10 yeomanry established, could 
they be compared with the yeomanry of England ? It 
would soon be discovered that the £10 yeomanry were of 
too low a denomination, and that it was necessary to raise 
the qualification to £20, and indeed it would be difficult 
to know at what point to stop. The subdivision of pro- 
perty in Ireland depended mainly on the state of society 
in that country, and any sudden attempt at consolidation 
in a country where there were no manufactures to afford 
employment to the superabundant population, could only 
be productive of extensive misery. In Ireland, the popu- 
lation of which was seven millions, there were only thirty 
towns which contained more than 5,000 inhabitants, whilst 
in Scotland, whose population was but two million, there 
were thirty-three towns containing more than 5,000 in- 
habitants. It was in vain to endeavour, by arbitrary 
enactments, to anticipate the progress of society. He 
trusted government would consent to let the present elective 
system of Ireland remain, contenting itself with correcting 
the abuses connected with it. 

How Lord Palmerston contrived to make his peace with 
the Duke of Wellington, for presuming to differ from " the 
Commander- in-Chief," we know not ; but in advocating 



LORD PALMERSTON. 465 

the grand measure, the repeal of the Catholic disabilities, 
his lordship managed to make ample amends for his pre- 
vious delinquency. He delivered a speech in support of the 
bill, which was highly applauded at the moment, and is still 
regarded as the ablest address that was produced in the 
House of Commons on that memorable occasion. Though 
it suffers not a little from the imperfection which must 
unavoidably attend a newspaper report, it is still worthy 
of being preserved as a record of the noble viscount's 
enlightened judgment and superior talents. 

Lord Palmerston said, the honourable member for Newark, 
(Mr. Sadler,) who had last night spoke in that house for the 
first time, had, in his eloquent and able speech, thought it 
necessary to apologize for even touching upon the state of 
Ireland — an apology altogether unnecessary, and somewhat 
curious. The honourable member seemed to think that 
although the state of Ireland was the cause of the measure 
upon which he addressed the house, yet that he might deal 
with the poor-laws, with political economy, with education, 
and with all other matters, but the great matter of all, the 
state of Ireland — the state of the country most concerned in 
the question — was not to be mentioned at all. It was, how- 
ever, upon a view of the condition of Ireland that he (Lord 
Palmerston) was prepared to support the bill. But before 
he proceeded further, he wished to offer a few remarks upon 
some arguments which had fallen from the member for Corfe 
Castle and another honourable gentleman. He esteemed as 
much as any honourable member could, the character and 
the conduct of those great men who effected the revolution 
of 1688 ; and he thought it was but a very ill compliment 
to the memory of those illustrious persons to say, that their 
steps were followed by illiberality, excluding any of our 
fellow- subjects from the blessings of the constitution in con- 
sequence of their religious opinions. He read a very dif- 
ferent version from some honourable gentlemen, in the 
motives and proceedings of those men. The honourable 
member for Corfe Castle had brought forward the declaration 

3o 



466 LORD PALMERSTON. 

of the Prince of Orange, as a proof of the correctness of the 
view which that honourable gentleman took of the question, 
when he opposed this bill, and contended that that declara- 
tion was framed and entirely directed to the exclusion of the 
Roman Catholics from political power. He would not deny 
that much was levelled against the Roman Catholics, but he 
had greatly misread that declaration, who confined its inten- 
tion to so narrow a view. If properly read, it took a much 
more comprehensive and enlightened scope. 

The noble lord then went through the different clauses of 
the declaration, and contended that it was levelled not 
merely or principally against the Roman Catholics, but 
against the perversion of the laws, and the establishment of 
despotic power. That declaration described who the evil 
counsellors were to whom it alluded, and set them forth as 
persons who — when they found they could not by intrigue 
or violence command the votes of parliament — recommended 
to the king that the parliament should be dissolved. And 
what was the remedy proposed by it ? Why, a new parlia- 
ment or convention was summoned, and for what purpose ? 
Why, for the purpose of preparing such new laws, and 
making such new provisions and arrangements, as should be 
considered by it necessary for the settlement of the king- 
dom ; and also for the purpose of establishing a good under- 
standing between the Protestant established church and the 
Protestant Dissenters. The latter object had not been 
effected, however, until last year, when it was happily con- 
summated. And the last great object for which that con- 
vention met was, to secure to all persons who had lived 
peaceably and properly, perfect security and toleration in 
their religious opinions, the papists themselves not even 
being excepted. These were the opinions of that great 
religious radical, King William ! If the objects and opinions 
of that monarch had really been such as they had been 
represented to be, there would be every reason to deplore 
his ever having landed in this country, rather than to rejoice 
in the event, and to bless his memory. King William, how- 



LORD PALMERSTON. 46/ 

ever, came not with Protestantism in one hand and the axe 
of intolerance in the other : he came with peace and tolera- 
tion on his lips, and religious and civil liberty upon his 
banners. 

The noble lord then alluded to the state of Ireland, and, 
after stating that it was the great reason why he supported 
this measure, he depicted its deplorable condition in glow- 
ing colours. In opposition to the measure, it had been 
observed, that if thirty, forty, or fifty Roman Catholics 
gained admission into that house, they would use their best 
endeavours to subvert the constitution ; but it had not been 
exactly explained how they were to accomplish the task. 
It should be remembered, however, that although a small 
party might, by throwing its weight into nearly poised 
balances, give the preponderance to one, yet that the mea- 
sures which it was supposed the Catholics would be desirous 
to carry, were of such a nature that they could succeed only 
when they could support them by a decided majority ; and 
that being the case, it was impossible that thirty or forty 
Roman Catholics could effect their adoption. But it was 
said that in the case of a tottering, weak ministry, the Ro- 
man Catholics might, by their co-operation and assistance, 
obtain a mastery. Such a supposition was absurd. The 
very moment a ministry so misconducted itself it would be 
deserted by every Protestant, and crushed by its own base- 
ness or folly. The honourable baronet, the member for 
Kent, had said, that he did not object to the admission of 
the Roman Catholics to political power from any objection 
to their general conduct, but from some of their religious 
tenets. The honourable baronet of course could not allude 
to such imputed tenets as "there is no faith to be kept 
with heretics," but referred, he supposed, to the presump- 
tion, that the Roman Catholics would give only a divided 
allegiance to the king. The Catholics positively and 
solemnly denied the tenets attributed to them : they had 
done so over and over again, and he believed them when 
they did so. But even if they were not sincere in their 



468 LORD PALMERSTON. 

denial, that would make no difference in his opinion, for 
he did not see what the objectionable tenets had to do with 
the question. If the question was, as to whether there 
should be any Catholics or not, he would say, as decidedly 
and as readily as the honourable baronet — -No. But then 
the Roman Catholics were there — they were with their 
tenets, whether good or ill — and the only question to be 
considered was, what was to be done with them ? The 
question was, whether a new attempt should be made to 
depress, subdue, or extirminate them, or whether, by con- 
ciliation and kindness, they should be converted into 
friends and supporters of the common interest ? For his 
own part he hoped to see the latter course adopted. 

The only professed objection to the admission of the 
Roman Catholics to political power was, that they held a 
divided allegiance. The Catholics utterly denied that such 
was the fact ; and as a proof of the truth of his denial, said 
to the Protestant, " Frame what oath you please, binding 
me to temporal allegiance to the king, and I will truly take 
it." And if it was said in reply, that oaths were but words, 
and words but air, he would remind those who made such 
an answer, that the Roman Catholics were admitted at pre- 
sent to the command of fleets and of armies, and might 
appeal to the exploits they had performed in their military 
capacity. If Catholics were likely or inclined to treat oaths 
lightly, in what situation were they so likely to do so as in 
the navy or army, where they were distant from control, and 
exposed to temptation ? The act by which they were 
admitted to the command of the navy and army, was not 
framed at the time of the revolution of 1688. No, it cer- 
tainly was not : it was passed in more modern times, and 
many of the opponents of the present bill allowed it to pass 
without opposition. What then was the fact ? Why, you 
trust the outposts of your camp, you trust the outworks of 
your fortress, and the parts most accessible to intrigue and 
collision with the enemy, into the custody of Roman Catho- 
lics ; but you will not admit them into the heart of your 



LORD PALMERSTON. 469 

citadel, where they will be surrounded by guards and checks, 
if they should be disposed to play you false. They would 
give the Roman Catholics the command of fleets and of 
armies, even in those perilous times, when the fate of the 
nation might depend upon the result of a battle, and they 
would do so without apprehension, but they would not con- 
sent to admit one Catholic into that house, where he would 
only be one among many, where his language and his 
actions would be made fully known, and whose proceed- 
ings were carried at the dawn of day, upon wings scarcely 
less swift than those of the winds, to the most distant parts 
of the empire, and everywhere freely discussed and can- 
vassed. 

Much had been said respecting the wisdom of their 
ancestors ; and, certainly, upon the question before the 
house, their ancestors appeared to have the advantage. Their 
ancestors hated the Roman Catholics, and perhaps had some 
cause; they hated the Roman Catholics, and had none. 
Their ancestors attempted to extirpate the Catholics, and set 
about it in right good earnest, deeming a Catholic a sort of 
dangerous and ferocious beast of prey, and, treating him as 
such, drove him into his fastnesses. They hated the Catho- 
lics, but permitted them to walk about their cities, to be 
seen in the neighbourhood of their gardens, and thought it 
sufficient if they only closed against them the portals of the 
temple of justice. If the Catholics were dangerous, they 
had gone too far — but they could not recede ; and if they 
were not dangerous, they had not gone far enough. The 
elements of political power were numbers, wealth, and intel- 
ligence ; and these they had permitted Catholics to acquire. 
Yet, while the Catholics were going on, daily adding to their 
importance, they still went on discussing the danger if 
Catholics should acquire any further political power. Why, 
those persons who swayed the passions and commanded the 
actions of five or six millions of Catholics possessed political 
power, if there was any meaning in words. He called upon 
the house to strip these men of the dangerous power they 



! 



470 LORD PALA1ERSTON. 

possessed — to convert them into supports of the empire ; he 
called upon the house, as skilful physicians, to extract the 
poison, and to convert it into a restorative. 

The population of England in 1821 was 14,000,000; 
that of Ireland was 7*000,000. In the same year the revenue 
raised through the industry of England was 50,000,000/. ; 
the revenue raised through the industry of Ireland was, 
what ? 25,000,000/., as in due proportion it ought to have 
been ? No ; it was barely 5,000,000/. What was the reason 
of so great a disproportion ? The soil of Ireland was cele- 
brated for its fertility, and, as a proof of the industry of the 
people, he appealed to the harvest fields of England. But 
he should be told that the cause was that Ireland was without 
capital. Why was she without it ? That simple fact proved 
that she was misgoverned. The capital of England over- 
flowed in every direction excepting Ireland. It was found 
to climb the Andes, to visit the Antipodes ; but into Ireland 
it did not enter. Beyond the united kingdom no enterprise 
was too difficult for the British capitalist ; but around Ireland 
the enchanter had thrown his spell, and he called upon the 
house to break the charm, and let in the fertilizing medium. 
He called upon the country gentlemen who wished to be 
relieved from the burdens which oppressed them, and told 
them that there was no plan, however ingenious, of finance, 
that would afford them one-half the relief they would derive 
from Catholic emancipation. Until that was granted, nothing 
beneficial could be done. 

If the most ingenious tormentor of the human race had 
endeavoured to devise a scheme for rendering Ireland miser- 
able, he could not have conceived a more effective one than 
the penal. In a pure despotism all might be contented, 
because all were alike ; but when freedom was given only to 
a part, there must be dissensions and heart-burnings. If he 
wished to convert an unprejudiced Protestant to his opinions 
on the question, he would take him to the south of Ireland, 
and let him see the open discontent of the peasantry, and the 
better-concealed, but rankling jealousy of the gentry; and if 



LORD PALMERSTON. 471 

that did not convert him, he would take him to the north, 
and then let him see how noble and generous natures might 
be corrupted and perverted by the possession of an unnatural 
and monstrous ascendancy over the great majority of their 
countrymen. These truths afforded a melancholy proof of 
the evils produced by exclusion, and they ought to be enter- 
tained as a salutary warning. His right honourable friend 
(Mr. Peel) had asked those who opposed the measure what 
other course they would pursue ; and the hon. member for 
Newark had said, mulct the absentees, educate the poor, 
introduce the poor laws, and, as a last remedy, a civil war. 
Absenteeism ! Make Ireland habitable, and the absentees 
would return. Educate the poor ! No ; if they wished to 
maintain the disabilities, they should keep the poor in igno- 
rance. Introduce the poor laws ! Why, the Irish were 
charged with being an improvident people, the population 
was considered superabundant. How then would the poor 
laws serve them ? Committees of that house had sat to 
endeavour to get rid of the curse of the poor laws in this 
country : but it had never occurred to any one to think that 
their introduction into Ireland would confer a double blessing 
on that country. As to a civil war, gentlemen said that they 
must come to it sooner or later, and that they were better 
prepared now than they should be hereafter. When the 
honourable member for Newark was better acquainted with 
the history of Ireland, he would know that blood had been 
shed, and leaders had been tried and punished. True, those 
measures had succeeded for the moment ; but they had ulti- 
mately only fixed deeper the barbed arrow of discontent in 
the hearts of the people. It was easy for honourable gen- 
tlemen who lived secure in the blessings of peace to talk of 
civil war. 

" He jests at scars who never felt a wound." 

That barbarism which required civil war would not be 
sanctioned by the people of England. If the nation was 
glutted with peace, and, like a smothered fire, was ready to 



472 LORD PALMERSTON. 

burst forth in flame, let it turn to another country, and not 
upon itself. England, he was sure, would recoil with loath- 
ing at the prospect of shedding fraternal blood. Whilst 
they were debating about securities, dangers were increasing ; 
the groaning of the earth warned its inhabitants of approach- 
ing convulsion, and the signs of the times excited alarm. 
The noble lord, in conclusion, said, he did not appeal to idle 
fears : it was that fear which Burke described to be the 
mother of safety. The man that would not yield to the 
danger he had described, should go and break his lance 
against a windmill, and the court of chancery should restrain 
him from interfering with public affairs. 

When the first reform bill was introduced to the House of 
Commons by Lord John Russell, Viscount Palmerston ap- 
peared in the foremost rank of its supporters. He came 
forward on the 3d of March, 1831, and thus addressed the 
house : 

He rejoiced, he said, that he had given way to his noble 
friend, (the Marquis of Tavistock,) as it had created an 
opportunity for the honourable member (Mr. A. Baring) to 
explain what might otherwise have produced an impression 
that something was done by the government in the framing 
of this plan, out of deference to the views or wishes of the 
house of Russell. Nothing of the kind could have been 
expected on the one side, or thought of on the other ; and 
he was glad that the honourable member had the opportunity 
of declaring that he had never meant to convey any such 
imputation. With what fell from the honourable member in 
the beginning of his speech, he fully concurred. He agreed 
with him in thinking that whatever subjects of importance 
might have occupied the attention of the house at former 
periods, there never was any subject of so much moment 
as that now submitted to its consideration. Many former 
measures of great consequence had been decided by their 
single importance, and with reference to some past experi- 
ence ; but the present measure could not be tried by any 
such test. It was one which did not affect only one particular 



LORD PALMERSTON. 4J'd 

interest — it would affect the whole government and character 
of the country, not only now, but in all future ages. He did 
not affect for a moment to conceal the difficulty with which 
the question was surrounded : if he did, he should be unwor- 
thy of the place he held, and the part he took on this occa- 
sion ; for he must, indeed, be a bold, or an unthinking man, 
who could approach such a question without a due consider- 
ation of all the difficulties with which it was encompassed — 
who could propose to make such a change in the constitution, 
which, with all its faults, had been productive of so many 
benefits to the country at large. He repeated, he must be a 
very bold, or a very thoughtless man, who could propose 
such a change, without the most serious consideration of it 
in all its bearings. 

Fondness for change was, he must say, not the character 
of the people of England. They had always been remarkable 
for a tenacious attachment to their national institutions, 
affording, in this respect, a striking contrast to their next- 
door neighbours, who were often dazzled and delighted by 
the freshness and newness of their institutions, whilst in Old 
England people rejoiced in the antiquity of theirs. We well 
knew the great difficulty of bringing the people to consent 
to a change in their laws ; how strenuously many a hard- 
fought contest was maintained before they could be induced 
to relinquish certain statutes ; how long and how eagerly 
the struggle was carried on during years of discussion, before 
they could be brought to give up — first, the traffic in human 
beings ; and, at a later period, those laws which condemned 
a considerable portion of the people to political degradation ; 
he meant the penal code affecting the Roman Catholics. 
When we saw in a people, so unwilling heretofore to consent 
to change, a now eager desire for innovation — a desire not 
confined to itinerant demagogues, or bow- window orators, 
but manifested by large masses, including those of rank, and 
wealth, and station, and influence, in the country, demanding 
a change, we should come to the conclusion that there 
existed in the country some great practical abuses which 

3i> 



474 LORD PALMERSTON. 

called loudly for a remedy. The honourable gentleman (Mr, 
Baring) said, that if the people were left to themselves, they 
would be quiet, and not think of making such demands as 
the present measure was intended to satisfy ; and he added, 
that, if the government, and the press, and the public, did 
not pursue a fallacy, we should not have heard so much of 
the cry for innovation. l\Iow, he must say, that if the 
government, and the press, and the public, were of opinion 
that this innovation was necessary, it might happen that it 
was not a fallacy. He contended that the people of this 
country sought for a change, because the state of the country 
was such as to require it. Among the many instances which 
he could cite in proof of that fact, he would for the present 
only mention one, that they (the ministers) were now seated 
on those benches which had been so recently occupied by 
honourable gentlemen opposite. Honourable gentlemen 
might say what they pleased, but it was not the difference 
about the civil list — it was not the reduction of the salaries 
of some half-dozen offices — which caused the overthrow of 
the late administration. The rock which they split upon 
was their defiance of public opinion. They went on, spread- 
ing wide the canvass of patronage as they proceeded ; but 
that patronage, and the use they made of it, to accelerate 
their progress and increase their power, proved to be their 
ruin. He would again repeat it, the besetting sin of the last 
administration was a disregard of public opinion — of public 
opinion at home — of public opinion abroad. 

The error of the course they pursued did not, unfortu- 
nately, end with their power ; it had become the means of 
setting Europe in flames. He asserted, that an obstinate 
adherence to the notion, that a few men in authority could 
succeed in bearing down public opinion, had proved fatal to 
the late administration, and he warned the house that the 
example might serve as a guard against any such error in 
future. He would contend, that, if it were not for the pru- 
dence, and discretion, and activity, of two men — of his noble 
friend at the head of the home department, and of the great 



LORD PALMERSTON. 475 

firmness of the noble lord at the head of the government of 
Ireland; we might now be in a situation to be alarmed for 
the connexion of the two countries. Those who recollected 
what took place in November last, and who considered the 
steps taken on that occasion, would bear out his assertion ; 
and. notwithstanding the cheers of honourable gentlemen in 
opposition, from whom no very large support or approval 
could be expected on such an occasion, he would repeat, that 
to the circumstances he had alluded, the country was much 
indebted for the tranquillity that now reigned in that part of 
the country ; but he must at the same time say, that all 
that the present ministry had done would have been 
unavailing, if they had not been supported by public 
opinion. 

What they had done, the late ministry could never have 
achieved; for public opinion was decidedly against them. 
He said, then, when public opinion was so strong in favour 
of a change, it was the duty of government to concede that 
change, in such a manner as not to impair those advantages 
we had so long enjoyed. In looking at the nature of the 
proposed changes, let the house consider some of the evils 
which it was intended to remedy. What was it which 
for years had produced so much misgovernment — so much 
of disregard to public opinion ? The gross bribery and 
corruption practised at elections, by means of which, parties 
made their way into parliament — the undue influence ex- 
erted at elections for members of that house — and so many 
of them coming in, either without constituents, or only with 
those whom they had purchased, and might sell again. 
When then, by such practices the people were driven to 
tear aside the veil of sanctity with which hereditary respect 
had invested even the imperfections of the constitution, 
it was impossible that they whose limited propositions of 
reform had been rejected, should not be led to demand 
wider and more extensive changes. There were many 
men in that house who wished things to remain as they 
were, and who would be willing to bear the faults of the 



476 LORD PALMERSTON. 

constitution, for the sake of its many excellencies. He 
would tell those people, that if now they were driven to 
the necessity of choosing between a change which they 
feared, and the evil consequences which would arise from 
the refusal of that change, the blame must rest on those 
who three years ago refused to make even the smallest 
concession to public feeling. If, three years ago, advan- 
tage had been taken of the conviction of corrupt boroughs 
to bring gradually into connexion with that house the great 
unrepresented towns — if, instead of drawing nice equations 
between the manufacturing and the agricultural interests, 
they had turned reformers on ever so moderate a scale — the 
house would not now have been discussing a plan of general 
reform proposed by his noble friend, his Majesty's pay- 
master of the forces. 

Lord Palmerston said, he had supported all those pro- 
posals for limited reform, because he thought them good 
in themselves ; and because he clearly saw, that if they 
were refused, we should be obliged to have recourse to 
wider and more extensive changes ; but his predictions 
had been condemned and disregarded by the honourable 
gentlemen opposite. For reasons similar to those for 
which he then supported those limited propositions of 
reform, he was now prepared to support the more exten- 
sive measure which had been proposed by his noble friend. 
Taunts had been thrown, in the course of that night's 
debate, against those who, like himself, were the admirers 
of Mr. Canning. They had been taunted for abandoning 
the principles which that great man had adopted with 
respect to the important question of reform. He thought 
that the events which had taken place in that house since 
the lamented death of that illustrious person, might have 
taught those who indulged in such taunts, that public men 
might change their opinions on questions of deep national 
concernment, without being influenced by any but honest 
and honourable motives. He should have imagined that 
those who cast such reproaches, would have learned by 



LORD PALMERSTON. 477 

this time, that public men were not justified in indulging 
what he called the puerile vanity of consistency of opinion, 
if by so doing they might endanger the great interests of 
the country. What Mr. Canning's opinion on the question 
of reform would now have been, had he lived to the pre- 
sent day, it was not for him to say ; but they were bad 
expounders of Mr. Canning's opinions, who looked for them 
in particular sentiments, expressed at particular times, and 
did not scrutinize the principles by which his public life 
was guided. If any man took a great and enlarged view 
of human affairs, without doubt, that eminent statesman 
did ; and he would venture to say, that had Mr. Canning 
lived in the present day, and stood in the same circum- 
stances in which he (Lord Palmerston) stood, his great 
genius would have at once comprehended the necessity on 
which the opinions of the government were founded, and 
would have stated to the house, in his (Lord Palmerston' s) 
belief, the same sentiments which he (Lord Palmerston) 
was now expressing. If any honourable member wanted 
to learn the opinions of Mr. Canning, let him refer to the 
speech delivered by that gentleman in February, 1826, on 
the freedom of the silk trade, when he expressed himself 
in a manner very applicable to the present occasion — say- 
ing, ie That those who resisted improvement, because 'it 
was innovation, might find themselves compelled to accept 
innovation, when it had ceased to be improvement." 

Lord Palmerston said, it was no longer in the power of 
the house to do, in 1831, what would have been easy in 
1828 — namely, to take advantage of the conviction of cor- 
rupt boroughs to transfer the elective franchise, as occa- 
sions occurred, to the great manufacturing towns. A 
change of circumstances had made it necessary for govern- 
ment to prepare for the consideration of parliament a plan 
of general reform. He was aware that those who were 
wedded to the present system might denounce the propo- 
sition of government to be a revolutionary measure, while 
those who sought to overthrow existing establishments, 



478 JLORD PALMERSTON. 

and build on their ruin another system, of which they 
aimed to be the rulers, would stigmatize it as insufficient ; 
but he was convinced that those who admitted timely cor- 
rection and improvement to be the conservative principle 
of free institutions, would look upon the proposition as 
well adapted to consolidate the fabric of the constitution, 
and give it due consistency and strength. Any one who 
looked at the constitution of the representation of this 
house, could not fail to be struck by seeing five prominent 
defects; — the nomination boroughs— the gross, general, and 
barefaced corruption which prevailed, not only in small, 
but also in large places — the want of members for some 
of the greatest and most important manufacturing towns — 
the expenses of elections — and the unequal distribution 
among different classes of society of that power which re- 
sulted from the exercise of the elective franchise. To all 
these, defects the plan of government applied sound and 
wholesome remedies. 

It was impossible for any man to say that the existence 
of nomination boroughs was consistent with the theory of 
the constitution, according to which honourable members 
sat in that house as the representatives of the people of 
England. He did not deny that some of those boroughs 
had afforded an entrance into the house to persons of 
splendid talents and great capacity, who had strenuously 
advocated the rights and liberties of the people. But still 
it was impossible for any plan of real reform to be devised, 
which did not take for its foundation the total disfran- 
chisement of the nomination boroughs. Besides, without 
considerable disfranchisement, it was impossible to pro- 
vide for the other advantages which the plan uf government 
proposed to accomplish. Every man would agree, that the 
number of the members of parliament, if not too large, 
was large enough : and unless some boroughs had been 
disfranchised, it would have been impossible, without great 
inconvenience, to give representatives to the manufacturing 
towns. 



LORD PALMERSTON. 4/9 

Some honourable members had contended, that an unfair 
selection had been made of the boroughs to be disfranchised, 
and the honourable member for Callington had insinuated 
that the plan of government had not been framed on 
general principles, but with a view to save certain boroughs, 
and the borough of Tavistock among the number. A most 
triumphant answer to such a charge had been given by his 
noble friend, (the Marquis of Tavistock,) who had stated 
that the population of Tavistock was 5,000, while that of 
Callington was somewhere between 1,000 and 2,000. For 
the further satisfaction of the honourable member, he could 
inform the house, that there were twenty-five other boroughs 
with a population between that of Tavistock, and the most 
populous of the forty-seven half-disfranchised boroughs, 
which would retain the privilege of returning two repre- 
sentatives. It was not the object of government to sever 
the ties which existed between the middle and lower classes 
and the aristocracy ; and they did not think their propo- 
sition would have any such effect. They did not wish to 
put an end to that influence which arose from good conduct 
on the one hand, and respect and affection on the other, 
but to unreasonable submission to naked authority. 

The honourable member (Mr. Baring) had stated in the 
early part of his speech, that the proposition of government 
would effect a real as well as a theoretical separation of 
the two houses of parliament, and that the influence of the 
aristocracy would be excluded from the House of Commons: 
but the honourable gentleman in the latter part of his speecli 
proceeded to answer his own objection ; and stated, that 
not only the Duke of Bedford would retain as much par- 
liamentary influence, but that even he (the honourable mem- 
ber for Callington) would still have it in his power to return 
the member for Callington. 

Lord Palmerston maintained, that the proposition of 
government would not destroy the wholesome influence of 
the aristocracy — that influence which was obtained by emi- 
nent conduct, by moral and intellectual distinction, and by 



480 LORD PALMERSTON. 

exercising towards their inferiors those qualities which 
secured the affections and gained the admiration of men. 
The plan of government would introduce to a share in the 
government of the country the great body of householders — 
that is, the great bulk of the middle classes of the kingdom. 
An honourable and learned gentleman (Mr. H. Twiss) had 
chosen to make himself merry at the expense of the middle 
classes. He was pleased to say, that shopkeepers, small 
attorneys, innkeepers, and publicans, were totally unfit to 
enjoy any share in the representation. He could assure 
honourable members that he was not speaking from memory, 
for he had taken down the honourable and learned gentle- 
man's words. But he would ask the honourable and learned 
member, in what respect were the potwallopers more fitted 
to choose representatives than respectable shopkeepers and 
attorneys ? 

An honourable member (Mr. Baring) had asked, Why, if it 
were considered dangerous to trust the potwallopers with 
the elective franchise beyond twenty years, not disfranchise 
them now ? The answer he gave to that question was, that 
though the government thought that that description of 
voters should be extinguished, yet they did not see such 
danger in the present electors continuing to exercise the 
elective franchise, as to induce them to take that right away 
during the lives of those who now possessed it. He believed 
that the proposition would prove satisfactory to the country ; 
and notwithstanding the taunts which had been thrown on 
the middle classes, he believed that there did not exist in 
any country a body of men more entitled to respect and 
confidence than the middle classes of this country. He 
would venture to say that there never was a class of men 
more distinguished for morality and good conduct, for 
intelligence and love of order, for true loyalty to their king, 
for affection to the constitution, and, in case of need, for 
devotion to their country. He considered it would be one 
great and main recommendation of the plan of government, 
that it gave to the middle classes an interest in the govern- 



^^^^nan 



LORD PALMERSTON. 481 

ment of the country, from which they had been so long 
excluded. 

The noble lord next alluded to the great expenses attend- 
ing elections, arising from gross and disgusting bribery, and 
stated that this cause of expense was proposed to be removed 
by the introduction of a respectable and honest body of 
voters. He did not agree with an honourable member, that 
it was worse for electors to sell their votes than the pro- 
prietors of boroughs to sell seats in parliament, because 
corruption on such a large scale had a tendency to destroy 
respect for the institutions of the country, and demoralize 
the whole population of the place where it prevailed. An 
honourable member had stated that there was no necessity 
to give representatives to the manufacturing towns, because 
they possessed virtual representation ; but he (Lord Pal- 
merston) asked, why should not, then, small boroughs be 
contented with similar representation ? The manufacturing 
towns required something more than virtual representation, 
considering how often parliament was called upon to legis- 
late on matters affecting the interests of the commercial 
portion of the country. It was therefore desirable that they 
should possess representatives with whom they could 
directly communicate, and in whom they placed confidence. 
To the manufacturing towns, then, it was intended to give 
thirty-four members, and, to preserve the just preponderance 
of the landed interest, it was proposed to add fifty-five to the 
county members. Besides, all persons who had votes in 
towns would not be entitled to vote in counties ; so that the 
representatives of the counties would be even more exclu- 
sively than at present the representatives of the agricultural 
interest. We looked on the landed interest as the surest 
foundation on which rested the fabric of the state, and the 
institutions of the country. He meant no disparagement to 
the manufacturing and commercial classes. He was per- 
fectly aware that they were indispensable to the happiness 
and prosperity of the country ; and that, without them, land 
would lose its value. But the house must not forget, that 

3q 



4B2 LORD PALMERSTON. 

the soil of the country was the country itself. With refer- 
ence to what had fallen from the honourable member for 
Callington (Mr. Baring,) he would add, that under the pre- 
sent system, it was not talent that procured a man a seat in 
that house, but length of purse, the ability to pay agents 
and post-horses up to the fourteenth day. This was a great 
and practical evil, and this evil the bill would prevent. The 
great and leading principle of the bill was, that it would 
alter the distribution of the different classes, and bring the 
middling classes into communion with the others. The 
present system did not give the middling classes an adequate 
share in the representation. He was convinced that the 
majority of the house would concur in the bill, as a measure 
adapted to promote the public good ; though there might 
be men who thought that a vote of that house might 
change the opinion of the country, or that government might 
bid defiance to that opinion, and refuse to comply with it. 
He trusted that the number of such persons, and of those 
who acted as they did, would not prove to be a majority of 
the house, as it might lead to serious consequences. There 
were, however, persons who thought that the bill would 
satisfy the country, and unite all classes in its favour ; and 
he trusted that, in the decision which the house was about 
to come to, the truth would prevail. 

We could easily enrich our pages with interesting ex- 
tracts from Lord Palmerston's speeches, were it necessary to 
give further proof of his parliamentary tactics — but enough 
has been done for that purpose. The office which his lord- 
ship now fills is, in the present state of the Continent of 
Europe, one of no ordinary difficulty, and one that calls for 
talents of the highest order. He may be too aristocratical 
in his notions for the present day, but no one denies him 
the merit of official aptitude, and some of his state-papers, 
recently produced on the affairs of Belgium, are very cre- 
ditable both to himself and the country. 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 483 



RIGHT HON. 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE, BART, 

Secretary at War. 



This intrepid reformer, who has now represented the city 
of Westminster, in parliament, for several years, in con- 
junction with Sir Francis Burdett, is the son of the late 
Sir Benjamin Hobhouse, Bart. F.R., and A.S.S., and many 
vears member for Hindon, in Wilts. 

The family of Hobhouse came originally from Germany, 
and settled at Minehead, in the county of Somerset, whence 
towards the close of the seventeenth century they removed 
to Bristol, of which city they soon after became considera- 
ble merchants. 

Sir Benjamin Hobhouse was trained to the profession of 
the law ; but adopting political in preference to forensic 
pursuits, he was appointed secretary to the Board of Con- 
trol, in Mr. Addington's administration, and, in the Fox and 
Grenville administration, 1806, chairman of ways and 
means. He had been previously selected (1804) by the 
East India Directors, as one of the commissioners for pay- 
ing the debts of the Nabob of Carnatic, and subsequently 
for liquidating those of the Rajah of Tanjore; an office 
which he resigned a short time previous to his death, which 
took place on the 15th of August, 1831. 

Sir John Cam Hobhouse is the eldest son of Sir Ben- 
jamin, and indeed the eldest of twelve children, which the 
late baronet had by two wives. He was born on the 27tli 



484 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

June, 1786, and succeeded to the title as second baronet, 
upon the demise of his father. He finished his education at 
Cambridge, and, before he left the university, signalized 
himself by a successful prize essay, on the subject of the 
origin of sacrifices, and their continuance among both 
Jews and Heathens This essay was printed, but not for 
sale. Quitting the banks of Cam, Mr. Hobhouse went 
abroad, and, on his return to his native country, favoured 
the public with " Some account of a Journey into Albania, 
Romelia, and other provinces of Turkey, in 1809 and 1810," 
in 4to, London 1812; of which a second edition appeared in 
the following year, in 2 vols. 4to., embellished with plates. 

It was on the lamented death of Sir Samuel Romilly, we 
think, that Sir John Hobhouse was chosen to represent 
Westminster, and soon began to distinguish himself as an 
expert and spirited debater. In his political opinions he 
was as liberal as his highly gifted colleague, or any other 
member of the British senate. When the reign of Buona- 
parte drew towards a termination, Mr. Hobhouse went upon 
the Continent, and became an eye-witness of many inter- 
esting occurrences, which he subsequently detailed in a 
publication, entitled, " The Substance of some Letters written 
by an Englishman, resident at Paris, during the last Reign 
of the Emperor Napoleon ; with an Appendix of Official 
Documents," London, 1816, 2 vols, 8vo., but without the 
author's name. And while adverting to his publications, it 
may be as well to mention, that we are indebted to Sir John 
Hobhouse, for* u Imitations and Translations from the 
Ancient and Modern Classics, together with original Poems, 
never before published," London, 1809, 8vo. — also, " His- 
torical Illustrations of the Fourth Canto of Childe Harold ; 
containing Dissertations on the Ruins of Rome, and an Essay 
on Italian Literature," 1818, 8vo. Besides these now speci- 
fied, which are all works of research and learning, indicat- 
ing no ordinary talent, there are several minor productions 
of his pen, in the form of pamphlets, some with, and others 
without, the author's name. Mr. Hobhouse was also at 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 485 

Vienna in 1815, when the congress was held in that metro- 
polis, by the allied Sovereigns, for ratifying the peace of the 
continent, and was a spectator of that imposing pageant. 

In taking a cursory review of the right honourable baro- 
net's parliamentary career, we shall commence with his 
masterly speech in support of Mr. Lambton's (now Lord 
Durham's) motion for a reform in parliament, April 17th, 
1821. It may be worth the reader's while to turn back to 
our report of Mr. Lambton's address, which they will find 
at page 400 of this volume, and cast his eye over it once more, 
as it will enable him to enter more fully into the merits of 
Mr. Hobhouse's able defence and support. There is, how- 
ever, something more to be said in the way of explanation, 
to render the latter quite intelligible to readers of the 
present day, and prevent the exquisite poignancy — might 
we call it the Attic salt — contained in the latter part of the 
speech, from being evaporated by the lapse of time, and so 
lost to posterity. 

It is well known that the late Mr. Canning was through 
life a determined opposer of parliamentary reform, and, 
from the circumstance of his great talents and commanding 
eloquence, he presented a more formidable barrier to the 
measure being taken up by the House of Commons, than 
anything else that can be named. Mr. Lambton refers to 
this in the beginning of his speech ; and both he and Mr. 
Hobhouse anticipated that gentleman's opposition to the 
motion. Hence the pointed reference to him towards the 
conclusion of Mr. Hobhouse's speech, as " a smart six-form 
boy, the little hero of a little world." The mere circum- 
stance, however, of Mr. Canning's being an anti-reformer, 
would not justify the honourable baronet, in indulging 
in such personalities as are to be found in that singular 
address — consequently some other cause must have existed; 
and a few lines on this subject will render the matter 
intelligible. 

It is no secret, that a bad state of feeling had existed 
for some time between Mr. Hobhouse and Mr. Canning 



486 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

previous to the delivery of the following speech. In con - 
sequence of the great distress which prevailed throughout 
the country for a few years after the return of peace, much 
dissatisfaction with the measures of government prevailed ; 
— the habeas corpus act was repeatedly suspended, from 
which many suffered — and petitions containing the most 
affecting details of cruelty and oppression which individuals 
had undergone in dungeons and chains, were submitted 
to parliament. Mr. Hobhouse believed these representations 
to be true — Mr. Canning scouted them almost in toto, as a 
scandalous imposition on the House of Commons ; and 
having; as he conceived, sufficiently exposed their falsehood, 
exclaimed, in his lofty style, in reference to the case of 
one individual in Manchester — an old man of the age of 
seventy-four, who had been nine months in confinement — 
" The case of the revered and ruptured Ogden may be a 
very fit one to be brought before the Rupture Society ; 
but to require upon it the decision of parliament, is such a 
daring attempt upon its credulity, as will probably be never 
again attempted/' 

This sportive sally, which was very characteristic of Mr. 
Canning at that period of his life, was viewed by some in 
the light of trifling with human suffering. It was accord- 
ingly denounced vehemently in the anti-ministerial prints 
and, in particular, in an anonymous pamphlet, which Mr. 
Canning suspected to have proceeded from the pen of Mr. 
Hobhouse. It described Mr. Canning's flourish as a mon- 
strous outrage upon the audience that it insulted, and added 
that " the stupid alliteration — i the revered and ruptured/ 
was one of the ill-tempered weapons coolly selected from 
his oratorical armoury ;" and the writer concludes his 
invectives and denunciations with the following threat : 
(e If you ever accuse me of treason — throw me into prison — 
make your jailors load me with chains — and then jest at 
my sufferings ; I will put you to death." 

It has been already intimated, that suspicion of having 
written this philippic rested on Mr. Hobhouse, and Mr. 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 487 

Canning certainly lost no opportunity, after its publica- 
tion, of insulting that gentleman. One night, in a debate, 
he had the temerity, when referring to the two members 
for Westminster, to speak of them as "the honourable baro- 
net and his man" ! Now, the reader must keep these things 
in mind, if he would form a proper estimate of Mr. Hob- 
house's parliamentary tactics, as they are displayed in this 
uncourteous retort. 

Mr. Hobhouse said, he hoped that the great importance 
of the subject would be his excuse with the house, if he 
should find it necessary on this occasion to occupy their 
time at some length. He felt he was incompetent for the 
task, but he trusted for the indulgence of the house, while 
he exerted himself to discharge what he considered an im- 
portant duty. Before he entered into the question, he must 
remark upon one observation which had fallen from the 
honourable member who had just sat down. He considered 
his assertion respecting nations emerging one step from 
slavery to freedom, as wholly inapplicable to the question 
before the house. We were not now emerging from slavery 
to freedom ; (how soon we might be in a state of slavery, 
was another point ;) but to prevent so deplorable a catas- 
trophe was one great object of his honourable friend in 
bringing forward the present motion. The honourable 
gentleman (Mr. Wilmot) had said, that if great abuses 
arose, there was a powerful check on them, in the force of 
public opinion. He (Mr. Hobhouse) would admit that it 
was a great corrective, but it was erroneous to say that the 
people should have only that, and no other, to correct the 
errors of a bad system, or that it would of itself correct 
those errors. He really could not understand what the 
honourable member meant by saying that the people had 
no right to this or that change in the system ; but he was 
sure the house would feel that enough had been said to 
shew that the system of parliamentary representation had 
been quite different from what it was at present, in num- 
bers, in the duration of parliaments, and in the general 



488 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSS1. 

constitution of the house. Mr. Hume had said, that the 
history of this constitution was a history of perpetual 
change 5 and in 1784, it was contended by Mr. Fox, that 
the mere objection of innovation was, of all others, the 
least worthy of attention in a question of reform. In 
stating that there had beeii great changes in the numbers 
of the house, he was fully borne out by the best authorities. 
In the reign of Henry the Sixth, the numbers were three 
hundred. Henry the Eighth added thirty-one; Queen 
Elizabeth, thirteen ; Edward the Sixth added the city, which 
he (Mr. Hobhouse) had the honour to represent ; King 
James the First added the universities. This was proof 
of one of his positions, that great changes had taken place 
with respect to the numbers in that house : to this he 
might add, that there were not fewer than seventy-nine 
places which had formerly sent members, but which at 
present did not return any ; he therefore concluded that 
with the omnipotence of parliament, as it was called, we 
have a right to alter the number of representatives as cir- 
cumstances should require. 

With respect to the extent of the elective franchise, great 
changes had also taken place. In fact, the full extent 
of the franchise was not known in many places up to the 
present day. He would state, as one instance, that an 
election committee had sat two years on a dispute about 
the franchise in Westminster ; and at the end of that time 
they reported, that parliament would be likely to end be- 
fore they could come to a conclusion as to what was the 
extent of the franchise in that city. Still greater changes 
had occurred in the duration of parliaments : first, they 
were sessional, then twice a year, sometimes six times a 
year, then annual, next biennial, then triennial by three acts 
of parliament, and lastly septennial. Thus then on these 
three points he had shewn that very important changes 
had taken place. There had also been very considerable 
changes in the character of parliament. The parliaments 
of the Plantagenets differed very materially from those of 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 489 

the Tudors ; the latter differed as much from the parlia- 
ments under the house of Stuarts, and there had been still 
as great a difference between those and the parliaments 
after the Revolution. That they had differed in character 
since then, he believed no man would deny. At the revo- 
lution the revenue of the country was £2,500,000, and the 
statutes against parliamentary corruption were fourteen. 
In the year 1792, the public revenue was £16,500,000, and 
the statutes against parliamentary corruption were 65 ; how 
great a change had taken place since, would appear from 
the immense additions to our income by the great increase of 
taxation. In the year 1818, the public revenue was altogether 
£64,500,000, and if to this we added the great increase of 
patronage in the East India Company, the creation of a board 
of control, the patronage arising from the Leeward Islands, 
and also the sum of £160,000 a year divided between 
seventy-two members of that house, we should come to the 
conclusion, that the present house was a mushroom, which 
had sprung up in the corruption of the last fifty years. 

What, then, was to be said of making a change in that 
house? Surely it could not be called innovation which 
was only reverting to a former state of things. Nor could 
it be objectionable innovation, if the house were to make a 
change by the infusion of new strength into their body. 
In the year 1/20, Mr. Hutchinson, who represented West- 
minster, complained of the influence of the crown in that 
house, which he calculated at thirty votes. That influence 
had not much increased for forty years after, for it was 
not then considered as more than from thirty to forty 
votes ; but how much it had increased in latter years, it 
would be unnecessary for him to detail. He had said suffi- 
cient to shew that the house had changed its character, 
and therefore that it could not be considered innovation to 
bring it back to its ancient form. Mr. Hutchinson, to 
whom he had alluded, had declared, in an able speech on 
reform, that the House of Commons had erected itself into 
a third estate, independent of the people of England. He 

3 R 




490 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

(Mr. Hobhouse) contended that no man could now deny 
this. We were now, as Mr. Fox had said, a House of 
Commons, in which the power of the people was nothing. 
We were, he maintained, acting in many important points 
directly against the public opinion. But then it was denied 
that the public opinion had been really declared on those 
occasions. Honourable members would not admit that 
any number of petitions coming to that house expressed 
the public opinion. If they came from a million of people, 
it was still not the public opinion, because there had not 
been one million five hundred thousand, and so on. Let the 
petitioners come in what numbers they might, still there 
was no public opinion, according to gentlemen opposite. 
It was like the line 

Ask where's the north, at York 'tis on the Tweed." 

All admitted its existence, but none recognized it present. 
He would wish that honourable gentlemen would agree 
in stating in what it consisted, according to their notions; 
for then it might be seen whether or not they respected 
it as representatives of the people. But after what had 
been said by his honourable friends, after what had been 
offered to be proved at the bar, that seventy-one peers and 
ninety commoners returned a majority of that house, could 
it be doubted that a reform was necessary ? No person, 
he presumed, would contend that seventy- one peers and 
ninety commoners were the people of England ; and unless 
that could be established, the fact must remain, that the 
Commons of England were not represented ; and that such 
a state of things arose, not from the ancient form of the 
constitution, but from corruption. It was relied upon, on 
the other side, that the reformers were not agreed among 
themselves. This was also the objection which was urged 
in England, by the friends of the Church of Rome, against 
the religious reformers. It was said, that at Augsburg there 
were not less than fifteen or sixteen different sects ; and it 
was triumphantly asked, to which of those varying con- 
fessions the English reformers would adhere ? That argu- 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 491 

ment had, however, been found ineffectual ; the Reforma- 
tion daily gained strength, and was at length gloriously 
triumphant. He trusted it would be the case with the 
reformers of the present day, and that, whatever little 
shades of difference existed between them, they would all 
unite in the great object, until they had established what 
Mr. Pitt had wished for in 1785 — a complete sympathy 
between the house and the people of England. 

Mr. Hobhouse differed on some points from his honour- 
able friend who brought forward the present motion, but 
still he heartily concurred in the motion, as the object of 
all was the same — to procure an effectual representation 
of the people. It was said, that no injury could arise to 
the constitution from the great influence of what was 
called the oligarchy. He would admit that the body so 
called might for their own sakes be, and he had no doubt 
they were, unwilling to destroy the constitution. But the 
same argument would not apply to the holders, for boroughs 
could easily pass into other hands, in which they might 
be, as they too often were, under the direct management 
and control of the administration of the country. They 
were, therefore, in their nature detrimental to the best 
interests of the constitution. Mr. Home Tooke had said, 
that seats in that house were as saleable as stalls in a cattle- 
market : and if they were thus sold and bought, it was 
natural to think that the purchasers would expect some 
return for their money. It had been said that seats were 
bought from a laudable ambition to come into parliament ; 
but if there were some isolated cases of that species of 
purchase, it applied not to the question. In arguing the 
general question, they had a right to go on the general 
system. The demand of his honourable friend (Mr. Lamb- 
ton) was very moderate. It was as clear as records could 
make it, that the people had a right to triennial parliaments. 
Up to the time of Edward the Second, parliaments had been 
held twice and sometimes thrice a year. [The honourable 
member here deduced a history of parliaments down to 



492 SIR JOHN CAM H03H0USE. 

William the Third.] King William had been reluctant to 
agree to the triennial bill, and had not given his consent 
till Sir William Temple had sent Swift to persuade him. 
He said that he looked upon annual parliaments as a 
venerable Gothic institution, which ought to be preserved to 
the country. In his time, then, there had been no doubt 
that annual parliaments had been the ancient practice of the 
country. Lord Raymond, that ornament of law and justice, 
had said that annual parliaments could never be departed 
from without detriment to the country and to the constitu- 
tion. In 1745, Mr. Carew had lost his motion for annual 
parliaments only by a majority of thirty-two, although 
opposed to him were Sir Robert Walpole and Mr. Pulteney. 
He had made these observations, to shew that even annual 
parliaments could be demanded as authorized by the law 
and the practice of the constitution. Therefore the claim of 
triennial parliaments was an extremely moderate claim. 

He would next advert to the right of householders to 
exercise the elective franchise. Dr. Robertson, the histo- 
rian, had stated that it was the great principle of the feudal 
system, that none could be taxed without his own consent. 
Mr. Justice Blackstone was an authority to the same effect, 
Sir William Jones, and all enlightened and independent 
men who inquired into the subject. In the case of Ciren- 
cester, at the time of Charles I., it was decided that the 
franchise ought to be extended to all householders. Another 
case w r as decided in the same terms. The right of house- 
holders to the franchise, was the common law and common 
right. The bill of rights, unfortunately, made no provision 
upon this subject ; and hence had all the provisions of that 
celebrated document proved nugatory. A writer of that 
time, whose name was Samuel Johnson, had said that one 
line settling the free election of annual parliaments would 
have been better than all the provisions of the bill of rights. 
This was no mean authority, since it was the authority of 
one who had, according to his own expression, formed the 
bridge on which the Prince of Orange had come to this 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 493 

country. When the army on Hounslow heath hesitated, a 
letter from this Mr. Johnson had persuaded them to with- 
draw their allegiance from king James. Having been thus 
active and useful, and having been punished for his 
patriotism — for he had been, according to the practice of 
the time, whipped from Tyburn to Newgate — he was entitled 
to give his opinion upon this subject. Lord Shaftesbury 
had proposed a reform to the extent even of election by 
ballot, and the extension of suffrage to householders. But 
Lord Chatham was the first who thought of remedying the 
corruption of parliament by a reform of that house. Mr. 
Pitt afterwards brought the question three times before 
parliament. On the second time the motion had been lost 
only by a majority of 20. On the third occasion, 174 had 
voted for it. He needed not add, that he, in common with 
every well-wisher to his country, lamented the defection of 
that illustrious man. Had he been true to the principles of 
his father, and his own principles in his youth, we could 
now look around, and in the glory, the happiness, and the 
prosperity of the country, find his monument, instead of 
seeing it only embalmed in a ballad. With the Romans it 
had been a custom to animate their armies in the day of 
battle, by representing the shades of their ancestors as 
fighting with them. So ought they, whatever might be the 
result of the present discussion, to feel animated and encou- 
raged by finding the greatest names in our history on the 
side of reform. At what period, he would ask, had the 
people shewn themselves unworthy of the trust which was 
now claimed for them ? They were always reminded of the 
enormities of the French revolution. But those enormities 
had not been occasioned by the representative assembly, but 
by a set of monsters that had compelled the assembly to 
acquiesce in their excesses. At our own revolution, and 
even in the rebellion of 1745, private property had been 
respected. But if excesses were committed during the 
revolution in the reign of Charles I., they were not to be 
ascribed to popular influence in parliament. At three 



494 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

several periods a large number of members had been excluded 
from that house. What was called "Pride's purge" excluded 
one hundred and forty-three members; and the revolutionary- 
decision was carried by 83, of whom sixteen only were 
members for counties, the other &J were for boroughs ; so 
that if the alarmists were afraid of any thing, it ought to be 
a borough parliament. The present family on the throne 
had nothing to fear from a popular parliament. In 1745 
the Pretender had been promised the assistance of a great 
portion of the aristocracy of the country. This was an 
undoubted fact, proved by the Stuart papers. Yet, in the 
whole course of his march from Carlisle to Derby, only 300 
joined him of the people, of the despised rabble, whom 
gentlemen were now so anxious to cut off from all partici- 
pation in political rights and privileges. He held in his 
hand a pamphlet which was a sort of vade mecum on this 
subject, a text-book with the anti-reformers. It contained 
the speech of a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Canning,) 
at a dinner in celebration of his re-election. This speech 
had been called by the honourable member for Bodmin 
unanswered and unanswerable. In this speech it had been 
asserted that this house was now what it always had been, 
and that it was the best that could be found for all the pur- 
poses of a House of Commons. Dr. Pangloss was of the 
same opinion : he thought that this was the best of all pos- 
sible worlds. Candide and Martin said it might be so : but 
it was not very pleasant to be afflicted with the gout and the 
stone. On this subject he would quote a passage from the 
publication of Mr. Arthur Young, called, " The Example of 
France, a Warning to Britain/' There he had said, that 
corrupt boroughs, corrupt courts, corrupt ministers, and 
corrupt parliaments were so interwoven, that it was natural 
for them to say, that we owed all our blessings to the evils 
which threatened inevitable ruin to every constitutional 
right and public blessing. An unreserved intercourse 
between the representatives and the constituents was all he 
(Mr. Hobhouse) wanted. But was this intercourse to be 



SIR JOHN CAM IIOBHOUSE. 495 

maintained between the representatives of Gatton and Old 
Sarum and their constituents ? Were they to go to the 
u woods and wilds'' and to court the nymph Egeria ? The 
unanswered, unanswerable speech had represented the 
House of Commons as being like Aaron's rod, and having 
swallowed up all the other branches of the legislature. That 
was the very thing the reformers complained of. This 
house had swallowed up the prerogatives of the crown, and 
the privileges of the people. The unanswered and unan- 
swerable speech alluded to the parliament of 1745. But 
that parliament, as he had already shewn, had had no more 
right to act as they had done, than the present parliament 
had to act as they were acting. Coke stated the case of the 
mayor of Whitbury, who had disposed of a seat in that 
house for £4., (honourable gentlemen might consider that a 
very reasonable price,) and who had been punished for 
having poisoned the fountain of correct government. It was 
remarkable that Mr. Locke made use of the very same 
expression. Yet now it was asserted that the poison was 
found necessary. But if corruption had been really neces- 
sary, why had so many laws been made against it ? It had 
often been urged that corruption was a very good thing, for 
many clever individuals were by that system brought into 
parliament. What if many clever individuals were so sent 
to parliament ? the people wanted not a clever speaker, but a 
man who would act honestly, and represent their situation 
and wants. It had been well stated, in a pamphlet just 
published on this subject, that it was no satisfaction to you 
that the lock and trigger were in good order, if the muzzle 
was directed against yourself. But the people would return 
men whose talents and integrity would promote the interests 
of their country. It was not fit to hold the understandings 
of the people so cheap, as it was the fashion with some 
honourable members to hold them. Amongst the other 
excellent qualifications attributed to the House of Com- 
mons as now constituted, should not be forgotten that 
which has been lately assigned to it, namely, that " the 



498 SIR JOHN CAM HOBIJOUSE. 

demagogue finds his level, and shrinks to his proper dimen- 
sions in six months when once admitted to this assembly ;" 
to this was added, that in case parliament should be 
reformed, it would be expedient to retain a nest of close 
boroughs, for the purpose of ensuring the introduction of the 
said demagogue into the senate at all times. Now, as to 
the latter recommendation, it arose, I imagine, from the 
confusion of ideas to which the eagerness to say a smart 
thing at all hazards will expose even the most experienced 
debater ; for it is the great complaint of the anti-reformers, 
that in a reformed parliament there would be an inundation, 
as it were, of mere popular orators, and that none but such 
characters would compose this house under the new form 
of construction. However, let us not, as I before said, 
imagine that this hint as to the nest of boroughs arose from 
any thing more than the wantonness of the moment. But 
to turn to the eulogy passed on this house. 

<( If it be true that it is framed so happily as to afford a 
touchstone to the pretensions of public men — to strip the 
tinsel off a coxcomb who would otherwise remain unde- 
tected — then indeed it performs a service to the community. 
If it shews the value of sounding words and big promises, 
and displays the treachery of pretended patriotism, it is also 
of much use. I suspect, however, that all that can be fairly 
collected from this eulogy is, that the demagogue has but 
one vote in this house, and that he is not gifted with the 
extraordinary quality of inducing men to decide against 
their own interest, and make a volutary resignation of their 
own power. If, however, the demagogue is but six months 
in finding his level, in shrinking to his proper dimensions, 
here there is a description of persons that do not in six 
months, no, nor in thirty years, find their level, and shrink 
to their proper dimensions. These are the regular 
adventurers, the downright trading politicians. The house 
will easily suggest to itself the sort of being to which I 
allude ; but to prevent mistakes, I would presume to attempt 
a portrait, not finished, but not exaggerated. A smart six- 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 49/ 

form boy, the little hero of a little world, matures his pre- 
cocious parts at college, and sends before him his fame to 
the metropolis : a minister, or some boroughholder of the 
day, thinks him worth saving from his democratic associates, 
and from the unprofitable principles which the thoughtless 
enthusiasm of youth may have inclined him hitherto to 
adopt. The hopeful youth yields at once ; and, placed in 
the true line of promotion, he takes his beat with the more 
veteran prostitutes of parliament. There he minds his 
periods ; there he balances his antitheses ; there he adjusts 
his alliterations ; and, filling up the interstices of his piebald 
patchwork rhetoric, with froth and foam — this master of 
pompous nothings becomes first favourite of the great 
council of the nation. His very want of sincerity and virtue 
qualifies him for a corrupted audience, who look upon his 
parts as an excuse for their degeneracy, and regard him, not 
only as the partner, but as the apologist of their common 
degradation. Such a man may have notoriously spurned at 
every principle of public morality and public honour ; he 
may have by turns insulted, derided, betrayed, and crouched 
to every party, or at least every politician, in the state. 
Sometimes he may have shewn all the arrogance of suc- 
cess, at other times have displayed the true tameness of 
an underling, and have submitted to serve under those in 
public whom he has conspired in private to ruin and destroy. 
Yet this man — with 

" Beauty that shocks you, parts that none can trust, 
Wit that can creep, and pride that licks the dust — " 

this man, I say, shall be courted and caressed in parliament, 
and he shall never be so much admired, never so much 
applauded, as when playing off his buffoonery at the expense 
of public virtue — as when depreciating the understandings 
or mocking the sufferings of the people. Such a man does 
not find his level ; he does not shrink to his proper dimen- 
sions in the unreformed house ; on the contrary, he is the 
true House of Commons hero. Despised and detested as he 

3s 



498 SIR JOHN CAM HORHOUSE. 

may be without doors, he finds a shelter in the bosom of the 
senate : sunk as he may be in public opinion, he there 
attains to an eminence which raises him for the time above 
the scorn of his fellow-countrymen. True, his fame is not 
lasting, but for the moment he is the glory and the shame 
of parliament : no one equals him on that stage 

" Him, thus exalted, for a wit we own, 
A.nd court him as top-fiddle of the town." 

Such a man, I say, would have no place in a reformed 
parliament, and if he be either useful or ornamental in a 
deliberative assembly, it is for him should be reserved 
that nest of boroughs which it has been proposed to keep 
solely for the demagogues. Talents without character 
would be banished from such an assembly, and the honest 
discharge of a sacred trust would be the first instead of the 
last requisite of a public man." 

Whatever might be the provocation, this was surely 
exacting ample retribution. The pen of Junius himself 
could scarcely have inflicted more severe chastisement — 
but, to proceed : It is pleasant to find these personal ani- 
mosities dissipated by time, and a more friendly feeling 
succeeding. In the year 1824, at which period Mr. Can- 
ning was foreign secretary, Mr. Hobhouse took an active 
part in the business of parliament. On the 4th of Feb- 
ruary, he rose for the purpose of putting a few questions 
to the right honourable secretary for foreign affairs. He 
must enter his protest, he said, as his honourable and 
learned friend Mr. Brougham had done, on the preceding 
evening, against being supposed to concur with the senti- 
ments contained in the address, so far as regarded the 
foreign policy of the government. He should think that 
he disgraced himself by approving of the foreign policy of 
ministers, for, in his opinion, they had been totally un- 
mindful of the renown of the country. He had paid the 
utmost attention to every word which dropped from the 
right honourable secretary last night. It was not sur- 
prising that he should do so, for all Europe was attending 



SIR JGE1N CAM HOBHOUSE. 499 

to what he said, conscious that on his words, in some de • 
gree, depended its very fate. 

There was one point on which he thought Mr. Canning 
was not sufficiently explicit in his explanation — namely, 
the South American states. That gentleman appeared to 
be aware of r the difficulty of the subject, and touched upon 
it so lightly as to satisfy no person, except, perhaps, his 
colleagues, who might have reasons to preserve secrecy on 
that topic. The right honourable secretary had said, that 
he considered it ce a grace and favour done to Old Spain, 
to allow her an opportunity of attempting to recover pos- 
session of her colonies." He would admit that if the king 
of Spain were capable of governing his kingdom without 
foreign assistance, he should be allowed an opportunity of 
employing the resources of the once mighty monarchy of 
Spain in the attempt to recover her trans-atlantic colonies. 
But did the right honourable gentleman mean to say, that 
whilst the king of Spain was only kept upon his throne 
by the presence of seventy thousand French troops — whilst 
Barcelona, Cadiz, and every other important fortress in his 
territory, were in possession of the French — Ferdinand was 
to be suffered to employ his armies in an expedition against 
South America ? It could not surely be said that, because 
the constitutional system had been put down in Spain, 
and there was at present no appearance of a re- action, Fer- 
dinand was therefore to be called a free king. If he was 
before a prisoner to the constitutionalists, what was he 
now ? He was hemmed round with foreign bayonets ; and 
every body who was acquainted with the state of Spain, 
knew that if the French army was to withdraw from that 
country to-morrow, the unfortunate king — unfortunate he 
meant only with respect to his bad character, and not for 
his misfortunes — would be driven from his throne. He 
wished, then, to know from the right honourable secretary, 
whether, while the French troops were in possession of 
Spain, the government of this country would allow any 
attempt to be made on the part of a merely nominal king 



500 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

to recover possession of the South American states ? Mr. 
Hobhouse said, he might allude to an important omission 
in his Majesty's speech, delivered the preceding evening. 
The house had heard a great deal during last session about 
a positive guarantee on the part of the French ministers, 
and that there should be no permanent occupation of Spain 
by the French troops. The right honourable gentleman 
had not told the house whether he had asked Monsieur 
Chateaubriand how long his master meant to keep pos- 
session of that country. Mr. Hobhouse dared to say that 
Mr. Canning had asked the question, and he thought the 
House of Commons had a right to know what answer had 
been returned. He hoped the right honourable gentleman 
would not take the word of the French king for a guarantee. 
The word of no king was a guarantee ; much less of that 
king who had pledged his sacred word of honour, and the 
sceptre which he wielded, that what he called the army 
of observation should not cross the Pyrenees. After that 
shameless breach of promise — after that falsehood, which 
would have disqualified a private individual for the society 
of gentlemen — he trusted Mr. Canning would not attach 
much weight to the word of the king of France, or his 
minister Chateaubriand ! 

Mr Hobhouse said he should now take the liberty to 
allude to another matter, not unnconnected with the foreign 
policy of government. He would wish to know whether 
the colonial secretary had been informed of the reasons 
for the issuing of a recent proclamation in the Ionian islands. 
The proclamation was so very extraordinary, that he should 
have supposed it to be the result of a drunken frolic, did 
not the high situation which Sir Thomas Maitland held, 
render it impossible for him to think that officer could so 
far forget himself as to be guilty of such folly. But when 
they knew that Sir Thomas Maitland had issued such a 
proclamation as this, putting two of the Ionian islands under 
quarantine for thirty days ; and when they recollected that 
this same governor had committed one of the most flagrant 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 501 

breaches of quarantine in his own case — one could not help 
feeling astonishment at the occurrence of which he (Mr. 
Hobhouse) now complained. The reason assigned by Sir 
Thomas Maitland was also singular : he states, that Prince 
Maurocordato having approached too near the islands, the 
quarantine became necessary, lest the British government 
should appear in any way involved, or as partakers in the 
cruelties elsewhere inflicted — and inflicted by whom ? By 
the Greeks ! for he appeared in every instance to attack the 
Greeks, and to overlook the Turkish share of the atrocities 
which had been committed. Now he could assure the 
house, and on the authority of an eye-witness of what had 
occurred, that the affair off the coast of Ithaca had been 
much misrepresented. The facts were these. 

A small Greek squadron having chased three Turkish 
armed vessels off that coast, mastered one of them, the crew 
of which, however, escaped on shore ; and then, while the 
Greeks were rowing towards the captured vessel, poured 
upon them from the land a murderous fire. The Greeks 
immediately landed in their turn, and took some revenge 
upon their opponents. But so far from the Greeks stand- 
ing upon their justification for this retaliation, prince Mau- 
rocordato made on their part the humblest apologies for 
the infraction of the neutral shore ; and similar apologies 
were now on their way to England. But why throw all 
those acts upon the Greeks ? The Turks had repeatedly 
been guilty of similar infractions, without drawing down 
upon their heads the anathema of Sir Thomas Maitland, 
" When he adverted to the conduct of this governor, he by 
no means wished to impugn the conduct of the government 
at home ; he knew that they could not prevent the atroci- 
ties of either side, as long as they observed their neutral 
policy. They could no more prevent the Greeks and the 
Turks, than they could the Spaniards and the French, or 
the Italians and the Austrians, though he preferred the 
Turks to the latter, and he knew both." 

Mr. Canning returned a very courteous reply to Mr, 



502 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

Hobhouse's inquiries, as far as they could be answered, and 
sufficient to shew that all former unpleasant feeling had 
subsided between the parties. During the same session we 
find Mr. Hobhouse exerting himself with great ability on 
some important questions — particularly in reply to Mr. 
Peel, on renewing the Alien act, March 23 — when he spoke 
at very considerable length, and concluded with moving 
certain resolutions against the measure. He also opposed 
the ministerial measure of appropriating a million of the 
public money to the building of new churches. We are, 
however, compelled to forego the pleasure of tracing 
minutely Mr. Hobhouse's parliamentary career, in order 
that we may do him the justice of placing upon record in 
these pages his noble defence of the reform bill, when first 
introduced by Lord John Russell. He spoke on the 3d of 
March, 1831, in reply to Sir Charles Wetherell, Mr. G. 
Bankes, the member for Corfe Castle, and Sir R. Inglis, the 
representative of the University of Oxford. 

Mr. Hobhouse thought, that, after the personal call which 
had been made upon him, he was justified in taking the first 
opportunity to address the house. Notwithstanding the 
able address which had been just delivered by his learned 
friend, (Mr. G. Bankes,) and notwithstanding the confident 
and powerful tone in which he had addressed himself to the 
house, and in the latter part of his speech to himself, he 
thought that he should be able to shew, out of as good 
an authority as his — for the authority to which he meant to 
refer was the same as had been referred to by his honourable 
friend, namely, the authority of Mr. Pitt — he thought he 
should be able, he said, to shew from that authority, that 
the right honourable gentleman (Sir H. Hardinge) was not 
justified in calling the measure which had been brought 
forward by his majesty's ministers, a revolutionary measure. 
When the present measure was first brought forward by the 
noble lord opposite on Tuesday night, he (Mr. Hobhouse) 
sitting as he did in that region of the house (on the opposi- 
tion benches,) which had been his abode from his first 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 503 

entrance into parliament np to the present moment, could 
not help observing, (and in making the disclosure he sup- 
posed he did not commit any breach of confidence, or violate 
what was due to proper privacy,) with astonishment, not 
the indignation, but the delight with which the proposition 
of the noble lord, as he unfolded it to the house, was received 
by the honourable members who sat around him. Those 
honourable members well knew what were dangerous sub- 
jects to propose ; they had themselves experience in that 
way, and they viewed the proposition of the noble lord as 
one calculated to drive out the present ministers, and replace 
themselves in their former situations. They appeared then 
to think that the day was not distant when they were to 
regain their old places, and when his friends opposite would 
be sent back to that side of the house, to advocate still, but 
with less chance of success, the rights of the people. 

In the conversations which passed amongst those honour- 
able members while the noble lord (John Russell) was 
speaking, he (Mr. Hobhouse) heard nothing about the mea- 
sure being a revolutionary one ; he heard nothing from any 
one of them but the language of congratulation. Since, 
however, that measure had been denounced by his honour- 
able friend the member for Corfe Castle as a revolutionary 
measure, it had been also denounced by the honourable and 
learned member for Boroughbridge ; and the honourable 
baronet, the representative for the University of Oxford, had 
shadowed it out as something equally as bad as the murder 
of Charles I. He had heard much abuse levelled against 
this measure, but he begged to remark, that in the way of 
argument, or proofs, or documents, he had heard nothing 
urged against the proposition of his noble friend. Nothing 
had been adduced to prove, that, if this bill passed, the people 
of England would lose their constitutional rights — that the 
monarchy would be destroyed — and that the three estates of 
the realm, the king, lords, and commons, would cease to 
exist. To listen to the language which had been employed 
by some of those who opposed this measure, one would 



504 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

think that these, if not more dreadful consequences, would 
result from this bill ; but where were the proofs to substan- 
tiate such absurd assertions ? His honourable friend (the 
member for Corfe Castle) had adverted to the authority of 
Mr. Huskisson. He did not mean to undervalue the autho- 
rity of Mr. Huskisson, and, indeed, for some time previous 
to his death, in his career of parliament, he believed that he 
(Mr. Hobhouse) was more inclined to pay attention to the 
authority of Mr. Huskisson, than his honourable friend was. 
As to Mr. Huskisson's opinions, however, upon parliamen- 
tary reform, he had never participated in them. He had 
never been the disciple of Mr. Huskisson, and if his honour- 
able friend meant to convey a sarcasm, in turning towards 
him when he quoted the authority of Mr. Huskisson, it was 
a rather waggish mode of attacking some of the right honour- 
able gentlemen opposite. As to the authority of Mr. Hus- 
kisson, therefore, on this subject, he begged to say, with all 
due respect, that it was no authority for him. His honour- 
able friend had also quoted the authority of Mr. Pitt, he had 
quoted from one of the most distinguished speeches that 
that marvellous man had ever made — he alluded to the 
speech pronounced by Mr. Pitt, on the 31st of January, 
1799, on the subject of the Legislative Union. Now, in 
replying to his honourable friend, he thought that he could 
produce a most complete answer from the lips of that same 
great man, to the learning, as well as the law, with which 
the house had been favoured by the honourable and learned 
member for Boroughbridge. What did Mr. Pitt say, as to 
the right of the parliament of England and Ireland, to take 
away corporate rights, and to disfranchise such boroughs as 
it might think fit ? Let the house mark the masterly and 
overpowering manner in which he disposed of the trumpery 
precedent, which was then set up, as it had been now, that 
the parliament of the country had no right to alter the 
representation of the country — that it was a fundamental 
principle of the constitution, that the legislature could not 
entertain the question as to the disfranchisement of boroughs, 



SIR JOHN CAM HOTHOUSE. 505 

and the taking away of corporate rights, unless in cases 
where delinquency had been proved. What was Mr. Pitt's 
answer on that occasion to such arguments ? He should 
read it to the house from his speech upon the Union. He 
might, in passing, remark, that he could not possibly divine, 
while looking into Mr. Pitt's speeches that morning for the 
extract which he was about to read, that he and his honour- 
ble friend the member for Corfe Castle, should be poaching 
in the same manor, and that they should have gone to the 
same speech for their authority. The decisive passage 
which he should quote from Mr. Pitt would settle, as far as 
authority could settle any thing, the arguments which had 
been put forward last night by the honourable and learned 
member for Boroughbridge, on this point, and which, 
indeed, had been already tolerably well settled by the attor- 
ney-general. And in quoting that passage, he would beg to 
say, that though Mr. Pitt might not have been as learned in 
the subtleties and difficulties of the law, as the honourable 
member for Boroughbridge, he was at least as high an 
authority in a matter connected with English history and 
the principles of constitutional government. 

The following was the opinion of Mr. Pitt on this subject : 
— " If this principle of the incompetency of parliament to 
the decision of the measure be admitted, or if it be contended 
that parliament has no legitimate authority to discuss and 
decide upon it, you will be driven to the necessity of recog- 
nizing a principle, the most dangerous that ever was adopted 
in any civilized state ; I mean the principle, that parlia- 
ment cannot adopt any measure new in its nature, and of 
great importance, without appealing to the constituent and 
delegating authority for directions. If that doctrine be true, 
look to what an extent it will carry you. If such an argu- 
ment could be set up and maintained, you acted without anv 
legitimate authority when you created the representation of 
the principality of Wales, or of either of the counties pala- 
tine of England. Every law that parliament ever made, 
without that appeal, either as to its own frame and constitu- 

3t 



506 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE, 

tion, as to the qualification of the electors or the elected, as 
to the fundamental point of the succession to the crown, 
was a breach of treaty and an act of usurpation. If we turn 
to Ireland itself, what do gentlemen think of the power of 
that parliament, which, without any fresh delegation from 
its Protestant constituents, associates to itself all the Catholic 
electors, and thus destroys a fundamental distinction on 
which it was formed ? God forbid that I should object to 
or blame any of these measures. I am only stating the 
extent to which the principle, that parliament has no autho- 
rity to decide upon the present measure, will lead ; and if it 
be admitted in one case, it must be admitted in all. Will 
any man say, that (although a Protestant parliament in Ire- 
land, chosen exclusively by Protestant constituents, has, by 
its own inherent power, and without consulting those 
constituents, admitted and comprehended the Catholics who 
were till then, in fact, a separate community,) that parlia- 
ment cannot associate itself with another Protestant com- 
munity, represented by a Protestant parliament, having one 
interest with itself, and similar in its laws, its constitution, 
and its established religion ? What must be said by those 
who have at any time been friends to any plan of parliamen- 
tary reform, and particularly such as have been most recently 
brought forward, either in Great Britain or Ireland ? What- 
ever may have been thought of the propriety of the measure, 
I never heard any doubt of the competency of parliament to 
consider and discuss it. Yet I defy any man to maintain 
the principle of those plans, without contending that, as a 
member of parliament, he possesses a right to concur in 
disfranchising those who sent him to parliament, and to 
select others, by whom he was not elected, in their stead." 

Having read that extract, he should suppose that they 
had now completely done with the arguments about corpo- 
ration robbery, and about the incompetency of parliament 
to deal with corporate franchises. He thought that he 
had now done with the law with which the honourable mem- 
ber for Boroughbridge had favoured them, with regard to 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 507 

this point. Again he would say, that with respect to the 
details of Chancery practice, he would not place the autho- 
rity of Mr. Pitt in competition with that of the honourable 
member for Boroughbridge ; but Mr. Pitt knew something 
of constitutional law, and he did not think that there was 
any thing illegal in the disfranchisement of corporate 
boroughs, or that such a proceeding on the part of par- 
liament could be looked upon as an act of spoliation and 
robbery. Mr. Pitt still more strongly expressed himself 
against the principle insisted upon by the learned member 
for Boroughbridge, in the passage immediately succeeding 
that which he had now quoted. " I am sure," continued 
Mr. Pitt, "that no sufficient distinction, in point of prin- 
ciple, can be successfully maintained for a single moment ; 
nor should I deem it necessary to dwell upon this point in 
the manner I do, were I not convinced that it is connected, 
in part, with all those false and dangerous notions on the 
subject of government, which have lately become too pre- 
valent in the world. It may, in fact, be traced to that 
gross perversion of the principles of all political society, 
which rests on the supposition that there exists continually 
in every government a sovereignty in abeyance (as it were) 
on the part of the people ; ready to be called forth on every 
occasion, or rather on every pretence, when it may suit the 
purposes of party or faction, who are the advocates of this 
doctrine, to support an occasion for its exertion." 

It was thus that Mr. Pitt disposed of that principle, so 
that it would be found that he (Mr. Hobhouse) was travel- 
ling to the same constitutional end as his honourable friend, 
only it happened that they were going by different roads. 
His learned and honourable friend had fallen into the most 
unfortnate trap that had been laid for him by the hon- 
ourable member for Boroughbridge, with respect to the 
parliament in the days of Oliver Cromwell. He had warned 
the learned ex-attorney-general last night of his error ; 
but there were some gentlemen that would not take advice, 
and least of all from an enemy. If the learned gentleman 



503 Slit JOHN CAM HOBIJOUSE. 

had only extended his reading of Mr. Pitt's speech, 
and had carried his reading still further, he would not 
have quoted that portion of that celebrated harangue. If 
he had only looked into a page of Hume — certainly a very 
popular and commonly read author — he would have found 
a full and accurate statement, why Oliver Cromwell dis- 
missed the parliament in the short space of eighteen days. 
So far from the learned and honourable gentleman's asser- 
tion being founded in truth, he would have learned from 
the historian, that Cromwell dismissed that parliament for 
the very reasons for which some of those who heard him 
would wish to have just such a parliament now. It was 
because he found by their proceedings that the parliament 
completely represented the people of England, and was 
swayed by the public voice, and influenced by the good 
of the country. What was it that parliament did ? As 
Hume said, these very intemperate popular gentlemen did 
not want to flatter the government of the Protector, but 
they wished to begin to pull to pieces the instrument of 
government ; and Cromwell in his privy council said, that 
although they were called together to consult for the good 
of the country, they forgot the authority by which they 
were called together, and that therefore they should sit 
no longer. This was because they really were the repre- 
sentatives of the people of England, and had the good 
of the people at heart — they were the representatives whom 
Lord Clarendon said were worthy of more warrantable 
authority, and deserving of better times — they were, in 
fact, representatives whom Cromwell's sagacity at once 
saw were totally incompatible with tyranny. No man 
better knew how to speak lucidly and forcibly than 
Cromwell, when he found it necessary, and wished to be 
understood ; and, on the contrary, no man better knew how 
to involve a speech, or perplex a subject — not even the 
honourable and learned member for Boroughbridge. This 
was the declared and open reason why Cromwell dissolved 
this parliament, and this was the reason of Clarendon's 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 509 

giving such an opinion of that assembly. The parliament 
was fit for the people of England, but not fit for the pur- 
poses of Cromwell. That it was a popular parliament, a 
parliament solely and entirely for the people, Cromwell soon 
found out; and in eighteen days he pronounced it to be 
an unmanageable assembly. Had Cromwell lived in these 
times, it would have been quite another thing. He would 
have found out the modern secrets of managing a parlia- 
ment. He would have gone on, allowing the pleasing con- 
tention of parties, with sometimes one set of gentlemen in 
office, and sometimes another set of gentlemen out of office, 
whilst the people and their interests were left out of con- 
sideration. The learned and honourable member for 
Boroughbridge was excessively jocose on the preceding 
evening, and, with all due admiration of the learned mem- 
ber's talents, he (Mr. Hobhouse) must say, that he had 
never passed a happier hour in his life than during the 
learned gentleman's speech. The learned gentleman had 
talked to the house about Oliver Cromwell's and Pride's 
purge, and tried to saddle the term upon the present noble 
lord, the paymaster of his Majesty's forces. It had not, how- 
ever, been convenient to the learned gentleman to consider 
what the parliament really was that Pride had applied his me- 
dicine to, and he had talked of it as the regicide parliament. 
The honourable member for Oxford had claimed a sort 
of privilege of making an ex officio blunder upon the oc- 
casion, and had indulged himself in a mutilation of the 
history of England, as the University of Oxford itself had 
done before now. The honourable member for Oxford 
(Sir R. H. Inglis) had said, that if ever the country had 
had a popular parliament, a popular House of Commons, 
it was that which ended in murdering the king. Now this, 
he conceived, was not the time to talk thus of crowned 
heads, dead or living, for they had enough to do to keep 
their stations, without further endangering their position. 
He spoke advisedly. He was fully aware of what he had 
said. The reason why he had objected to the words of 



510 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

the honourable member was, because he thought that the 
error ought to be contradicted, and it might be contra- 
dicted with all the good humour of the honourable mem- 
ber for Boroughbridge, who, at another time, might, with- 
out great mischief, enter again into the discussion. If he 
had been aware of the cheer, he should say the same thing 
again. It was not the time when it was necessary to slur 
over what tended to detract from those unfortunate men 
who were placed by birth, . or other circumstances, upon 
thrones. He might, had he been disposed to quibble or be 
captious, have quarrelled with the honourable member's 
phrase of " murdering the king." The honourable member 
for Oxford perfectly well knew — for he (Mr. Hobhouse) 
well knew his learning, and it did not require much to 
know that ! — that the unfortunate and ill-advised monarch, 
Charles the First, met his doom, not in consequence of any 
determination of the democracy to put him to death. It 
was very well known by this time — it was not a very modern 
discovery — who it was that put the king to death. So 
thoroughly were understood all the circumstances that led 
to that event, so well were known the motives, views, and 
objects of those who influenced, or were concerned in, the 
transaction, that he felt astonished that the honourable 
member for Oxford should commit himself by such a mis- 
statement before the house, and in the eyes of the country. 
Was it not known to every body the least acquainted with 
history, that when attempts were made to come to terms 
with Charles the First, it was unfortunately discovered, that 
at the very time the treaty was pending, the king was pre- 
paring to sign the compact, with a mental reservation, that, 
when he should be placed upon the throne by these means, 
he did not intend to stand by his bargain ? He was there- 
fore put to death on a principle of self-defence, and by 
those who were guided by the paramount consideration of 
their own purposes. The monarch was brought to the 
scaffold by an usurper, and not by a democracy ; and well 
did the honourable member for Oxford know the fact. But 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 511 

did not the honourable member likewise know that the 
parliament was not what he had termed it — a popular par- 
liament ? It was in every respect a borough parliament. 
It was a parliament composed of only sixteen members 
for counties, six members for cities, and all the remaining 
members were for boroughs ; only eighty-four members 
composed the parliament that condemned Charles to death, 
and more than sixty members were for boroughs. The 
learned member, therefore, was wrong, entirely wrong, in 
asserting that it was a popular party, or a popular parlia- 
ment, that brought the king to the block. 

If he travelled from ancient to modern times, the honour- 
able member for Oxford would be found equally wrong in 
all his facts, and equally confused and mistaken in his view 
of them. He had said that wherever democratic or popular 
assemblies had been tried, they had been found in practice 
to be utterly inconsistent with a monarchy. What were 
the two instances he had quoted, to make out such an 
extraordinary opinion ? First, the honourable member had 
quoted the recent political history of Spain. He (Mr. Hob- 
house) would ask, whether it was the Cortes of Span that 
dethroned Ferdinand the Seventh. He was dethroned, not 
by popular violence, but because the French army, in vio- 
lation of all the treaties of Europe, entered Spain, not being 
prevented by this country, as, unquestionably, it ought to 
have been. This was the reason why the power of the 
monarchy and of the democracy was found incompatible ; 
and until the French invaded the country, the kingly func- 
tions and the rights of the popular assembly had been 
found perfectly consistent, as the constitution of England 
had long shewn them in every respect to be. Next the 
honourable member referred to Sicily, and had triumphantly 
asked why the experiment had not succeeded there. He 
would answer — for the best of all reasons, because Lord 
Castlereagh's settlement of Europe (of which Europe was 
still enjoying, and likely for some time to enjoy, the fruits) 
had not tended to any settlement, but to revolution. This 



512 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

was the reason why popular assemblies had not recently 
been found compatible with monarchy. He had thought 
that the merits of the French revolution of 1830 had been 
settled in every man's mind. He had thought that all 
parties in that house had acknowledged that it was an 
experiment which the French people were not only jus- 
tified in making, but that it was one which they were im- 
periously called upon to make, and he was extremely sorry 
that any individual could now be found capable of blaming 
it. If that experiment had not succeeded, and if France 
were not now tranquil, it was not because the parliament 
of France was too much the representative of the people, 
but because the people complained of the very reverse. 
This was the cause, and the sole cause, why there were 
likely to be any disturbances in France. He had listened 
to all that had been said upon the subject of the present 
debate with attention, and he had not heard one single 
argument, or any thing worthy the name of argument, to 
shew that there was any danger whatever that could arise 
or was likely to arise, from adopting the project of the 
noble lord, (Russell.) 

The honourable member for Newport, who had been 
member for Wootton Basset, (Mr. Horace Twiss,) had ex- 
pressed himself very much alarmed lest the present plan 
of reform should throw the elective franchise into the hands 
of shopkeepers and attorneys. He should like to know 
where the elective franchise rested at the present moment. 
Were there any individuals in the country, that now ex- 
ercised so much power at elections as this proscribed class, 
the attorneys ? Some people were very nice, but he did 
not see why that gentleman, of all others, (the honourable 
member for Newport,) should be so nice respecting attor- 
neys. Of all men, the honourable gentleman had least 
reason to be restive on this point. By the bill of the noble 
lord, the elective franchise would be thrown into the hands 
of that class who ought to possess it — namely, of people 
of a certain degree of property, and of those who had the 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 513 

greatest hold upon the higher classes. This was as good 
and as proper a basis of representation as could be pro- 
posed. He could not understand why so many honourable 
members had expressed their surprise when the measure 
had been proposed. Did those who heard him know what 
the plan of reform had been which Mr. Pitt had proposed 
to that house ? Mr. Pitt had proposed to leave out one 
hundred members from the house, and to take away or dis- 
franchise thirty-six boroughs ; and nobody had objected to 
his scheme upon the ground of its being a revolutionary 
measure. When Mr. Pitt had changed his opinions as to 
parliamentary reform, and when Mr. Grey, in the year 1797? 
had brought forward in that house his project of reforming 
the representation of the people, Mr. Pitt did not object 
to Mr. Grey's scheme, or to any part of it, upon the ground 
of its being revolutionary. All he had said was, that it 
would not do, just at that time, to make such a change ; 
but his own opinions were too well known for him to object 
to the motion on the ground of its being inconsistent with 
the constitution. 

The learned and honourable member for Boroughbridge had 
even quoted Mr. Fox in support of his opinion. Mr. Fox, in 
speaking of the procession of the goddess of reason at Not- 
tingham, had merely said, that, had he been there, he should 
have looked to the security of the skirts of his coat ; and he 
objected to the people of Nottingham being deprived of 
their rights, on account of the disturbances that had taken 
place in that town. This opinion was perfectly compatible 
with any scheme that should give the franchise of Notting- 
ham to the adjoining hundred, or take it away from it. Mr. 
Fox, speaking of Mr. Grey's plan of reform in 1797? na( ^ 
said, that the plan might be called a radical reform — that it 
changed, without the destruction of any established right ; it 
restored What had been injured by abuse, and reinstated 
what time had mouldered away. No man could complain of 
genuine property being assailed ; and he used the expression 
genuine property, to distinguish it from what was called 

3u 



514 SIR JOHN CAM IIGBHOUSE. 

property, but which was not genuine. As far, then, as Mr. 
Fox's opinions went as authority, he had shewn that they 
were directly opposed to those of the honourable member 
for Corfe Castle (Mr. Bankes.) He could excuse a little 
warmth upon such an occasion, and he should even say with 
a French author, that he never knew a kingdom lost so 
gayly ; for, as Caesar had said on one occasion, that he 
fought not for victory, but for existence, those who opposed 
reform might make the same exclamation. He did not mean 
to say that gentlemen of a certain description would be 
excluded from the house, if a reform took place. The anti- 
reformers had shewn such resolute and able advocacy of a 
worthless and sinking cause — they had evinced such ability 
in support of what was odious, and such courage in defence 
of what was weak and contemptible — that he could not help 
thinking they would be found hereafter among those whom 
a free constituency would choose for the advocacy of their 
rights. He had said before, and he now repeated it, that he 
did not think that by this or any plan of reform the com- 
plexion of the house, as to the members returned to it, would 
be much changed. The motives, however, that sent men 
into it would be totally different. Let parliament be reformed, 
let it be restored to its ancient constitutional principle, by 
the plan now proposed by the noble lord, the paymaster- 
general of his majesty's forces, they would still have the 
best men in that house that constituents could find, for the 
support of their interests and the defence of their rights. 
He would beg those who disputed this to tell him whether 
they really thought that there was any peculiar and egre- 
gious ignorance in the people of England, or in any people, 
to make them unable to judge of those who were best able 
to serve them. The people had wisdom enough to get the 
best abilities they could obtain for every purpose, and they 
would likewise get the best they could to serve them as 
members of parliament. He was not aware that the people 
of England, in contradistinction to the people of the 
boroughs, had shewn any such peculiar marks of ignorance 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 515 

and folly \ he was not aware of their possessing any peculiar 
quality which incapacitated them for the important trust 
which they were called upon to exercise. He well knew, 
that wherever he could discover a popular constituency, he 
could discover something like adequacy to the great duties 
it called forth, and the first and most indispensable of all 
qualities in such cases was, honesty — a quality that appeared 
to have been entirely forgotten or lost sight of by those who 
talked so much of introducing clever men into that house. 
It was scarcely possible to believe that any gentleman was 
sincere when he expressed an apprehension that a system of 
public rectitude and intelligence in electors would give vice 
and ignorance an ascendancy in the choice of representa- 
tives, and that a system of perjury, and bribery, and corrup- 
tion, was essential to the success of virtue and knowledge. 
Why should such a feverish anxiety upon this subject be 
expressed ? With respect to men of talents, doubtless capa- 
city was one of the necessary qualifications of a member of 
parliament ; but he had seen as many instances, since he 
had been in parliament, of capacity being used in a wrong as 
in a right direction. Who, in the name of wonder, would 
approve of any system or scheme that sent men of talent 
into that house, if these gentlemen of talent were placed 
there under circumstances that rendered it probable that 
they would do more of harm to the country than good ? If 
he ran over the list of the clever men, he could shew the 
house that the necessity was to make men speak honestly 
the sentiments of their constituents, or to retire from the 
representation. If a member of parliament differed from 
his patron, he thought it necessary to take off his hat, make 
his bow, and retire from his seat. He thought it necessary 
to consult his patron's views and opinions — and this, in his, 
(Mr. Hobhouse's) opinion, was the best of all answers to 
what was called virtual representation. There was no such 
thing as virtual representation with a patron. The patron 
must be listened to — he must and would be obeyed : he 
would hear of no nonsense about virtual representation. 



516 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

Sir W. Jones had remarked, that virtual representation was 
actual folly. The honourable member for Oxford had said, 
there was no necessity for a member's consulting his con- 
stituents, and that he would go on in the stern path of what 
he deemed his duty, in spite of any constituents whatever. 
This ought not to be the principle upon which members 
should be returned to that house ; nor was it a principle 
upon which any patron of a borough ever put his member 
into the house. He saw no danger whatever in the plan 
proposed by the noble lord, although an alarm had been 
sounded, as it always had been sounded, whenever any great 
moral changes were attempted to be introduced. At the 
time of the religious reformation, the historian Robertson 
said, that those who opposed the reformation took care to 
spread an alarm, that certain evil dispositions were riding 
about the world, to overthrow all that was established, and 
to undermine all religious systems. This, they said, was 
not owing to any thing above the earth or under the earth, 
but owing to the sinister influence of the stars. At present, 
alarms were equally spread ; but he (Mr. Hobhouse) thought 
there was no danger, except from those who opposed reform. 
The danger proceeded from that cold, blunted, selfish sect 
of politicians — if politicians they could be called — who, in 
spite of all past experience, when truth pressed her light 
upon the whole nation, were still left in ignorance, and sunk 
in corruption. They would rather that the whole state 
should be lost for ever, than that they should resign one of 
their petty interests, or forego one of their much-cherished 
prejudices. If any cries of alarm were spread, they would 
be the organs of that alarm, but he trusted that there was in 
the country a good sense as well as a temperate feeling, 
which would not permit any use being made of such fears. 
If those with whom he agreed in opinion had been accused 
of appealing to the fears of the people, he must accuse the 
gentlemen opposite, not of appealing to the fears of the 
people, but of doing what was infinitely worse — they had 
appealed, by the worst of artifices, to the fears and selfish 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 517 

passions of those whom they called the aristocracy of the 
country. 

The honourable member for Newport (Mr. Horace Twiss) 
in his speech, had advised gentlemen to look after their 
rents ; another gentleman had sounded an alarm upon the 
security of tithes ; and another had exclaimed, that if the 
reform were carried, there would no longer be any security 
for property of any sort. When such gentlemen talked 
to him of appealing to the fears of the people, he had a 
right to taunt them of appealing to the fears of that class 
which seemed to think that they possessed their property 
without any relation to the rights and feelings of the peo- 
ple at large. Mr. Burke, who was so often quoted, had 
very justly said, that the people of England had no interest 
to benefit, and no purpose to serve, by disorder. They 
never had proved themselves to have had any — not the 
people of England — not those for whom he was appealing 
— not those who were robbed of their rights, and despoiled 
of their property by the power of the great, and corruption 
of parliament — no, these people, though impressed with a 
sense of their wrongs, had never shewn any inclination to 
obtain redress or seek relief by disorder. He did not, like 
the honourable member for Preston, pretend to speak the 
voice of millions, but he spoke the sentiments of his own 
heart ; and having received the same education, being born 
on the same soil, and having the same recollections and 
the same wishes as the gentlemen whom he addressed, he 
did believe that he spoke the voice of the people ; and he 
did hope, that a great majority of that house, by voting 
for the present measure, would be the faithful interpreters 
of the wishes of the people of England. He had no hesi- 
tation in saying, he should feel indisposed to object to 
any plan calculated to let in any class of his fellow-sub- 
jects to the enjoyment of privileges which they could 
exercise with safety to the state, and advantage to them- 
selves. But he should be acting unjustly by right hon- 
ourable gentlemen opposite, unjustly towards the country 



518 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

and the great cause to which he had all his life devoted 
himself, and used his feeble but sincere exertions to pro- 
mote, if he were not now to do his best in support of the 
noble lord's proposition — a proposition which, he trusted 
and believed^ would be supported by the great mass of the 
people of England. And here let him warn the people 
against being led away by certain insinuations that had 
been somewhat insidiously thrown out in the course of the 
debate, and against the quarter in which they originated. 

The honourable member for Newport had said, that the 
noble lord's plan would not satisfy the people; but he 
begged to say he knew as much of the sentiments of the 
community on this subject, as the honourable member pos- 
sibly could, and he boldly asserted, speaking upon that 
knowledge and upon the communications which had already 
reached him from various quarters, (although, it was true, 
only forty-eight hours had elapsed since the plan was made 
known,) that the people generally would be satisfied, and, 
he might add, ought to be satisfied, with the measure. 
Taunts had been thrown out against ministers, but the 
people of England cared nothing about such taunts — they 
cared only about the measure; it might be a very good 
joke to mix up comments upon a little mistake in the 
budget, or on suspected divisions in the cabinet, with the 
discussion of the noble lord's proposition ; but the people 
cared nothing for all this, their only care being to ascer- 
tain whether this measure would give them what they had a 
right to expect, and what they had loudly raised their voices 
to obtain. As to any changes of opinion in the sentiments 
of a noble lord, or a right honourable gentleman opposite, 
what had that to do with the merits of the present question ? 
Well did he recollect the conduct of the right honourable 
baronet (Sir R. Peel) below him, when he pursued that 
manly and magnanimous career with respect to an impor- 
tant subject some time since disposed of — a career which 
never would be forgotten, and which had secured the right 
honourable gentleman the everlasting gratitude of his 



SIR JOHN CAM HOB HOUSE. 519 

country. And what had happened to the right honourable 
baronet at that time ? He was reviled, not merely by his 
former political associates, but had the pain of hearing one 
of his nearest and dearest relations, who rose up behind 
him, and read an extract from one of his own speeches 
against himself. If the right honourable gentleman had 
shrunk from doing his duty on that occasion, and abstained 
from avowing the change that had taken place in his senti- 
ments, through a weak fear of the obloquy to which the 
avowal must expose him, instead of the station which he 
now held in the estimation of the country, and the proud 
and unsullied character which he had maintained — a charac- 
ter to which posterity would do justice, as well as his con- 
temporaries — what would have been the right honourable 
gentleman's position ? He would not be considered the great 
and wise politician, which most acknowledged him to be, 
but would have been looked on as a man unfit to play a dis- 
tinguished part on the theatre of public affairs — unfit to take 
a share in governing empires, because unable to govern 
himself. 

Mr. Hobhouse repelled the cant of inconsistency, when 
the charge applied to a conscientious and wise change of 
opinion. But the very same diverting jokes had been cast 
upon the right honourable baronet, which were now again 
dealt forth against the present ministry, and from the same 
quarter. It was not then, as now, Ci Althorp and Co.," but 
" Peel and Co." He recollected the very words — the refined 
and facete expressions, learnt, no doubt, by the honourable 
and learned member, in the academic groves of Oxford, or 
the congenial bowers of Lincoln's-inn, and so pleasantly 
and unsparingly applied by him to the right honourable 
gentleman. The phrases were too expressive and witty not 
to deserve being revived, and accordingly revived they were, 
in all their original splendour, by the facete member for 
Boroughbridge, the last time he treated the house to the 
crambe recocta of " Peel and Co." Last night it was " the 
expiring member for Boroughbridge," formerly it was " the 



520 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 

expiring attorney-general." This was another of the wag- 
gish and facete gentleman's jokes, too good not to deserve 
and bear repetition, and it had been again inflicted on the 
house by the honourable member, who originally rung the 
changes on his then also last dying note, so very long, that 
one would have thought it might content him to utter it 
once in his life. But, no ; the honourable member's jokes 
were not so easily worn out : it was then his turn to be 
waggish with the right honourable baronet below, and try 
how far a good-humoured sarcasm and a joke might divert 
him from his great object of saving the nation, and securing 
the tranquillity of the country, even at the expense of the 
friendship of " the expiring attorney-general.'' Now, the 
expiring representative for Boroughbridge applied his stores 
of humour to an attempted diversion of the present cabinet 
from its important determination, he trusted, with precisely 
the same degree of success as before. All public men must 
make up their minds to things of this sort, and the present 
ministry, like their predecessors, would bear, as best they 
could, the sarcasms and criticisms of the honourable and 
learned member. He must here observe, that the house, in 
shewing itself so delighted with the honourable member's 
jokes, evinced either that it had very little memory, or that 
it reckoned the jokes so good that they might be repeated. 
However, as he had before observed, right honourable gen- 
tlemen must make up their minds to listen to the facetice of 
the honourable member. Supposing that right honourable 
gentlemen opposite had not thought it necessary to bring 
forward this great and healing measure — and in doing so, to 
sacrifice some degree of private opinion — let him ask where, 
how, or by whom, was a government to be formed ? Could 
gentlemen who now opposed ministers so violently, make up 
a government among themselves ? When the right honoura- 
ble gentleman failed to do so, could any one else succeed in 
the attempt, if made upon the same principles ? If the tiling 
were to be done by mortal man, the right honourable baro- 
net could have accomplished it. But a ministry could only 



SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE. 521 

be framed on one of two principles — anti-reform, or reform. 
The late government went out chiefly because it was found 
impossible to carry on the business of the country on prin- 
ciples of anti-reform. He certainly understood the right 
honourable gentleman to say, it was not so much in conse- 
quence of the ill success of ministers upon the question of 
the civil list that the late government had retired, but rather 
because it appeared that things had come to that point in 
the country, that it was necessary to try some new princi- 
ples of government, and a new set of men. He again asked, 
where was a government to be formed, unless from among 
the ranks of reform ? and what government, but one thus 
constituted, could carry on the business of the country ? It 
was because he was satisfied that no ministry but a reform- 
ing ministry could act with safety, that he had felt so 
anxious to see the late government quit their places. He 
might here observe (as he had made up his mind to take the 
first opportunity of doing,) that if on the night of the divi- 
sion upon the civil list he had shewn any appearance of 
indecorous haste, or improper exultation in proposing a 
question to the right honourable baronet, as to whether it 
was the intention of ministers to go out, he now frankly 
begged the right honourable member's pardon, and expressed 
himself sorry for it. He was not actuated by any hostile 
feeling against the right honourable gentleman or his col- 
leagues ; he was merely convinced, and on that conviction he 
spoke, that so long as ministers attempted to go on without 
a majority of the house in their favour, and with the people 
against them, it was hopeless to expect tranquillity or 
security. He hoped to live to see the day when, this great 
question being adjusted, there would be a combination of 
men of talent from various quarters and parties in the public 
service. Under such circumstances, it was possible, and 
he hoped not improbable, that the right honourable gentle- 
man and some of his friends might be induced, in the great 
crisis of public affairs, to put their shoulders to the wheel, 
and endeavour to drag the car of state to a place of security. 

4x 



522 SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSB. 

He had seen great changes in his time — he had seen great 
and long-rooted prejudices give way — he had seen penal 
restrictions removed, commercial restrictions abolished, 
religious disabilities disappear, before the spirit of inquiry 
and truth which was abroad, and in all these great triumphs 
the right honourable gentleman had borne a distinguished 
part, and in one of those conquests he had achieved a still 
greater victory — a victory over himself. He trusted that 
the right honourable gentleman would yet be induced to add 
his own name to those who, late converts though they were, 
had at length become advocates of this great cause. In 
acting thus, the right honourable baronet would not have to 
encounter the difficulties which beset him in the Catholic 
question. He called upon the right honourable gentleman 
to take this course, and add another wreath to his laurels, 
and, in recommending this course, he asked for no destruc- 
tion or annihilation of ancient and established rights ; but 
he asked the right honourable gentleman and the house, in 
the words of the poet Waller, in his famous speech on 
episcopacy, "to reform, that is, not to abolish, the par- 
liament /* 

Sir John Hobhouse was not appointed to any office when 
the present ministry came into power. He succeeded Sir 
Henry Parnell as war secretary, in January 1832, and it is 
worth mentioning in this place, that he is the fifth person 
who has been appointed to that office since May 1828 ; that 
is, during the short interval of four years. All must admit 
that Sir John is a clever, active man, a good debater, and a 
bold reformer — not of necessity, like many of the members 
of the honourable house, but of early and voluntary choice. 
We hope he will continue in office long enough to abolish 
the degrading practice of flogging in the army. 




i>r 



THE Rt HON»« CHARLES LENNOX, DUKE OF RICHMOND. 




L 



3HBR SOW i C° LONDON. 1332. 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 523 

HIS GRACE 

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND, 

Postmaster- Generah 

Charles Lennox, the present Duke of Richmond, was 
born on the third of August, 1791, and succeeded his father, 
the fourth Duke of Richmond, who died at Montreal, 28th 
of August, 1819; having been appointed governor of the 
.Upper and Lower Canadas, some time before his decease. 
He had previously filled the office of lord-lieutenant of 
Ireland, which he retained for several years. He was a 
Knight of the Garter, a general officer in the army, colonel 
of the 35th regiment of foot, and governor of Plymouth. 
His grace was born in 1764 ; and on the 9th of September, 
1789, married a daughter of the Duke of Gordon, by whom 
he had a family of thirteen children, of which the subject 
of the present sketch is the eldest. 

Besides the title of Duke of Richmond, his grace is Earl 
of March, and Baron of Settington, in the county of York, 
in the peerage of England ; Duke of Lennox, Earl of Darn- 
ley, and Baron Methuen of Torbolton, in the peerage of 
Scotland ; also Duke of Aubigny, in France : he is, more- 
over, colonel of the Sussex militia, and high steward of 
Chichester. On the 10th of April, 1817, his grace married 
the eldest daughter of the present Marquis of Anglesey, by 
whom he has five sons and three daughters. 

The Duke of Richmond entered the army in 1809, and 
joined Lord Wellington on the day of the battle of the 
Coa in 1810. He was present as aid-de-camp to Lord 
Wellington in the battles of Busaco, Fuentes d'Honore, 
Salamanca, Pyrenees, and Vittoria — the passage of the 
Bidassoa — the affairs of Sabugal, Nivelles, and in front of 
Bayonne — and in every skirmish from 1810 to 1814 He 



524 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

was present at the sieges and stormings of Ciudad Rodrigo, 
Badajos, and St. Sebastian, and was severely wounded in 
the lungs, commanding a company of the 52d regiment 
in the light division at the battle of Orthes. He was also 
present at the battles of Quatre Bras and Waterloo ; and 
inarched into Paris with the Duke of Wellington's vic- 
torious army. His grace purchased his lieutenancy and 
company, and was promoted to the brevet ranks of major 
and lieutenant- colonel, according to the rules of the service, 
for having twice brought home the despatches. 

It is not to be expected that a soldier by profession 
should signalize himself in the senate as an eloquent de- 
bater. There are, however, upon record, a few of the noble 
duke's speeches not unworthy of regard, and, as they have 
the merit of being concise and pointed, we shall here intro- 
duce a specimen of them. 

Towards the end of the reign of George the Fourth, the 
labouring part of the community were suffering greatly in 
the agricultural districts, owing to the low rate of wages 
and scarcity of employment. Petitions in abundance were 
presented to parliament, of which little notice was taken, 
and incendiarism began to prevail in an alarming degree. 
On the meeting of parliament, Tuesday, November 2nd, 
1830, after the moving and seconding of the address, the 
Duke of Richmond rose and said, it was not his intention 
to take up more than a very short portion of their lordships' 
time, but he was anxious to take this opportunity of ex- 
pressing a hope that parliament would no longer delay — 
that it would not put off until it might perhaps be too 
late — an inquiry into the state of the labouring poor. He 
hoped the subject would be taken up in the spirit of fair 
inquiry. He assured their lordships that he said this, 
not in the spirit of faction, for it was admitted by the 
noble marquis (the lord-lieutenant of the county of Kent) 
that great distress did prevail in that county, though he 
had added, that that distress was not so great in that par- 
ticular county as it was last year. The noble marquis 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 525 

seemed to think that the outrages which existed in that 
county were not the result of the distress that prevailed. 
He (the Duke of Richmond) would not say what was the 
cause of those outrages ; but whatever might be their 
origin, this fact could not be denied — that last session the 
tables of their lordships' house were covered with petitions 
complaining of the distresses of the labouring poor. The 
subject of those petitions their lordships had not thought 
it necessary to take into consideration, and he believed 
that that circumstance had taught them (the labouring poor) 
not to look to parliament with that confidence which they 
had been accustomed to feel towards the government and 
legislature of the country. He believed a feeling did pre- 
vail amongst the labouring classes, that the upper classes 
were their foes, and not their friends. That this was a 
most serious error on the part of the labouring poor, he 
fully admitted. He knew that their lordships and the 
other house of parliament were the friends of the poor ; 
and he knew that the cause of the delay of inquiry last 
session was to be found, not in the indifference of parlia- 
ment to the poor, but in incredulity as to the extent of 
that distress : but, seeing what had since occurred, he must 
say that it would be criminal to delay the matter any 
longer. The county of Kent had since then spoke in a 
language which was disgraceful; but, while he said this, 
and while he admitted that the outrages to which he al- 
luded should be put down with a strong hand — for no dis- 
tress would justify such violations of law — he still must 
impress on their lordships the necessity of allowing no 
farther delay of a fair and full inquiry into the state of 
the labouring poor. For himself he would say, that he felt 
no alarm for the ultimate state of the country, for he knew 
that Englishmen possessed too much good sense, and too 
much of devotion to the institutions of their country — too 
much loyal attachment to the person of their gracious 
sovereign, who had that day, for the first time, met his 
people in opening a new parliament, and who, from the 



526 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

moment of his accession to the throne, had on every occa- 
sion, evinced the most paternal regard for the interests of 
his subjects. Englishmen, he repeated, possessed too much 
wisdom and good feeling to allow themselves to he led 
away into errors dangerous to the security of the state. 
Whatever was the condition of the country at present, there 
existed no cause of alarm as to the ultimate result ; but it 
was necessary that the inquiry to which he alluded should 
not be further delayed. He spoke this, not with a view of 
creating any excitement out of doors, but to impress on 
their lordships that conviction which he strongly felt, of the 
necessity that the inquiry should be speedy. On this he 
trusted their lordships would be unanimous, and while they 
put down dangerous acts of riot and insubordination by 
force, if necessary, they should not delay in adopting such 
other measures as might tend, by relieving the distresses of 
the poor, to restore to them that confidence in the legisla- 
ture which was so necessary to the tranquillity of the country. 
He would not offer any opposition to the address moved by 
the noble marquis, but he must express a hope, that, before 
the close of the debate, he should hear from the noble duke 
(Wellington,) that he should be ready with some measure 
having for its object that to which he had adverted. It was 
necessary to the tranquillity of the country, in the winter 
now coming on, that the confidence of the labouring classes 
in the legislature should be restored, by the adoption of 
every possible means to improve their condition. 

Before the end of the session, the Wellington administra- 
tion gave way, and Lord Grey succeeded the gallant Duke as 
premier. We believe that the Duke of Richmond voted in 
the minority on the Catholic relief bill ; but as he gave a 
silent vote, the ground of his opposition does not appear. 
His grace accepted office under Earl Grey as Post-master- 
general of England and Ireland, and was an early supporter 
of the reform question. On this subject the following 
speech was delivered by his grace, on the 28th of March, 
1831, when a discussion on that measure had been prema- 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 52/ 

turely introduced into the upper house by Lord Wharncliffe. 
The Duke of Richmond rose, and said, that it was not his 
purpose to take up the time of their lordships ; but as he 
had been alluded to by the noble lord, he wished to make a 
very few observations. Taking the present question merely 
on its own merits, it must be considered one of overwhelm- 
ing interest, and he had therefore little supposed that the 
opinions of so humble an individual as himself would have 
attracted notice on so important an occasion. The noble 
lord, however, had thought fit to appeal to his protest against 
the disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders, and attempted 
to draw a parallel between it and the proposed disfranchise- 
ment of the boroughs, for the purpose of fastening upon 
him a charge of inconsistency in supporting the reform bill. 
He would not now flinch a tittle from his former statements, 
or pare down his expressions with a view to his exculpation. 
At the period referred to, a great measure had been brought 
forward, disfranchising 180,000 freeholders, without any 
accusation of corruption having ever been brought against 
them. It might have been pretended that they were habi- 
tually under the stern control of their landlords, to whom 
they had been obliged to render an unconstitutional obe- 
dience x but this had ceased to exist in 1 828, for in the 
course of that year they had exhibited a fearless defiance of 
those who had hitherto held them in political subserviency : 
they had duly elected an agitator, and ejected a cabinet 
minister, in Clare ; nor was that the only county in which 
they had set at nought the authority of their landlords. 
Thus, no sooner had they roused themselves to a constitu- 
tional exercise of their rights, than this unfortunate body 
had been attacked with a bill of pains and penalties. It was 
against this measure that he protested, as he should always 
consider it unjustifiable in principle ; but what analogy was 
there between the case of sixty rotten boroughs, and that of 
180,000 unoffending citizens, unaccused and unheard ? Were 
the patrons of boroughs and the nominees of patrons un- 
offending, or where they unheard and unadvocated ? He 



528 DURE OF RICHMOND. 

would not for a moment admit the special pleading and 
sophistry by which this question had been attempted to be 
disguised. Would the disfranchisement of Midhurst, or 
Wareham, or Old Sarum, affect any one individual, save 
only the patrons and their nominees ; and had not these 
been accused by the united voices of the entire country ? 
On one side, there was a ministry which had floated into 
office on the tide of public opinion ; and was there not, on 
the other, a ministry which had laid down office, in defend- 
ing the system so universally complained of? Nay, was 
there not at this moment a late secretary of state in the 
other house, fighting, as if for life and death, for his share in 
the borough of Tamworth ? It was not likely indeed that 
either the right honourable gentleman or any one else would 
forget Westbury. Then how ably had the interests of the 
notable Boroughbridge been defended by the facetious drol- 
lery and legal astuteness of the ex- attorney-general, its 
celebrated representative. The protest against the disfran- 
chisement of the 40s. freeholders, which had been signed by 
a noble friend of his and himself, was read in part by the 
noble lord, but he had reason to complain that the conclud- 
ing clause had been omitted, for they had therein expressly 
stated, that they were " willing to correct every proved 
abuse." Now, could it be maintained that the borough sys- 
tem was not a proved abuse ? The entire charge was empty, 
and could not be substantiated, as far as he and his noble 
friend were concerned. They had been also reproached 
with subverting settled institutions ', but he looked upon this 
bill as a reformation and timely restoration of the constitu- 
tion, which all concurred in thinking required repair, although 
there was a difference of opinion as to the extent to which 
it ought to be applied. The noble lord, it appeared^ accused 
them of revolutionary projects, yet as well might a similar 
charge be urged against the gallant officer opposite, who led 
the British troops to victory, because he maintained the dis- 
cipline of the army, and introduced new regulations in 
various departments, or supplied new men of superior ener- 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 529 

gies according as his troops became debilitated or decayed. 
The principle was precisely the same. It was proposed to 
draught off Gatton and Old Sarum, and substitute the youth- 
ful energies of Manchester, and the full-grown manhood of 
Birmingham ; nor could he well conceive how treason 
should lurk in the proposition for investing the West 
Riding of Yorkshire with the elective franchise. In fine, 
he was confident that when this bill, recommended by a 
dispassionate and united cabinet, should be sent to their 
lordships' house, they would not forego the opportunity 
of knitting together all hearts in confidence in parliament, 
and increased affection to the sovereign. Such a reform as 
was now proposed would at once ensure security to private 
property, and perpetual protection to the monarchy. 

The gallant duke also defended the claims of Brighton 
to the honour of having representatives, in a short address, 
which is worth preserving . 

The Duke of Richmond said he would in a few moments 
satisfy their lordships that Brighton possessed every claim 
to be represented. It possessed a most respectable con- 
stituency. Its population amounted to 42,000, and its 
assessed taxes amounted to the enormous sum of £31,800 
in the year. Their lordships had already determined to 
give members to towns that did not pay near that amount 
of assessed taxes in the year ; to the town of Leeds, for 
instance, the assessed taxes of which amounted to £18,000 ; 
to Bolton, the assessed taxes of which were £4,300, and to 
Sheffield, the assessed taxes of which amounted to only 
<£12,600. Now, Brighton paid more in assessed taxes than 
the whole of these towns put together. Did the noble 
lord therefore mean that property should not be the cri- 
terion for representation ? Brighton paid a greater amount 
of assessed taxes than nine other towns in the same 
schedule. He was astonished that conservative lords should 
object to the giving members to Brighton. The consti- 
tuency of Brighton would be a most respectable one, and 
the members that would represent it under this bill, he was 

3 Y 



530 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

sure, would always be found upon the side of peace and 
good order. He had no personal object in standing up 
for the claims of Brighton, as he did not possess any pro- 
perty in Brighton, or even in the eastern division of the 
county of Sussex. He maintained that a great number of 
most respectable persons were constant residents in 
Brighton, and that it possessed a greater number of voters 
of £20 and upwards than any other town that it was pro- 
posed to enfranchise. 

During the time that the bill was under discussion before 
the Lords, Lord Wynford presented a petition from the 
members of the corporation of Arundel, against the town 
of Little Hampton being included in the representation of 
that borough, and resolving it into the circumstance that 
it was done to favour the borough influence of the Duke 
of Norfolk. In refutation of this implied preference, the 
Duke of Richmond said, that when the bill should be in 
committee, he thought he should be able to satisfy the 
noble and learned lord, that the decision of the commis- 
sioners would not have the effect which he anticipated. 
In the noble and learned lord's anxiety to prevent what he 
seemed to fear would be the overwhelming influence of a 
peer of parliament in the borough as it was proposed to 
be in future constituted, he had wholly overlooked the 
sort of influence exercised in the borough by those very 
parties from whom the petition came. This petition was 
from the corporation, who were, no doubt, extremely un- 
willing to lose the power and influence which they now 
possessed in the return of the members for the borough. 
These were seven resident gentlemen, and they felt that, 
if this bill should pass, that influence which they now 
possessed would be shared amongst the inhabitants. They 
were therefore very naturally opposed to any extension of 
the franchise either to Little Hampton or to any other 
place. For his own part, if it should be made apparent 
that any arrangement as to the franchise would have the 
effect of making the place a close borough, he would 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 531 

oppose it. He pledged himself, and he was sure that his 
noble colleagues would give him credit for the statement, 
that he would not be satisfied to have one close borough 
left. He would therefore not stop short at the number 
of 56 in schedule A, but would go on to 60 or 63, if that 
number of close boroughs should be shewn to exist. He 
did not agree that the objection to the extension of the 
franchise to Little Hampton was well founded. Little 
Hampton, it should be recollected, was the port of Arundel. 
The whole trade of the latter place was carried on through 
it, and he thought it very natural that the commissioners 
should make a selection of a place so intimately connected 
with the prosperity of the borough, to be included in the 
extension of its franchise. But it was said that the town 
of Little Hampton was the property of a noble duke (the 
Duke of Norfolk.) It was not exclusively his property. 
It was true that the noble duke was the owner of many 
of the houses there, but they were let on long building 
leases, so that the noble duke could not possess that influence 
which the noble and learned lord seemed to apprehend. 
However, when they should come to the question as to 
that borough in the committee, if the noble and learned 
lord should make out a case against the borough as one 
which would still be under undue influence, and would 
move that it be transferred to schedule A, he (the Duke of 
Richmond) would pledge himself to second the motion. 

Lord Wynford still reiterated the charge of undue in- 
fluence, and was supported by the Earl of Falmouth, who 
made a personal attack upon the Duke of Richmond on 
the score of his alleged inconsistency, in having opposed 
the Duke of Wellington's bill for disfranchising the forty- 
shilling freeholders, and entering his protest against it on 
their lordships' journal, and now advocating the cause of 
parliamentary reform. The noble earl said he should for 
the present content himself " with inviting the attention 
of their lordships to the speech and the protest of the noble 
duke on that occasion, and to contrast them with the 



532 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

new-born zeal which he now evinced on the question of 
reform." 

This unprovoked assault on a high-spirited nobleman 
was not likely to pass unnoticed. Accordingly, the Duke 
of Richmond rose, and expressed his regret that the noble 
earl had not deferred his remarks on his (the noble 
duke's) conduct, until a time, when, according to the forms 
of the house, he could rise to defend himself. After having 
already risen twice on the same question, he could not 
now, without the indulgence of their lordships, proceed to 
make those observations which the remarks of the noble 
earl called for. If, however, their lordships gave him 
permission, he would now address himself to what he must 
consider a most unjustifiable attack on him. (Cries of 
66 Go on/') The noble earl had charged him with having 
changed his opinion on the question of reform. If he 
were now a reformer, never having been so before, he might 
use the language which many of their lordships had ad- 
dressed to the house, and defend himself by stating, that 
the times had changed, and that that which might not 
have been necessary some time ago, was now become 
essential. If he looked to the speeches of those who were 
never before reformers, but who now would be thought so 
to some extent, he should find it admitted by the great 
majority, that the time was now arrived when some general 
measure of reform was necessary. What took place at 
the period to which the noble earl (Falmouth) had alluded ? 
At that time, a noble earl (Winchilsea) had declared that 
the Catholic bill having been passed, he considered a 
reform of parliament necessary ; and that he would go far- 
ther, and, if a motion were made that the right reverend 
the bench of bishops should no longer have a seat in 
that house, he (the Earl of Winchilsea) would support it. 
But the Duke of Richmond had then stated, that, however 
much he concurred with the noble earl on the subject of 
the Catholic question, nothing should induce him to vote 
for reform, because the House of Commons had passed the 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 533 

Catholic bill. He had not the paper by him in which 
his opinions on that occasion were stated, for he certainly- 
had not expected to be called on his legs in this manner 
to defend himself. The noble lords opposite saw that 
they (at the ministerial side) had been too tame yester- 
day, and, acting on that forbearance, they now came for- 
ward with personal charges of inconsistency. It was 
objected to him that he had opposed the disfranchisement 
of the forty- shilling freeholders, in Ireland. He had so ; 
but what then ? If he were inconsistent in having then 
opposed disfranchisement, and in supporting it now, what 
became of those noble lords on the opposite side who 
voted for that measure, and who now opposed this bill ? 
Why was the principle of disfranchisement to be supported 
then, and to be opposed now ? Why was the principle 
of vested rights to be held sacred when it applied to St. 
Mawes, and Gatton, and Old Sarum, and to be set at 
nought when it affected the franchises of 250,000 free- 
holders ? He would beg to call the recollection of their 
lordships to what he had said on the occasion of the dis- 
franchisement of the forty- shilling freeholders. It was 
true that he had strenuously opposed that measure ; but 
he said, that, if that bill passed, a year would not elapse' 
without some general measure of reform being called for. 
He begged to deny that he was inconsistent in having op- 
posed that measure, and in supporting the present, for he 
defied the noble earl — he defied any man — to say that he 
ever spoke against reform. On the contrary, since he 
had a seat in parliament, it was to him a matter of sur- 
prise how any man could get up and defend the system of 
nomination boroughs. 

Earl Grey, who was absent during these altercations, 
very opportunely entered the house at the close of the 
Duke of Richmond's last speech, and finding noble lords 
in an unusual state of excitement, inquired into the occa- 
sion of it. Being told that a debate full of acrimonious 
personalities, and imputations, as to the motives of the 



534 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

different peers who had taken a prominent part in support- 
ing and attacking the reform bill, had been going — on he 
thus proceeded: 

"It was not consistent/' he said, "either with the 
orders of the house, or with the advantage of the public, 
that the motives of their lordships should be thus scruti- 
nized and discussed. He wished their lordships to consider 
whether this was the occasion on which a discussion of this 
angry and personal nature could be introduced with advan- 
tage, if indeed such an occasion could ever be found. For 
what was the question which stood for their lordships' 
consideration ? A great question of constitutional policy, 
in which it was possible, though he hoped it was not pro- 
bable, that their decision might not be in accordance with 
that of the people. On such a question, he should think 
that it would be the wish, as well as the interest, of their 
lordships, that the decision should be devoid of every thing 
that savoured of personal irritation. And yet what was it 
that they had heard that evening, save crimination and recri- 
mination, bandied from one side of the house to the other ? 
So that it would appear that none of their lordships would 
vote, except from some personal motives. [A loud cry of 
* No/ from the Earl of Falmouth.] The noble earl said ' No :' 
but what could be the object of the noble earl's attack on 
his noble friend (Richmond) near him, if it were not to 
throw some imputation on his personal motives ? [The 
Earl of Falmouth again vociferated ' No.'] No ! what, 
then, was the object of his attack ? Why was it made ? 
(Loud cheering from the ministerial benches.) A discussion 
had arisen injurious to the character of the house, and in- 
consistent with the calm and dispassionate consideration 
which it was their duty to apply to the grave and important 
subject that awaited their decision. He (Earl Grey) had 
hoped most earnestly and sincerely that their lordships 
would have approached this subject without extracting from 
it the bitterness of useless personality. Why such an 
abortive produce should be forced from it now, he would 



DUKE OF RICHMOND. 535 

not take upon him to inquire ; but he must be permitted 
to say that he held, as highly objectionable, a discussion of 
this nature preceding so momentous a question as that which 
they were assembled to determine — a discussion tending to 
impute to public persons in that house, motives not con- 
sistent with the interests of the community, nor advanta- 
geous to their lordships. He felt himself called upon to 
say thus much, which, as the discussion was likely to 
cease, was perhaps unnecessary. He must at the same 
time declare his feeling of the independent conduct of the 
noble duke who had been made the subject of uncalled-for 
observations. While he stated that no one could display 
more true independence of character than that noble duke, 
he trusted that this mode of introducing irrelevant topics 
would not be persevered in." 

This well-timed rebuke, coming from such a quarter, 
operated as a quietus on the Earl of Falmouth and other 
Tory peers within the walls of parliament ; but whatever 
may be the latent cause, it is obvious that the Duke of 
Richmond's connection with the present government has 
subjected him to more slander and abuse, more false and 
unfounded charges, more misrepresentation and calumny, 
than any other individual. Since Lord Grey's return to 
office, the following announcement was gravely made in 
the Standard newspaper, the leading organ of the (C Con- 
servatives." 

"The Duke of Richmond has disentangled himself from 
these disgraceful and disloyal attempts, by resigning his 
office, whatever may be the fate of Earl Grey's administra- 
tion. His grace dissented, by a former protest, from the 
call upon the king to swamp the House of Peers. It would 
give the most heart-felt delight to every true Tory to receive 
the nobleman, who did so much for us in 1829, once more 
into the bosom of the party." 

Alas, how unaccommodating is the Duke of Richmond ! 
— the consummation, so devoutly to be wished, is not yet 
realized. 



536 DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

His Grace is evidently a personal favourite with the 
Sovereign j and, if report may be credited, when an effort 
was lately made to reinstate the Duke of Wellington in 
the premiership, the Duke of Richmond was solicited from 
the highest authority to quit the Whigs, and form part of 
the projected administration; which, nevertheless, with all 
due deference, he declined to do. At the coronation of their 
present Majesties, the Duchess of Richmond was conspi- 
cuous among the beautiful women who surrounded the 
Royal pair ; and wherever she is seen in public, never fails 
to impress the beholder with a sense of those amiable 
qualities and accomplishments which adorn her mind and 
person. This tribute to virtues admired by all who enjoy 
the privilege of witnessing and appreciating them, is 
obviously demanded from us at the present moment, when 
the scurrilous state of the periodical press has not scru- 
pled to vent itself in the foulest and falsest of libels against 
this illustrious lady, and made it necessary for her to ap- 
peal to the laws of her country for protection against this 
wretched scandal, so foolishly invented and circulated. 

On the demise of the Duke of Gordon, the father of the 
Duchess of Richmond, his Grace, the noble Duke, will suc- 
ceed to large estates in Scotland : and in the mean time, 
he has only to proceed, as he has hitherto done, in his 
straight-forward and manly course, to insure himself the 
esteem and approbation of all whose good opinion is worth 
his regard. His Grace's country residence is at Goodwood, 
in the county of Suffolk — a place renowned for the con- 
tinuance of those good old English sports, hospitality, and 
customs, which characterized the age of "good Queen Bess." 
Three of his Grace's brothers are in parliament, namely, 
Lord Arthur Lennox, member for Chichester — Lord John- 
George, who represents the county — and Lord William- Pitt, 
who sits for the borough of King's Lynn, and who is favour- 
ably known in society for his conversational talents, and 
taste in polite literature. 



EARL OF CARLISLE. 537 



RIGHT HON. 

THE EARL OF CARLISLE. 

Cabinet Minister, without Office. 

The family from which this nobleman is descended is a 
branch of the illustrious ducal house of Norfolk, springing 
from Lord William Howard, second son of Thomas, the 
fourth duke. 

The father of the present earl was Frederick Howard, 
eldest son of Henry, the fourth earl of Carlisle. He was 
born in 1748, and educated at Eton and King's College, 
Cambridge, cotemporary with the celebrated Charles James 
Fox, whose future popularity he predicted in some very 
beautiful verses, now little known. He took his seat in the 
House of Peers, in 1769, and soon afterwards married one 
of the daughters of the Marquis of Stafford. In 1780 he 
obtained the vice-regency of Ireland, of which he was 
deprived on the sudden dissolution of the Rockingham cabi- 
net, in 1782. He then joined the coalition ministry headed 
by Mr. Fox and Lord North, and held office as steward of 
the household and lord privy seal. At the breaking out of 
the French revolution in 1793, he became an alarmist, and 
gave his support to Mr. Pitt, for which he was rewarded 
with the insignia of the Garter. His lordship was an ele- 
gant and accomplished scholar, and devoted much of his 
leisure hours to literary pursuits, though he continued to 
take a prominent part in politics during the latter part of his 
life, which he closed on the 4th of September, 1825. He 
was succeeded in his titles and honours, by his eldest son, 
George Howard, the present earl, who was born 1/th of 
September, 1773, and on the 21st of March 1801, married 

3z 



538 EARL OF CARLISLE. 

the eldest daughter of William, the fifth duke of Devonshire. 
His lordship's other titles are Viscount Howard, of Mor- 
peth, in the county of Northumberland ; Baron Dacre of 
Gillesland, and co-heir to a moiety of the barony of Grey- 
stock. The present Viscount Morpeth, one of the members 
for Yorkshire, is the noble peer's eldest son. 

" As his father was embarked in political life, it is proba- 
ble that he contemplated a similar course for his son ; and 
accordingly, in 1795-6, we find that he accompanied Lord 
Malmesbury in one of his missions to the Continent, and 
was, no doubt, thus early initiated into many of the myste- 
ries of diplomacy. On his return he took his seat in the 
House of Commons, and continued to devote himself to 
parliamentary duties with more attention than is usual with 
young men of similar rank and fortune. 

" In 1800 he was a commissioner for the Affairs of India, 
and so competent to his office, that we are indebted to him 
for one of the most luminous speeches upon the affairs of 
that country, which has ever been pronounced within the 
walls of the house. It was published separately as a pam- 
phlet, and is, we believe, the only distinct publication which 
we can attribute to his lordship. Subsequently to this 
period his lordship was sent on a special mission to Berlin ; 
but of the intents and purposes of such a secret and 
important employment, we cannot be expected to give any 
information. After remaining some time in Prussia, his 
lordship returned home, and resumed his useful, though not 
too obtrusive, public services ; for he spoke very seldom in 
parliament, yet he exercised, in consequence of his acknow- 
ledged talents and intelligence, a beneficial influence, more 
felt than heard of, in the counsels and government of the 
nation, 

" In 1824, he was made lord-lieutenant of the East-riding 
of Yorkshire ; and in the following year succeeded his father 
in the Earldom of Carlisle. In 1827, when Mr. Canning 
was called upon by his majesty, to form an administration, 
his lordship, between whom and the minister an intimacy, 



KARL OF CARLISLE. 539 

alike honourable to the tastes and endowments of both, had 
long been established, accepted the office of first commis- 
sioner of woods and forests, with a seat in the cabinet, 
and afterwards privy seal, which he resigned in 1828. 

" At present, his lordship has a seat in the cabinet, but 
without office ; and his addition to their numbers may justly 
be deemed one of the most stable assurances of the continu- 
ation of the new government : since, whatever changes may 
assail it, the country will always look with confidence to 
men actuated by that purity of principle and integrity which 
distinguishes the Earl of Carlisle. Such an individual can 
want nothing, can desire nothing, but the welfare of the 
land in which he has so large a stake ; and surrounded by a 
family like his, with a son, Lord Morpeth, following admi- 
rably in the steps of his forefathers, whether we look to 
patriotism, or the love of science and literature, England has 
the surest pledges that he will do his duty, even were 
he not stimulated by the finest sense of innate rectitude, and 
the example of a glorious race."* 

It is a fact too obvious to be denied, that the Tory lords, 
in opposing the great measure of reform, which has of late 
engrossed so much of the public attention, have taken no 
inconsiderable pains to shew that the Whig party are vastly 
inferior to them iu point of wealth, and property, and influ- 
ence. Lord Brougham took up this argument of their 
mightinesses in his masterly speech, delivered, Oct. 7th, 
1831, on the second reading of the first reform bill ; and we 
advert to it merely as it serves to illustrate the remarks 
made above, respecting the influence which such persons as 
the Earl of Carlisle must necessarily have in any adminis- 
tration. 

Lord Brougham asked if it were true that the aristocracy, 
as a body, was opposed to the bill ? He denied the asser- 
tion. "What, my lords," said he, "the aristocracy opposed 
to the people — the aristocracy, who are the creatures of the 

* National Portrait Gallery, Vol. II. now publishing- by Messrs. Fisher, 
Son, and Jackson. 



540 EARL OF CARLISLE. 

people — who are created by the people, and for the people, 
the people, — for whom the constitution and the monarchy, 
and the two houses of parliament, and the government, are 
constituted ; and without whom, neither king, lords, nor 
commons, could exist ? The assertion is monstrous. As a 
member of your lordship's house, I repel it with indignation 
— such a calumny must not go abroad. And yet there are 
those who, even in this house, talk much of the bill's so add- 
ing to the strength of the democracy, as to endanger all the 
other institutions of the country ; and who therefore charge 
us, its originators, as the promoters of spoliation and anar- 
chy. Why, my lords, have we ourselves nothing to fear 
from democratic spiolation ? The fact is, that some of the 
members of the present cabinet are in the possession of more 
property than any two administrations together, within my 
recollection. I need not say, that I do not include myself, 
for I have little or no property ; but what little I have 
depends upon the stability of existing institutions, and is as 
dear to me as the much larger possessions of your lordships. 
My lords, permit me to say, that, in becoming a member of 
your lordship's house, I staked my all on the aristocratic 
institutions of the country. I gave up certain wealth, great 
professional emolument, and real power, for an office of 
great trouble, and, necessarily, of contingent tenure : I say, 
my lords, I gave up the possession of real power, for power 
and distinction dependent on accident ; for, as member for 
Yorkshire, and, I will add, as leading member of the House 
of Commons, I was in the enjoyment of as much power as 
might gratify any man's ambition. I lost these, I say ; I 
became wound up with your lordships' stability, and I im- 
plore you not to countenance a doctrine to take from me the 
little that is left. If it is to be said that only the populace, 
the rabble, support this bill, pray let me ask, Who is the 
Duke of Norfolk ? who is the Duke of Bedford ? who is the 
Duke of Devonshire ?" Here Lord Brougham was called to 
order, or he would probably have proceeded to add the 
names of the Dukes of Sussex and Richmond — the Earla of 



EARL OF CARLISLE. 541 

Carlisle, Grey, Spencer, &c, Barons Holland, Durham, 
Auckland, &c. 

Lord Brougham took up the same subject in reply to the 
Duke of Wellington, and others, on the second reading of 
the second reform bill, April 13th 1832. Several noble 
lords, he said, had taken up the opinion of the noble and 
gallant Duke (of Wellington,) that this question of reform 
had not taken so deep a root in the country as it was said 
to have taken by others, and indeed even as the country 
itself supposed it had taken. The noble duke, and all who 
had followed him on that side, had insisted, in spite of the 
declarations of the people themselves to the contrary, that 
the people did not care much, if at all, about reform ; and 
to so great an extent had this astonishing doctrine been 
carried, that he would venture to say, that if any intelligent 
man, not accustomed to the debates of their lordships, had 
been brought into that house, without knowing what the 
subject in debate was, and had heard this assertion, that the 
people did not care about the matter under discussion — that 
man could have gone away from the house without ever 
even having suspected — as indeed no intelligent man could 
suspect — that the subject so alluded to as finding so little 
favour and interest in the eyes of the people, was the great, 
the absorbing, the almost all absorbing, question of parlia- 
mentary reform. Indeed, this doctrine must have startled 
even the right reverend prelate who spoke last but one, 
(Bishop of Rochester,) and must have forced his ingenuity 
to the discovery of that distinction between the popular 
mind and the public mind which had enabled the right 
reverend prelate to satisfy himself that though the popular 
mind was for the bill, the public mind was against it. How- 
ever satisfactory this distinction, and its concomitant asser- 
tion, might be to the right reverend prelate, he trusted he 
should be able to shew that there was as little foundation in 
fact for either, as there was in the other doctrine of the 
noble duke, which also found credit in the estimation of 
many noble lords — namely, that all the landed property of 



542 EARL OF CARLISLE. 

the country was against the bill — at least, he supposed the 
noble duke meant the landed property. 

The Duke of Wellington. — I meant all the property of the 
country generally. 

The Lord Chancellor continued. — "That was certainly 
carrying the proposition to a far greater extent than he had 
understood it, since the noble duke had used the word yeo- 
manry. His noble friend near him, some right reverend 
prelates, and other noble lords, had re-echoed the minor 
proposition, evidently understanding it as he had understood 
it ; but it would be idle to notice what they had said upon 
it — it would be an absolute loss of time to discuss the lesser 
point and its supporters ; so, with the permission of their 
lordships, he would pass over the imitators, and deal with 
the great original. The noble and gallant duke, then, really 
meant to tell the house gravely, that the whole property of 
this country, was leagued together in opposition to the bill. 
Now let him put it to the noble duke who had made this 
discovery, whether it was not passing strange that those 
who possessed either the property of the country, or who 
represented the possessors of it, should have conducted 
themselves in such a manner as to make every body suppose 
that, instead of being opposed to, they were warm friends 
of the bill ? Not to go very far for an answer to this pro- 
position of the noble duke — not to trouble the noble duke 
to cast his eyes beyond the limits of those walls, he would 
ask the noble duke to look across the house, and then tell 
him whether he could by possibility be right in saying that 
all the property of the country was opposed to the bill. 
Let the noble duke look at the benches opposite, let him 
consider how much of the property of the country was held 
by noble lords whose eyes would meet his — let the noble 
duke take this survey only, and he was sure that if the 
noble duke did not see the rashness of the assertion he had 
made, he (the Duke of Wellington) would be the only man 
in that house, or out of that house, who would fail to see it. 
And then what was to become of the property out of doors ? 



EARL OF CARLISLE. 543 

The property embarked in the trade of the country ? Was 
the meeting of the merchants, traders, and bankers of the 
city of London, in the Egyptian Hall, to go for nothing ? 
Did that intelligent, that respectable, that opulent class of 
the community, possess no property ? He was quite sure 
that if a very small portion of that class of men had met 
together, not by public advertisement, and in a public place, 
but in some retired room to which the people were admitted 
by tickets and by favour, or that the few assembled would 
be secure of having it all their own way — he was sure, he 
said, that if such a meeting had petitioned that house against 
the bill, there would have been no end of references and 
appeals to their petition. What, however, had been done 
by the great body of merchants, and traders, and bankers of 
the city of London, called together by public advertisement 
in the newspapers, and openly congregated together in the 
Egyptian Hall ? What they had done with regard to this 
measure, and what opinion they had pronounced upon it, 
was too well known to render it necessary for him to do 
more than to allude to their meeting — the very mention of 
which was sufficient to settle the question, as to how the 
persons representing the trading and commercial property 
of the county stood affected towards reforms, and towards 
this measure of reform." 

Earl Grey also resumed the subject on the second reading 
of the second reform bill, 13th April, 1832, and we shall use 
the freedom, to quote his words in this place. " An attack 
has been made on others for the extravagance of their views, 
and on myself for having introduced this measure from a 
false notion of preserving my own consistency, or from per- 
sonal motives of ambition. I am sorry that a question like 
the present, which ought to depend on merits of its own, 
has been accompanied by such reflections, and that acrimony 
has been most strongly displayed where it ought most of all 
to have been conceded. I have been congratulated by a 
learned and right reverend prelate, that I have rejected with 
scorn and indignation the stigma of revolution. The charity 



544 EARL OF CARLISLE. 

of that sneer and of that insinuation is not lost upon me J 
but I tell that right reverend prelate (Phillpotts, bishop of 
Exeter,) that I have a long life to appeal to, which, even 
those who know me not in private, will think sufficient to 
justify me, in the opinion of my countrymen, from the foul 
and malignant charges which he in his christian charity has 
thought proper to produce against me. I have a stake also 
in the country, perhaps as large a one as he has. I have 
also given pledges to my country — pledges which must 
prove my sincere desire to transmit to my posterity the 
property which I have received from my ancestors — pledges 
which ought to satisfy the country, that I shall not, with 
my eyes open, undertake any thing that is dangerous to the 
constitution. The right reverend prelate threw out insinua- 
tions about my ambition. Let me tell him, calmly, that 
the pulses of ambition may beat as strongly under sleeves 
of lawn as under an ordinary habit. I wish not to pursue 
further a subject on which I feel strongly : but a speech 
more unbecoming the situation of a christian bishop — a 
speech more inconsistent with the love of peace — a speech 
more remote from the charity which ought to distinguish a 
clergyman of his order — a speech more replete with insinu- 
ations and charges calculated to promote disunion and dis- 
cord in the community — never was uttered within the walls 
of this or any other house of parliament/' 

We must not close this article without mentioning, that 
the beautiful and accomplished Lady Georgiana Agar Ellis, 
now Baroness Dover, whose portrait, in the " National 
Portrait Gallery, Vol. I.," furnishes one of the sweetest 
specimens of the painter's and engraver's art, is the second 
daughter of the Earl of Carlisle — a lady who partakes with 
her noble partner in life, in his admiration and encourage- 
ment of the fine arts, as indeed might have been expected 
from a child of the Earl of Carlisle. 



SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 545 

THE RIGHT HON. 

SIR JAMES GRAHAM, BART. 

First Lord of the Admiralty. 

u The ancient and powerful family of Graham," says Sir 
Walter Scott, in the Lady of the Lake, " held extensive 
possessions in the counties of Dumbarton and Stirling. 
Few families can boast of more historical renown, having 
claim to three of the most remarkable characters in the 
Scottish annals. Sir John Graeme, the faithful and un- 
daunted partaker of the labours and patriotic warfare of 
Wallace, fell in the unfortunate field of Falkirk in 1298. 
The celebrated Marquess of Montrose, in whom De Retz 
saw realized his abstract ideas of the heroes of antiquity, 
was the second of these worthies. And, notwithstanding 
the severity of his temper, and the vigour with which he 
executed the oppressive mandates of the Punics whom 
he served, I do not hesitate to name as the third, John 
Graham, of Claverhouse, Viscount of Dundee, whose heroic 
death, in the arms of victory, may be allowed to cancel 
the memory of his cruelty to the non-conformists, during 
the reigns of Charles the Second and James the Second." 

So far Sir Walter : we do not here enter upon the 
question, how far the heroic death of a persecuting cru- 
sader ought to be allowed to cancel the memory of his 
deeds of blood, but proceed to remark that the Grahams of 
Norton-Conyers — the Grahams of Esk — and the Grahams 
of Netherby, derive their descent from the same common 
ancestor, namely, Sir Richard Graham, who was created a 
baronet in 1629. He was gentleman of the horse to King 
James the First, and purchased Netherby and the barony 
of Liddell in the county of Cumberland, from Francis, Earl 
of Cumberland, From him was descended in a direct line 

4a 



546 SIS JAMES GRAHAM. 

James Graham Esq. of Netherby, who was created a baro- 
net, 28th of December, 1782. Sir James married a daughter 
of John, seventh Earl of Galloway, by whom (with other 
issue) he had the present First Lord of the Admiralty, whose 
public character is the subject of this article. 

Sir James-Robert-George Graham was born on the 
1st of June, 1792, and succeeded to the title as second 
baronet, upon the demise of his father, April 13th, 1824. 
He had entered parliament several years prior to this, as 
representative of the borough of Ripon, in the West Riding 
of the county of York. In process of time, however, he 
became member of parliament for the city of Carlisle, and 
subsequently for the county of Cumberland, which he still 
continues to represent. 

From his first entrance into the House of Commons, 
Sir James Graham ranked with the opposition ; but though 
he voted with them, he has but recently come forwards as 
a speaker. In 1828, during the Wellington administration, 
he came prominently forward with a notice of a motion for a 
committee to inquire into the expediency of assimilating 
the paper currency of England to that of Scotland. Mr. 
Goulburn, then chancellor of the exchequer, met this by 
moving for leave to bring in a bill to restrain the circu- 
lation of Scottish bank notes in England. On this occa- 
sion, Sir James Graham took up the subject, and spoke at 
considerable length, evincing by his speech that it had 
occupied much of his attention. After pointing out several 
deficiencies in Mr. Goulburn's statements, he came to 
the particular measure under the consideration of the 
house. 

" One objection which he had to the measure was, that 
it was premature. It was a remedy applied, not to an 
existing, but to a theoretic, and not ascertained, evil. Be- 
sides which, the proposed restriction was impolitic. He 
was a personal witness, he said, of the advantages of the 
old system. For many years seven-eighths of his rents 
were paid in one-pound notes of this currency, and from 



SIR JAMES GRAHAM, 547 

it he had incurred no loss whatever. Again, it was anoma- 
lous that persons, separated only by a border over which 
they could positively jump, should have such different and 
opposite systems. On one side of the border, two-thirds 
of the circulation was gold, with the exclusion of paper — 
on the other, a description of paper which was found to 
be a sound currency, exclusive of gold. All that he wished 
was, that the House of Commons should inquire whether 
the paper system was not capable of such an ameliora- 
tion as might interpose an effectual check to its abuse." 

Sir James now proceeded to examine the question of 
the currency in its various bearings, in doing which he 
displayed a very considerable acquaintance with the sub- 
ject — as it affected the price of corn, the value of land, 
the national debt, and taxes, &c. He entreated the house 
to reflect, that by the measure which the chancellor pro- 
posed, they would make the twenty-four gentlemen who 
sat in the bank chamber, the arbiters of the destinies of 
the country. But this and all similar topics, he said, were 
merely mentioned by him, for it would be much better 
that they should meet with a fair and complete discussion 
in the proposed committee. He did not mean that the 
committee should merely institute a blind inquiry into the 
subject — that gentlemen should go into it with their minds 
previously made up ; but that it should be a committee 
formed with a fair disposition to enter candidly into all 
such points as, in his opinion, required to be most care- 
fully investigated. He trusted that gentlemen would not 
mistake his arguments, or suppose that they extended be- 
yond the results and principles to which he meant to apply 
them. He certainly was not enamoured of a paper-cur- 
rency ; but he would say that it was foolish, because a thing 
required regulations, to suppress it altogether, and that 
without inquiry. He was of opinion that a system of 
paper currency was one of the greatest of the modern inven- 
tions which human ingenuity had contrived. When once 
a paper currency was established, it was impossible to 



548 Sia JAMES GRAHAM. 

get rid of it ; and he believed that there might be applied to 
the system the inscription from the Inferno of Dante : — 
* He who enters here must lose all hope of return.' An 
enormous debt had been contracted in a depreciated cur- 
rency, and no alternative remained but to continue the paper 
system." 

From this time we find Sir James Graham coming pro- 
minently forward, and taking an active part in the business 
of the house. On Friday, June 20th, 1828, he appeared 
with a petition from the shipowners of Hull, on the subject 
of the distress and embarrassment under which the shipping 
interests of that port were then suffering — from which it 
would appear, that they considered him to be inimical to the 
free-trade, or reciprocity system. We also find him sup- 
porting Mr. Hume in his plans of retrenchment, and reduc- 
tion of salaries. 

On the fall of the Duke of Wellington's government, Sir 
James Graham came into office as first lord of the admiralty, 
and began to distinguish himself by his energetic speeches in 
favour of reform; not only that in the commons house of par- 
liament, but also in his own official department. Lord John 
Russell brought in his first reform bill, March 1st, 1831, 
and, having advanced it some stages, the anti-reformers con- 
trived to " toss it over the bridge," by a manoeuvre of 
General Gascoyne's, in consequence of which the king dis- 
solved the parliament in May, and a new election took place. 
Sir James Graham published an address to his constituents 
in Cumberland, in which he told them, that " the last divi- 
sion, which had the effect of delaying the supplies, left 
ministers no alternative, but to dissolve the parliament, or 
abandon the bill/'- 

No sooner had the new parliament come together, than 
the honourable member for Cumberland was taken soundly 
to task bjr Mr. George Dawson, who insisted that the asser- 
tion of Sir James Graham, namely, that the last division, 
which had the effect of delaying the supplies, left ministers 
no alternative, u could only have been broached for paltry 



SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 549 

election purposes \" and then Mr. Dawson went on to state, 
that, as none of the ordnance estimates had heen voted pre- 
vious to the dissolution, government had placed themselves 
in an awkward predicament, which he proceeded to describe 
in rather insulting terms. 

Sir James Graham, rising to defend himself and colleagues, 
said, Mr. Dawson had spoken in a tone of personality, which 
it seemed to be the desire of the house should be laid aside. 
lie felt that if such personalities were directed to himself, that 
was not the place for him to call for an explanation of them. 
The noble lord (Stormont) who cheered so loudly, and who 
on a former occasion had produced from his pocket a volume 
of Shakspeare, to show what crows would do in a reformed 
parliament, himself exhibited, even in an unreformed parlia- 
ment, something of the kind : when he talked of crows, he 
should recollect that there were daws, who would peck at 
a character which they attempted to soil, but which they 
could not destroy. In quoting his address previous to the 
Cumberland election, Mr. Dawson had a decided superiority 
over him, for he possessed the document, while Sir James 
had nearly forgotten its tenor, and altogether forgotten its 
language. He recollected, however, enough to know that 
three causes were mentioned in it for the dissolution, only 
one of which was that dwelt on by Mr. Dawson. It was 
impossible to say whether the motion of Mr. W. Bankes 
was intended to stop the supplies, or not ; but he might 
appeal to every one that heard him, whether such an inten- 
tion was not fairly deducible from it. Sir Robert Peel 
seemed aware of the character of the vote ; for, though pre- 
sent at the discussion, he did not join in it. 

Sir James Graham then proceeded to explain to the house, 
in what way the army and navy had been supplied from 
money voted by the house — and the ordnance provided for 
out of a sum of money voted in the preceding year, and 
appropriated for that purpose, but not expended. Having 
tendered these explanations, he threw himself upon the con- 
sideration of the house, and asked them fairly, whether what 



550 SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 

he had stated was not a sufficient explanation, and whether 
the truth of his assertions was not amply proved by their 
own recollection of the circumstances to which he referred. 

On Tuesday, the 14th of February, 1832, Sir James Gra- 
ham obtained leave to bring in a bill which had for its object 
the abolition of the present navy and victualling boards, and 
for placing the whole under the direction of certain accre- 
dited officers under the direct control of the admiralty. 
This is a measure of great importance, and one which has 
been long and devoutly wished for by every man who is 
attached to the navy, or who had any acquaintance with its 
affairs, either in theory or practice. After adverting to a 
similar consolidation to that which he purposed to effect, 
and which took place soon after the Restoration, and was the 
first dawn of our naval superiority, Sir James proceeded to 
more modern instances, in which the existence of separate 
and nearly independent boards had been found injurious, 
and read extracts from evidence in the finance committee, in 
order to shew that such had been the case. He then pro- 
ceeded to notice, what he deemed another marked inconve- 
nience — namely, the appropriation of money voted for one 
purpose., to the effecting of another. No less than five 
instances of this kind had occurred since 1826. Under 
those five different heads, including the bakehouse at Dept- 
ford, the sum expended, from 1825 to 1830, amounted to 
^835,400, while all that parliament had voted was £270,000, 
leaving £565,400 to be provided for from other sources. 
On the other hand, in the same four years, there was less 
expended on building than had been voted, to the amount 
of £1,029,000. This surplus, it appeared, might be applied 
to any other purpose than that for which it had been voted, 
without the intervention of parliament — a proceeding which 
to him appeared highly objectionable. 

Sir James Graham proceeded to mention other irregu- 
larities, of an equally exceptionable nature. Two regula- 
tions, which, had they been strictly followed up, would 
have been found extremely useful, had been introduced by 



SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 551 

his predecessor in office. The first of these was intended 
as a check on the individuals to whom the receipt and 
issue of the public stores in the dock-yards was intrusted. 
By that regulation, it was directed that a ledger, contain- 
ing an account of the receipt and issue of stores, should 
be kept at the out-port, and another at the navy board. 
If these two ledgers were properly kept, and agreed with 
each other, it was impossible that any fraud could be com- 
mitted without detection. A more judicious regulation, 
if correctly carried into effect, could not be devised. But 
it unfortunately happened, that, up to the present moment, 
it was impossible to get any information from the ledger 
at the navy office. The other regulation related to the 
number of labourers employed in the dock-yards. They 
were to be reduced to six thousand, including apprentices ; 
and no new apprentices were to be taken, except in cases 
of death. When he came into office, that regulation was 
one year in operation, and the number of workmen was 
7;716; the number employed on the 31st of January last 
was 7>473 ; so that there was only a reduction of about 
250 men. 

Of the lack of vigilance in looking after the stores, Sir 
James produced an example, in the accidental seizure at 
Birmingham of five tons and a half of copper belonging 
to the King's yard at Chatham. With respect to any 
thing like an estimate of the cost of building a vessel, it 
was for a long time hopeless to attempt even by approxi- 
mation ; in fact, until within the last four months, this 
could not be procured. 

Having made these preliminary observations, Sir James 
went on to explain what the bill was intended to effect. 
The boards could have been dissolved without the con- 
currence of the house ; but as the changes were extensive, 
it was thought best to obtain that concurrence. It was 
meant to abolish the navy and victualling boards, and to 
vest the entire management of the navy in the hands of 
those who were really responsible for its proper manage- 



552 SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 

ment. The mode in which this was to be effected, was by 
dividing the entire of the naval affairs of the kingdom into 
^ve great branches. 1st. The surveyor-general' s, which 
would remain pretty nearly as it was at present. 2. The 
accountant-general's branch. By keeping the entire books 
on one model, and by one method, he thought one account- 
ant-general would suffice. 3rd. The store-keeper's branch. 
4th. The victualling branch, managed by one superintendant. 
5th. The medical department, similarly managed. He 
should propose that the officers at the head of these de- 
partments should not be commissioners, holding their situ- 
ations by patent, and possessing co-ordinate authority with 
other boards, even with the commissioners of the admiralty 
itself, as was the case at present ; but that they should 
be appointed under-warrants from the board of admiralty, 
and that they should retain their situations so long only 
as they properly discharged their duties. 

Sir James then explained the reductions which he had 
made. Last year there was a reduction of four commis- 
sioners, and a saving of £4,000 a year: thirty-seven su- 
perior officers, £9,470 : twenty-five inferior officers, £1,285 : 
and eight clerks, £1,970. Under the present arrangement 
he should be able in three months to reduce five commis- 
sioners at £6,000 — three secretaries at £2,600 — twenty-nine 
superior officers at £10,280— six inferior officers at £1,440, 
and fifty-four clerks at £11,950. The account would then 
stand thus — reduced nine commissioners, £10,000— three 
secretaries, £2,600— sixty-six superior officers, £19,750— 
thirty-one inferior officers, £2,725 — and sixty-two clerks, 
£13,920; forming a total saving upon the civil establish- 
ment of the navy of £49,000. 



MR. E. G. STANLEY. 553 



RIGHT HON. 

EDWARD GEOFFREY STANLEY, 

Secretary for Ireland. 

This gentleman is the grandson of the Earl of Derby, and 
son of Lord Stanley, one of the representatives in parlia- 
ment for the county of Lancaster. Descended from a long 
line of illustrious ancestors, whose lineage can be traced 
as far back as the times of Richard the Second, A.D. 1377? 
Mr. Stanley seems destined, by his services to his country, 
to maintain the honours of his family, and add to their 
renown. 

His father, the present Lord Stanley, married his own 
cousin, Miss Charlotte-Margaret Hornby, daughter of the 
Rev. Geoffrey Hornby, of Winwick, near Warrington, one 
of the richest livings in the kingdom, and in the patronage 
of the Earl of Derby. By this lady, who died in 1817, 
his lordship had three sons and four daughters, of whom 
the subject of this memoir is the eldest. 

Mr. Stanley was born on the twenty-ninth of March, 
1799, and of course is now in his thirty-fourth year. On 
coming of age, he entered the House of Commons as mem- 
ber for the borough of Preston in Lancashire, in which he 
succeeded his father, who now became member for the 
county. Preston is a borough by prescription as well as by 
charter, and returns two members to parliament. Uni- 
versal suffrage prevails here, the right of election being 
in " all the male inhabitants," of the age of twenty-one 
and upwards, who have resided during the last six months 
in the town, and have not, for the twelve months imme- 
diately preceding the election, been chargeable to any 
parish as paupers. The number of electors amounts to 

4b 



554 MR. E. G. STANLEY. 

about five thousand; and it may be questioned whether 
the empire could produce a more genuine radical con- 
stituency. To find proof of this, we need go no further than 
the fact of their inviting Cobbett and Hunt to represent 
them — and permitting the latter, for the two last parlia- 
ments, to displace Mr. Stanley, though the influence of the 
Derby family must be very great in the borough, arising 
from the large property which they possess in the town 
and neighbourhood. On losing his election for Preston, 
in 1830, Mr. Stanley was returned for the borough of 
Windsor, which he continues to represent ; and on the 
formation of the present Whig ministry, he received the 
appointment of chief secretary for Ireland, and has since 
been made a privy councillor. 

Of the attention which he has paid to the state of Ire- 
land, Mr. Stanley had given ample proof long before he 
became a cabinet minister. On the 6th of May, 1824, 
Mr. Joseph Hume submitted a motion to the members of 
the House of Commons respecting the church establish- 
ment of Ireland, which he was satisfied had long exercised 
a more fatal and extensive influence on the condition of 
the country, than most persons were aware of. In an 
elaborate speech of great extent, Mr. Hume exhibited a 
frightful expose of the evils resulting from that establish- 
ment, and concluded with moving the following resolution 
— "That it is expedient to inquire whether the present 
church establishment of Ireland be not more than com- 
mensurate to the services to be performed, both as re- 
gards the number of persons employed, and the income 
they receive." 

Why it should have devolved upon Mr. Stanley to in- 
terpose his protest against this inquiry, does not appear : 
but that he certainly did do so, is very clear. The time for 
taking up that appalling subject was not yet arrived — 
and probably, were the inquiry mooted in the present day, 
neither Mr, Stanley nor Lord Plunkett would bristle up 
against it so fiercely as they then did. The former was 



MR. E. G. STANLEY. 555 

quite chivalrous in defence of the clergy of that country, 
whose high character, many virtues, and amiable qualities, 
together with the unostentatious discharge of their sacred 
duties, he eulogized in lofty strains. He would not assert 
that there might not be circumstances which would justify 
an interference with the property of the church, but he 
would maintain that no such circumstances could exist 
which would not equally justify an interference with landed, 
funded, and commercial property, Asa measure of finance, 
the inquiry would be unjust and unnecessary; and as a mea- 
sure of conciliation, it would be worse than useless. The 
motion either went too far, or not far enough. The estab- 
lished church of Ireland should be supported, or given up 
altogether. He could not consider this motion as any 
approach to a system of conciliation : it was, on the contrary, 
rather calculated to hold up to the Roman Catholics of Ire- 
land, the Protestant church as one towering over their heads, 
" in pride of place," and enormous influence of wealth, or 
one which in turns excited their indignation and envy. Mr. 
Stanley then quoted several passages from pamphlets circu- 
lated in Ireland, to shew the violent temper which prevailed 
among certain Catholic bodies, respecting the established 
church, and also extracts from the bishop of Limerick's 
charge to his clergy — a prelate distinguished by the highest 
worth — to shew the different temper with which these charges 
were met. 

Mr. Stanley candidly admitted that Ireland laboured under 
four principal grievances, viz. the want of resident gentry — the 
want of capital — the want of employment for the labouring 
classes — and the want of adequate education. He adverted 
to what Mr. Hume had said of the immense value of church 
property in Ireland, and contended that many of his state- 
ments were greatly exaggerated. He could not deny that 
Ireland had suffered greatly from that kind of corruption in 
her institutions which was in a degree more or less insepa- 
rable from human frailty ; and he knew that the prelates of 
the established church were anxious to have a fair and full 



556 MR. E. G. STANLEY. 

inquiry made into the nature of their system ; (which was 
all that Mr. Hume's motion asked !) hut however desirable 
it might be to issue a commission for such a purpose, he 
could never give his support to that species of inquiry which 
prejudged institutions before they were investigated, and 
which at once stamped with injustice an establishment, on 
the faith of exaggerated and unfounded mis-statements, 
before a syllable of evidence was offered to substantiate 
such severe allegations. So far Mr. Stanley. 

An inquiry into the correctness of these statements would 
here be totally misplaced ; otherwise one might be tempted 
to question the truth of the allegation, that the property of 
the church of Ireland was based upon the same stable ground 
as landed, funded, and commercial property. Ecclesiastical 
property, with trifling exceptions, is the property of the 
nation, and is held by the church in trust for the good of 
the public, and must be subject to public, that is, to parlia- 
mentary, control. This is the explanation which Dr. Lush- 
ington gave of the matter, in the House of Commons, 26th 
March 1832, when the Irish tithes bill was under discus- 
sion. " He could not allow the right of the legislature to 
make such changes as the public interest required, to be 
called in question ; for he held church property to be purely 
a corporate or trustee right, resumable at the instance of the 
original granting power." The entire ecclesiastical estab- 
lishment is founded upon acts of parliament ; and the 
power that creates can not only control, but destroy, at plea- 
sure. It can alter the constitution of the hierarchy, and 
transfer " the loaves and fishes/' if it pleases, from Episco- 
palian to Presbyterian hands ; or withhold them from either. 

Mr. Plunkett, now lord-chancellor of Ireland, followed 
Mr. Stanley, and echoed his sentiments. "He had ever 
been, and to the last hour of his life he should feel proud 
t3 be, unalterably the advocate of his Roman Catholic bre- 
thren ; but in doing so, he would ever respect established 
rights, and recognized institutions. And while he vindicated 
the claims of the Catholics, he should carefully abstain from 



MR. E. G. STANLEY. 557 

offering any wrong to the Protestant clergy — no encroach- 
ments on their property, no aggression on their sacred 
functions. If the honourable gentleman's (Mr. Hume's,) 
arguments had rested merely on the wording of his motion, 
he did not know that there was a great deal in that motion 
with which he should absolutely quarrel ; but he must 
judge of it by the spirit and the arguments with which it 
had been supported ; and when he heard some gentlemen 
(very few, undoubtedly,) supporting it by their cheers, he 
could not feel that he was quite safe in embarking with such 
company ! He would not sail in the same vessel with the 
honourable gentlemen, and his honourable friends, to the 
high latitudes to which they proposed to run ; nor could he 
agree to sail under sealed orders, that might be broken at a 
time when he could no longer escape out of their bark, and 
get back to the terra firma of the constitution which they 
had quitted." 

We can pursue this topic no further. Lord Plunkett and 
Mr. Stanley have now got their hands full of Ireland, its 
church, its clergy, and its tithes ; and if the time be not 
yet come to take up Mr. Hume's suggestion, it requires not 
the spirit of prophecy to convince any one that it cannot be 
far remote. Mr. Stanley has now the benefit of seven years' 
experience, the ordinary term of an apprenticeship ; and 
while every candid mind will be ready to make due allow- 
ance for indiscretions resulting from the ardour of a youth- 
ful mind, perhaps anxious to ingratiate himself with " the 
powers that be," we expect better things from him in future. 

Mr. Stanley has now been eight or nine years in parlia- 
ment, and frequently distinguished himself in debate. His 
greatest effort, however, in this line, appears to us to be his 
speech in favour of the reform bill, delivered, Friday, March 
4th, 1831, on the adjourned debate for the second reading. 
Sir Robert Peel had spoken at much length against the bill 
on the preceding evening ; and on the present occasion 
Messrs. Freshfield, W. Duncombe, and Calcraft had followed 
up their attacks upon it, when Mr. Stanley rose in its 



558 MR. E. G. STANLEY. 

defence, and spoke with great energy and power of demon- 
stration, chiefly in refutation of the honourable baronet, who 
appeared to writhe under the lash. If we had not already 
produced so many able speeches on this question, it would 
have been very gratifying to have given Mr. Stanley's, which 
indeed was inferior to few, — but we reluctantly pass it over 
with this brief notice, and merely quoting the concluding 
sentence. " Ministers had come into office," said Mr. 
Stanley, " pledged to economy, reduction, and reform. 
Those pledges they had redeemed. They had cut off from 
themselves and their successors for ever that corrupt patron- 
age upon which, heretofore, so much of the influence of 
government depended. With these views of the measure 
before the house, he earnestly implored honourable mem- 
bers, by their sense of justice to the country — by their 
respect of what was due to the people — by their regard for 
the maintenance of that glorious constitution which had 
been handed down to them by their ancestors — he repeated, 
that constitution which ministers were endeavouring not to 
violate but amend — by their regard for the permanency of 
our institutions, and the peace and security of the state — he 
called on them by all these considerations, by their respect for 
the petitions of the people, for what might be lawfully asked, 
and could not be constitutionally refused — to support his 
majesty's ministers in their endeavour to uphold and cement 
the legitimate rights of the crown, the aristocracy, and the 
people ; and by so doing to fix the whole, as well as their 
own fame, on the imperishable basis of the affections of the 
people." 

There are two important measures committed to the 
hands of Mr. Stanley, in relation to Ireland, which must 
call forth all his energies, and be to his country the test of 
his probation — namely, the Irish education bill — and the 
Irish reform in parliament bill. Many other subjects of 
inferior moment, such as those of tithes, and magistrates, 
and juries, &c, might be added, were we drawing up a cata- 
logue of his labours. On all and each of these, he has had 



MR. E. G. STANLEY. 559 

to stand prominently forwards, as chief secretary for Ire- 
land, and explain, support, and defend the plans of minis- 
ters before the House of Commons. Several of his speeches 
on these occasions are highly creditable to him, and have 
raised him to considerable eminence in public estimation. 

When the Irish tithe question came under discussion in 
the Commons, on the 13th of March last, and he had to 
move a series of resolutions on the subject, he gave a lucid 
explanation of the causes which render tithe in Ireland 
peculiarly odious, placing the whole subject before the 
house with great distinctness. When Sir Robert Peel doled 
out a string of lamentations over the reform bill, concluding 
with a prophetic description of the evils that must flow 
from it — in tones as emphatic and almost as hollow as 
those of the Bishop of Exeter — Mr. Stanley rose, to wind 
up the protracted discussion, and he did it in admirable 
style. He first alluded to what had been said on the 
opposition side of the house on the subject of a creation 
of peers for the purpose of carrying the bill through the 
upper house. " He would not deny," he said, " that any 
minister who advised such a measure would incur a grave 
and great responsibility; and he was equally ready to 
admit that a minister of the crown, in giving such advice, 
must rest his defence on the emergency of the times, and 
upon the only alternative left to him — that of avoiding 
greater evils. He could not hear it said, that on no occa- 
sion, when great and imminent peril arose — when the two 
houses of the legislature were in complete and total variance 
with each other — he could not hear it said that on such 
an occasion, no minister of the crown could take upon 
himself the responsibility of advising the sovereign to adopt 
such a measure as would put an end to so fearful a state of 
things. " 

Having noticed the case of Lord Oxford, and the in- 
significant place which the charge of creating peers formed 
in the impeachment of that nobleman, Mr Stanley said, 
" Should the confidential advisers of the crown see it to 



560 MR. E. G. STANLEY. 

be their duty to advise his Majesty to take such a step, 
they should most assuredly not flinch from the responsi- 
bility of giving that advice. Supported by the feelings 
and the wishes of the country, and knowing, too, the stake 
for which they played, they would altogether disregard 
the idle threat, the hrutum fulmen of an impeachment, with 
which the honourable and learned gentleman had endea- 
voured to affright them. Mr. Stanley concluded with a 
solemn aspiration : — The house was now taking leave of 
the bill, he hoped, for ever ; and he hoped that, in receiving 
it favourably, the Lords would follow the example of their 
ancestors in 1688, who concurred in the resolutions of the 
other house without an amendment. He trusted the same 
spirit would actuate the upper house on the present occa- 
sion. Heaven grant that they might agree in their judg- 
ment with this house, on a measure the most arduous, 
important, and perhaps perilous, that ever was undertaken 1 
and, in doing so, they will see that they are consulting 
the future tranquillity and happiness of the realm, the 
prerogatives of the crown, and the security and rights of 
the people." 

But devout as might be Mr. Stanley's aspirations, he 
was fated to sustain a disappointment. A majority of the 
" high and mighty lords" opposed the bill, and, in so 
doing, brought the country to the very verge of revolution. 
The King, from motives that remain with himself, refused 
the advice of his servants to create peers, and the best 
friends of the country trembled for the result. Lord Grey 
and his colleagues resigned their offices. This was the 
most portentous period of the destinies of the empire, 
that we remember to have witnessed. The Duke of Wel- 
lington was applied to by the King, to form an adminis- 
tration — but with this express stipulation, that the reform 
bill, or something equivalent to it, must be carried — -and 
the gallant duke having declared against all reform as 
unnecessary and uncalled for, he could find no persons of 
character to enlist under his standard! The consequence 



MR. E. G. STANLEY. 561 

was, that, after a few days interregnum, the attempt to 
form a new administration proved abortive, and Lord Grey 
and his colleagues resumed their offices, with an under- 
standing that the reform bill should be carried ; which was 
afterwards done by a certain proportion of the Tory peers 
pledging themselves not to oppose the bill. 

Another measure, of no ordinary difficulty, which Mr. 
Stanley has had to manage, is ee The Irish education bill," 
and here he has had to encounter a torrent of rancour, 
malignity, and misrepresentation almost unparalleled in cases 
of this kind. It was in October 1831, that, in his capacity 
of chief secretary for Ireland, he addressed a " Letter to 
his Grace the Duke of Leinster, on the formation of a board 
of commissioners for education in Ireland," &c. : in this 
letter he explained the motives of the government in con- 
stituting this board, the powers which it was intended to 
confer upon it, and the objects which it was expected to 
bear in view, and carry into effect, A bill was accordingly 
introduced into parliament, having for its object the estab- 
lishment of schools, and regulating the plan of education 
in those schools. The object of ministers was to adapt the 
plan of education to the circumstances of a mixed popu- 
lation, the great majority of which were Catholics, and 
consequently averse to the general and indiscriminate read- 
ing of the Bible. 

Though the plan was excellent and unexceptionable, it 
was soon denounced by the leaders of the Protestant party, 
or, as it is termed, the Protestant Ascendancy, as a con- 
cession to the Catholics, and accordingly denounced as 
ruinous to the cause of religion in Ireland. A handbill 
was almost universally circulated, of which the following 
is an extract. — " Protestants, awake ! Friends of the Lord 
Jesus Christ and the Bible, to your standards ! A con- 
spiracy is formed ; the powers of earth and hell are com- 
bined against the Lord and his Anointed. The armies t)f 
infidelity, of Romish papacy, and liberalism, are united, to 
extirpate the word of God from the earth. They have 

4c 



662 MR. E. G. STANLEY. 

begun their experiment upon Ireland ; and if you suffer 
them to make good their ground there, you may rest 
assured that they will speedily extend their conquests. 
Shall the Bible be wrenched from the hands and hearts 
of the children of Ireland ? Shall the word of God, and 
all that has been done by Christian liberality for Ireland, 
be trampled under foot, and scattered to the wind, at the 
bidding of the Roman Catholic priesthood ?" 

In this raving style the hand-bill proceeded, calling upon 
all Protestants to come forwards without delay, and sign a 
petition to both houses of parliament against the proposed 
education bill. When the petition was presented to the 
Commons, March 6th, Mr. Stanley rose in his place, to say 
a few words on the subject. He remarked, that "the sys- 
tem of education which government was attempting to in- 
troduce into Ireland was founded on principles which had 
been sanctioned by various committees of that house. He 
was far from saying that this system was a perfect one ; 
but it was the best that could be devised under existing 
circumstances. Government was endeavouring to intro- 
duce a system which would unite Protestants and Catho- 
lics, and which, in the words of scripture, would produce 
" love, peace, meekness, gentleness," &c. The right hon- 
ourable gentleman then concluded an able speech with 
the following remarks. "It now remained to be seen 
whether the bitterness of party and political feeling should 
preclude two great bodies of the Irish community from 
having their children educated together — from improving 
their children in the practice of social charities, and from 
giving more elevated notions of religion in their respective 
creeds, which would be equally beneficial to all ; for though 
he was not insensible of the errors of the Catholic church, 
still he conceived it better to have a good Catholic than a 
bad Protestant. In conclusion, he maintained that the 
measure of the government, if it received a fair trial, would 
produce the best effects for the future tranquillity and in- 
terests of Ireland. ,, 



LORD AUCKLAND. 563 



RIGHT HON. 



LORD AUCKLAND, 

President of the Board of Trade, and Master of the Mint. 

The family name of this peer is Eden. His father, Wil- 
liam Eden, Esq., third son of Sir Robert Eden, of West 
Auckland, Bart., after being called to the bar in 1769, 
became a distinguished public servant. He was succes- 
sively, a commissioner to negociate peace with North Ame- 
rica (1778) — secretary of state for Ireland — a privy coun- 
cillor in England — ambassador to France, Holland, &c, 
and was elevated to the peerage of Ireland, by the title of 
Baron Auckland, on the 18th of November, 1789, and cre- 
ated on the 23d of May, 1793, Baron Auckland, of West 
Auckland in the county of Durham, in the peerage of Great 
Britain. He married the daughter of Sir Gilbert Elliot, 
by whom he had three sons and eight daughters, and died 
on the 28th of May, 1814. 

George Eden, the present peer, was the second son, 
and succeeded to the family titles and estates in consequence 
of the death of his elder brother, William-Frederick, who 
was found drowned in the Thames, 24th of February, 1810. 
He was born on the 26th of August, 1784, and is now 
auditor and director of Greenwich Hospital, president of 
the board of trade, and master of the mint. The noble 
baron is, by marriage, connected with several distinguished 
families. One of his sisters is married to the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire — another to Lord Bexley — a third to 
Lord Francis Godolphin Osborne — a fourth to Andrew 
Wedderburne, Esq. — and a fifth to Charles Drummond, 
junior, Esq. — and, if we are not mistaken, the lady of 



564 LORD AUCKLAND. 

the present Lord Chancellor of England is distantly related 
to Lord Auckland. 

The department, at the head of which Lord Auckland 
presides, is one that furnishes but few occasions of address- 
ing their lordships at any considerable length. Much of 
the routine of office devolves upon Mr. Poulett Thompson, 
who is vice- secretary of the board of trade, and also 
treasurer of the navy — and as a member of the House of 
Commons, where all matters of finance and supply must 
originate, the principal discussions chiefly take place. 
An occasion, however, was lately given to the noble lord 
to display his acquaintance with matters of trade and 
finance, which served in some degree to bring him promi- 
nently forwards, and we avail ourselves of it to eke out this 
short memoir. 

On the 9th of March, 1832, Lord Strangford, a member 
of the upper house, moved an inquiry into the present 
very depressed state of the glove trade. Lord Auckland 
rose, he said, with great reluctance, to oppose the motion 
of the noble lord, as it would be more agreeable to him 
to give relief to the distress of the manufacturers than to 
endeavour to persuade their lordships that the appointment 
of a committee upon the subject would be useless and 
unnecessary. He would admit that distress did prevail in 
this trade, and there was no one more anxious to relieve 
it than himself. But he was, at the same time, bound to 
say, that the appointment of a committee of inquiry into 
matters of fact which were not and could not be disputed, 
and the result of which could not lead to any practical 
improvement, was much more likely to do evil than good ; 
inasmuch as the appointment of such committee tended to 
create excitement amongst persons connected with any 
branch of trade that might be so inquired into, unsettled 
men's minds, and led them to indulge in speculation, from 
the hope of there being effected some change in the com- 
mercial policy of the country, which was, at present not to 
be expected. Feeling that no noble lord, not even the 



LORD AUCKLAND. 5()5 

noble mover himself, could accede to any remedy that was 
looked for by the petitioners, he should oppose the motion. 
The noble lord had, it was true, urged the precedent of 
the committees that had been appointed upon wool and 
coals, and, lately, that upon silk ; but these rested upon 
altogether different grounds, more especially that upon the 
silk trade, as in this the whole business of the subject must 
be gone into, while, with respect to gloves, the only evil 
complained of was foreign competition, and the remedy to 
be proposed must be prohibition. Now, the duties upon 
foreign gloves, and the regulations already established, 
were fixed upon a basis as favourable as possible. The 
French came into this market upon unequal terms with us, 
as they had to contend against a protection of 22 per cent. 
If, however, by their superior skill, they were enabled suc- 
cessfully to contend with us, and to have an advantage in 
one particular branch of this trade, still in the great ma- 
jority of its branches they were greatly inferior, and, in 
point of fact, did not contend with us. A much greater 
portion of the distress that prevailed was attributed to 
foreign competition than the facts would warrant. 

The Custom-house returns for the last four years, no 
doubt, shewed that the importation had greatly increased, 
but the difference between 1828 and 1831 was not as great 
as had been stated, although there had been a falling off in 
the years 1829 and 1830. The whole consumption of the 
kingdom, (as we understood the noble lord) was about 
15,000,000 pairs, and the whole importation was only 
1,000,000 ; and we must therefore look to some other cause 
for the distress that prevailed than importation. It would 
be prudent to see whether a greater capital had not been 
invested, and a greater number of persons devoted them- 
selves to this trade, than the demand required. And on 
looking at the returns before the house, what was the 
result ? — that, in looking to what constituted the raw ma- 
terial of this manufacture, there was a great increase of 
importation. In 1829, that had amounted to 2,029,000; 



566 LORD AUCKLAND. 

in 1830, to 2,900,000; and this year to 4,000,000. Then, 
looking to the population returns, it would be seen that 
in the villages in Dorset and Somerset, which were seats 
of this manufacture, the population had greatly increased. 
Yeovil in 1821 had a population of 4,660 inhabitants, while 
in 1831 it contained 5,921, an increase of 25 per cent. In 
another town, the numbers had increased from 1,440 to 
2,072, and in Chard from 3,000 to 5,000, with of course a 
proportionate increase in other smaller glove districts- 
There was no doubt, also, that change of fashion had pro- 
duced a considerable effect, and, besides, a new species of 
gloves had come into use in this country. Cotton gloves, 
for instance, were now extensively manufactured ; and in 
Leicester, where upon inquiry he had ascertained that three 
or four years since, scarcely any gloves were made, there 
were now 300 looms engaged in this manufacture, which 
produced 187^000 dozen pairs in the year, and, with other 
looms in the neighbourhood which produced 10,000 dozen, 
these gave a total of near 2,000,000 dozens of cotton gloves. 
Let that be compared with the falling off, and perhaps it 
would account for it. Worcester, the chief seat of the 
trade, had formerly sent 7 5 000,000 pair of gloves into the 
market, and it had now fallen off 2,000,000, while Leicester 
alone produced a greater amount. It would be impossible, 
therefore, to interfere for one, without involving the com- 
mission of hostility against another branch of trade. 

The noble lord (Strangford) had asked to what good 
would the appointment of this committee lead ; and though 
not very sanguine on the point, he had still pointed out 
some means which might be resorted to. But in point of 
fact, a committee could be productive of no advantage. 
Were they to raise the duty, which was now 22 J per cent, 
it was notorious, that even did they go only as high as 25 
per cent, this must lead to smuggling. The noble lord had, 
it was true, asked why might there not be smuggling in 
gloves as well as in silk ? The answer was, that in some 
species of silks, the duty was near 70 per cent., and in 



LORD AUCKLAND. 567 

these alone was smuggling carried on ; for in the lower- 
duty silks, as in gloves, there was no smuggling. Another 
remedy proposed by the noble lord was, to have gloves 
stamped, but that had been tried with regard to silks, and 
other commodities, and had failed ; and the effect of a 
stamp would be, that it would be invariably forged at the 
other side of the water. Besides, there was another reason 
to prevent this ; he had examined into the subject, and 
the result of the evidence at the custom-house was this, 
that a case of silk which now could be examined in half 
an hour, would, if stamped, take a day and a half. The 
noble lord had referred to what he (Lord Auckland) had 
said a few nights since — namely, that there was no sys- 
tematic commercial smuggling in gloves ; which was the 
fact, and upon this point he would refer to the authority 
of a letter from an under writer at Calais to his correspond- 
ent, stating the rates at which he would insure delivery. 
Gauzes, he stated, he would insure at 20 per cent. ; figured 
silks, at 18 per cent. ; but he would not advise having 
any thing to do with gloves, as they would not pay. This 
was one of his (Lord Auckland's) authorities for denying 
that there was smuggling in gloves, and he would now say 
that no smuggling did take place. The main authority, 
however, he went upon, was that of a great importer of 
French gloves, to the amount of 200,000 or 300,000 pairs 
in the year, who had said, that if there were smuggling in 
gloves, he would not import such a quantity, and pay the 
duty, while he could get a greater quantity, for less money, 
the other way. Then the noble lord asked the government 
to impose a duty, as if to retaliate upon the French govern- 
ment for their commercial restrictions ; but he (Lord 
Auckland) would appeal to any noble lord in the house, 
whether vindictive retaliation should be resorted to as a 
means of increasing the national wealth. 

If we were to inquire whether the commercial regula- 
tions of France were an assistance to her trade, we should 
find that there was no country in which they proved so 



568 LORD AUCKLAND. 

directly the reverse of a benefit, as France. There was no 
country more blessed by nature than France, and yet 
there was no country in which manufactures had thriven 
worse. If we looked to their silk, to their cotton, and to 
their iron trade, which was so much protected; and if, 
further, we looked to her vineyards, we should also see 
that her protective system left nothing but poverty in the 
country. This argument might be followed up in every 
trade to which exclusive protection had been given in 
France, even to that strange attempt made by her to culti- 
vate the beet-root for sugar. Under all the circumstances, 
we must look to an increase of our commercial intercourse 
with France ; and the spread of knowledge, with the 
benefits the countries could mutually confer, would speed- 
ily effect this, aided, as it would be, by the friendly feeling 
that was growing up in that country towards England. It 
appeared to the noble lord as if the introduction of these 
gloves were an injury to our industry. It was, however, 
clear that, notwithstanding the old story of the balance of 
trade, and in spite of prohibitive laws, importation and ex- 
change of commodities would be continued by means of 
smuggling ) and it was therefore clear, that to continue 
prohibition would be idle ; and he would also say, that for 
every pair of gloves we imported, cotton, yarn, or some 
other English goods, went in exchange. In short, it was 
impossible to accede to the desires of these petitioners 
without doing great injury to the country ; and if we should 
return to prohibition in this instance, so must we in others, 
and fancy silks, cottons, and woollens must be included. 
For these reasons he would oppose granting the committee. 




; 



Engrased ty S. Pre 



THE R T n03T B1 - E WILLIAM LAMB, BAR O IN" MELBOURNE. 




30M 3c C? LOIIDOU. 1832. 



LORD MELBOURNE. 569 



RIGHT HON. 

LORD VISCOUNT MELBOURNE, 

Secretary of State Jor the Home Department. 

William Lamb, Viscount Melbourne, Baron of Kilmore, 
in the county of Cavan, in the peerage of Ireland; and 
Baron Melbourne, of Melbourne, in the county of Derby, 
in that of the United Kingdom, and a Baronet ; was born 
on the 15th of March, 1779, and succeeded his father, 
Sir Peniston Lamb, first Viscount Melbourne, on the 22d 
of July, 1828. His father, Sir Peniston, represented the 
borough of Malmsbury in parliament, and was appointed 
gentleman of the bedchamber to his late Majesty, George 
the Fourth, while Prince of Wales ; advanced to the dig- 
nity of Lord Melbourne, Baron of Kilmore, on the 8th of 
June, 1770 ; Viscount Melbourne, 11th of January, 1781, 
and created a peer of the United Kingdom, 18th of July, 
1815, by the title of Baron Melbourne, of Melbourne, in 
Derbyshire. He died on the 22d of July, 1828, and was 
succeeded by his eldest surviving son, William, the present 
and second Viscount — the subject of this article. 

He received his education at Eton school, from whence 
he was removed to Oxford, and at both seminaries gave 
presage of those attainments and qualifications which have 
distinguished him among his contemporaries, and eventually 
raised him to his present high station. While a member 
of the House of Commons, he spoke frequently, and on 
constitutional points ; and his speeches were always cha- 
racterized by a grace and fluency which commanded at- 
tention, and, as he sided with the Whig party in his gene- 
ral views, he of course gave them his support. His lord 

4d 



570 LORD MELBOURNE. 

ship has two brothers in his country's service, namely, 
Sir Frederick James Lamb, K.C.B., British minister at the 
court of Madrid ; and the Honourable George Lamb, mem- 
ber of parliament for Dungarvon, and under-secretary of 
state for the home department, a gentleman of considerable 
literary taste, and a useful member of the house. On the 
3d or June, 1805, his lordship married Lady Caroline 
Ponsonby, only daughter of Frederic, third Earl of Bes- 
borough, by whom he has a son, George Augustus Fre- 
derick, born 11th of August, 1807, to whom his late Majesty, 
George the Fourth, stood sponsor. 

Previous to his elevation to the peerage, Lord Melbourne, 
then Mr. Lamb, filled the office of chief secretary for Ire- 
land, during a period of two years. In this situation, he 
had abundant opportunities of acquiring a knowledge of 
business, and rendering himself a useful servant of his 
country. That he possesses talent of the first order, is 
generally admitted; but his lordship must come more 
boldly forwards with some popular or useful object, than 
he has hitherto done, if he desire to substantiate his claim 
to the honour of a practical statesman. The radicals say 
of him, that " he is one of those men who are pronounced to 
be very clever — only they do not shew it. He is reported 
to be an extraordinarily great man in his home office. His 
affections, however, have long been notorious for every thing 
severe and unpopular which a man possessing Whig poli- 
tics could favour without losing caste. He has been a 
Whig, who might much better have been cast a Tory of 
the Castlereagh school. His defence of the new beer 
bill, so important to the comfort of the poor, and of the 
purity of the magistracy, was worse than any attack could 
have been." 

This is a somewhat harsh and severe judgment of the 
noble lord ; let us try its merits, and see if we cannot palli- 
ate it a little. He is considered to be far too aristocratical 
for the present "order of the day," and, in this respect, 
to class with Lords Palmerston and Lansdovvn. But a 



LORD MELBOURNE. 571 

heavier charge against his lordship is, that he is a milk- 
and-water reformer. He is said, in one of his speeches, 
to have given it as his opinion, that the reform bill would 
do little or no good beyond quieting the people ; and on 
this it has been asked, " What has such a cold friend to 
do in the cabinet ?" This, then, is the charge; let us 
examine upon what it is based. 

When the first reform bill came under discussion in the 
upper house, October 3d, 1831, Lord Melbourne rose to 
defend the measure, in answer to the Earl of Harrowby, 
who, in a long and able speech, had inveighed against the 
democratic tendencies of the bill, which he contended would 
strengthen, though it would not satisfy, the radical party. 
The noble lord, after stating what his former sentiments 
had been respecting reform, and which only the universal 
demand of the people could change, went on to remark 
on Lord Harrowby's speech. The arguments of the noble 
earl, he said, were founded on these two grounds — first, 
that the clamour out of doors had been produced within 
the walls of parliament, and secondly, that it was temporary, 
and, though momentarily strong, would, if resisted, fall 
back, and be heard no more. Suppose he admitted the 
first, it was incidental to a popular assembly. Blots upon 
our constitution were seized hold of by eloquent men, and 
made the most of in their speeches; but this was the 
case at all times, and belonged to the very nature of a 
representative assembly. As to what the noble earl said 
about the excitement being temporary, and the advantage 
of delay, it were well if the excitement had been produced 
at this moment ; but when it was seen that year after year, 
and on every occasion of public distress, the people raised 
the cry for an alteration in the representation, what con- 
clusion could be formed, but that there resided in the heart 
of the country a deeply-rooted sense of injustice on this 
subject — a feeling that there was something usurped of the 
rights of the people, and that those usurped rights ought 
to be restored ? And he conjured their lordships not to be 



572 LORD MELBOURNE. 

insensible to the danger they were in, if they suffered them- 
selves to be considered as parties to the continuance of that 
injustice. The same species of danger which was removed 
by the concession of the Roman Catholic question, by which 
a body of men were admitted to the enjoyment of privileges 
and honours of which they had been deprived, would be 
removed by the adoption of this measure, by which a body 
of men were admitted into the constituency of this country. 
The danger of refusal was greater in this case : for in the 
former case the Catholics were a body that could be seen ; 
but here was a hostile body in the very heart of the country, 
always discontented, and always ready to break out into 
convulsion — sowing a general distrust and aversion towards 
government, whilst government hoped there was general 
repose and perfect tranquillity. 

Lord Melbourne put it to the house, whether they were 
prepared to reject a measure which had been so amply and 
deliberately considered by the commons ; and if so, whether 
they had contemplated the consequences of their rejection ? 
Would they get rid, by a negative vote, of a measure of this 
importance, upon a promise of, he knew not what, that some 
other measure might probably be brought forward hereafter ? 
Their lordships would well and fairly consider the step pro- 
posed to them, and he implored them to pause before they 
disappointed the wishes of so great a body of people. Lord 
Harrowby had gone into the whole history of parliament — 
from the American war to the French war ; but into those 
questions Lord Melbourne declared he would not enter . the 
merits of the bill itself was a question sufficiently large. 
He begged to consider the question as it stood before their 
lordships. Let them consider the circumstances in which 
they were placed. Supposing, what might be easily sup- 
posed, that all the members returned by the popular voice 
to carry this measure were to range themselves on one side ; 
and those who had been returned, in a manner which he 
need not point out, were to range themselves on the other, 
he would put it to their lordships what would be the result 



LORD MELBOURNE. 573 

of such a state of things, and whether it could long con- 
tinue : could such a conflict be otherwise than serious ? 

In reply to an argument often urged — namely, the diffi- 
culty which might in certain cases occur under the new 
system, of finding seats for official persons — he said, this 
might, if necessary, be the subject of another enactment. 
There was nothing either in the present or contemplated 
system, if such a difficulty occurred, to forbid the applica- 
tion of an adequate remedy. He concluded by warning 
their lordships, above all things, not to imagine that by 
delaying they could gain any thing but an increase of force 
in the popular demands. When the Roman consul pressed 
the march of the army against the great Cathaginian general 
before he could join his other forces, and thereby, perhaps, 
change the destiny of the world, he addressed advice to the 
senate, which he would presume to repeat to their lord- 
ships : — " Above all things, do not procrastinate ; do not 
make that measure, which is safe if adopted immediately, 
dangerous by delay." 

Now, we are at a loss to find any thing to blame in his lord- 
ship's speech, to which we have adverted ; let us pursue his 
history. When the subject of Irish tithes was incidentally 
mentioned by the Duke of Buckingham, about the end of 
February last, the Duke of Wellington rose in a state of 
considerable excitement, to repel the charge that the difficul- 
ties of the tithe question had been accumulated by preced- 
ing administrations ; and cited the tithe composition act as 
a proof that they had done all they could to remove them. 
That act, he said, had been accepted by two-thirds of the 
parishes in Ireland ; and when he left the cabinet, there 
were no disturbances in Ireland on the subject of tithes. 
What was the cause of the present disturbances on that 
point ? " My lords," said the gallant duke, " the cause is 
to be found in the encouragement which has been given to 
agitators to disturb the country. I can tell the noble earl, 
that so long as encouragement is given to agitators, you 
may double and treble the regular army in Ireland — you 



574 LORD MELBOURNE. 

may heap measure of severity upon measure of severity, but 
you will not succeed in putting down agitation upon this 
question, or upon any other question which may follow it." 
— Earl Grey was roused by this attack upon his administra- 
tion, and demanded to know in what instance the govern- 
ment had encouraged agitation. He contradicted the accu- 
sation of the noble duke, as flatly as the noble duke had 
contradicted what had fallen from him — he denied its truth. 
There was no man in the country more anxious than himself 
to put down agitation. — The Duke of Wellington explained 
what he meant by ministers encouraging agitation. They 
did not renew the Irish proclamation act, as they had said 
should be done. They allowed O'Connell to escape unpun- 
ished, by the prorogation of parliament — they gave O'Con- 
nell a patent of precedence ; there were the letters written 
by Earl Grey and Lord John Russell to Mr. Atwood, in 
reply to the thanks of the Birmingham union — there was a 
meeting of a mob in Regent's park, held on the day the 
reform bill was thrown out, headed by two persons, one of 
them in the service of government, and the other a member 
of parliament : the line of march of that meeting was 
announced in the government newspapers. From all these 
facts, the duke drew the inference, that the government was 
favourable to agitation. The duke said, he felt these things 
strongly — he felt that the country was in a most dangerous 
state — he felt that his majesty's government had not only 
taken no means to stop the agitation, but that they had suf- 
fered a lord of the household, and others of their supporters, 
to go about attending public meetings, to preach up agita- 
tion to the people. 

Lord Melbourne replied to the Duke of Wellington's 
accusations. The proclamation act fell with the dissolu- 
tion of parliament; if the latter was wrong, so was the 
former. If the dissolution was unchallenged, so must 
its necessary consequences be. Mr. O'Connell's escape 
was another of these inevitable consequences. By the 
act under which he had been prosecuted, it was the con- 



LORD MELBOURNE. 5/5 

current opinion of all the crown lawyers, that he could not 
be brought up for judgment. And with respect to the silk 
gown given to him, it was justly due to his professional 
eminence, and ought to have been bestowed long before. 
For the terms so often complained of in Lord John Rus- 
sell's letters, ministers were no more responsible than for 
other sayings of gentlemen who were their friends. They 
were, in fact, if he might use so vulgar a word, the slang of 
the opposition ; and had been used again and again before 
they were used by the noble paymaster of the forces. 

But, then, the noble duke stated, that there had been a 
public meeting in the Regent's park, at which two members 
of his majesty's government attended. ( <( No, no ; friends ") 
" Friends ! How was it possible that his majesty's govern- 
ment could be responsible for the conduct of all its friends ? 
But the noble duke said, that the line of march which the 
people were to take was pointed out in the government 
papers. Did the noble duke mean the Gazette ? there was 
no other government paper. His majesty's government 
were very glad of all the support which their friends in the 
press gave them ; but they really could not be answerable 
for every thing that appeared in the papers which generally 
maintained their cause, or be expected to contradict every 
advertisement that happened to appear in them." This 
silenced the duke. 

The second reading of the second reform bill came for- 
wards on Monday, April 9th, 1832, on which occasion Lord 
Ellenborough made a grand flourish, and afterwards moved 
that the bill be read that day six months. 

Lord Melbourne rose, and said, that he felt extreme un- 
willingness to address their lordships at that period of the 
night, being perfectly aware of his incapability to offer any 
new arguments on the question. He differed from the state- 
ment of the noble baron who had just concluded, that the 
present question was not a question of general reform ; for 
he considered that their lordships would, by their vote on 
the present bill, decide whether they would agree to enter- 



576 LORD MELBOURNE. 

tain the general subject of reform, or whether they Were 
determined to negative the principle of all reform. The 
speech of the noble baron who had just sat down was com- 
pletely and entirely a speech against any reform whatever. 
All the facts which the noble baron had stated with respect 
to nomination boroughs, and all the arguments which the 
noble lord drew from those facts, if admitted, went to this 
extent — that the whole of those boroughs ought to be pre- 
served, and that no change or alteration whatever should 
take place. He confessed that he had formerly made use of 
many of the arguments employed by the noble lord; but 
they were arguments which went against the whole ques- 
tion of reform ; and those who were prepared to maintain 
things as they were would do well to stand upon those argu- 
ments, and vote with the noble lord. But those noble lords 
who thought that some reform was necessary, and who, upon 
looking at the signs of the times, believed it to be impossi- 
ble to maintain the present system of representation, would 
require no reply to be made to the noble lord's arguments ; 
because they were all answered by the great and overwhelm- 
ing consideration that reform there must be, and that the 
present constitution of the House of Commons could not be 
maintained. 

He felt that he could, on the present occasion, do very 
little more than repeat those observations which he had the 
honour of addressing to their lordships when the former bill 
was under consideration. He begged leave to say, that in 
giving his support to the present bill, he had no intention 
to hold out any delusive expectation to the country that the 
condition of the general body of the people would, on its 
passing, be ameliorated. He supported the measure strictly 
because he believed that the feeling of the country was so 
strong on the subject, and public opinion so disjoined and 
separated from the existing state of things, that it was im- 
possible for any government to refuse with safety to place 
the representation of the people on a broader and more 
extended basis. The vices and imperfections of the present 



LORD MELBOURNE. 5/7 

system were plain and prominent. They stood upon the 
surface, and struck every body's view, and had excited the 
indignation of the people. On the other hand, all the ad- 
vantages of the system, and he did not deny that it pos- 
sessed many, were concealed and hidden from observation, and 
could only be discovered by abstruse reasoning. When he 
saw that the feeling of dissatisfaction with the existing state 
of things was deeply rooted in the public mind, he felt it to 
be absolutely necessary for parliament to try and extend the 
basis of the representation, and place it on a foundation 
more agreeable to the feelings, and more suited to the un- 
derstanding, of the country. When the noble lord told him, 
that by so doing he was yielding to the mob, and giving 
himself up to the winds and waves of democracy, he replied 
that he was yielding to the understanding of the people. 
To that alone he would yield, and to that, it was one of the 
terms and conditions of a popular government to yield : — 
Est enim luzc conditio liberorum populorum, posse suffragiis 
vel dare, vel detrahere, quod valit cuique. 

The noble lord then proceeded in a low tone of voice 
to refer to the opinion expressed by the Duke of Welling- 
ton when in office, on the subject of reform, and attributed 
the breaking up of his administration to his determination 
not to bring the question under the consideration of par- 
liament. He did not remember that, at the time the pre- 
sent ministers accepted office, and declared that they would 
propose an efficient measure of reform, any other person 
but the noble duke had expressed his disapprobation of 
the principle upon which the government was determined 
to act. The principle seemed to be generally acquiesced 
in; and government felt themselves bound to propose 
their measure as soon as they conveniently could. But it 
was objected that the present measure went too far. He 
was of a very different opinion ; and he thought that when 
the legislature determined to make concessions, it was 
absolutely necessary that the concession should be full, 
fair, and complete. It was impossible to bring in a bill of 

4e 



5/8 LORD MELBOURNE. 

less extent than that which was now before the house ; 
and if those persons who objected to it had an opportunity 
of trying a plan of moderate reform, they would find them- 
selves involved in much greater difficulties, absurdities, and 
contradictions, than those of which they accuse the authors 
of the present bill." He implored the house not to con- 
ceive that the silence, which had at present prevailed in 
the country was the silence of indifference. The noble 
lord again alluded to the conduct of the Duke of Welling- 
ton on the question, and, after passing a high eulogium on 
the character of the noble duke, concluded by entreating 
him to reconsider his opinion on this important subject. 
He also implored the house to allow the bill to pass the 
second reading. He admitted that the bill proposed great 
changes ; but he was convinced that not only would the 
advantages which were anticipated from it be produced, but 
there would also arise on every side collateral blessings and 
unexpected benefits, which would shew the genial nature of 
the soil in which the seed had been planted." 

This is certainly not the language of one who is indif- 
ferent to the cause of parliamentary reform, and the noble 
lord has good reason to complain of the misrepresentation 
to which he has been exposed from some of his own camp. 
The post which Lord Melbourne occupies, namely, that 
of home secretary, is, in the present agitated state of the 
country, one of paramount importance and extreme diffi 
culty, requiring unremitted attention and herculean labour. 
But when we look back to the time of his coming into 
office, contemplate the appalling scenes of incendiarism, 
murder, and insubordination which then prevailed, and 
compare with them the tranquillity we now enjoy, we do 
certainly think the country has no reason to complain that 
Lord Melbourne fills the office of home secretary vice Sir 
Robert Peel. 




te&trr H. Hamilton. 



. : 



witj^tam rcttnnsrGiiAM pi/rxKEi, t>. c.l, baeo^ PITOSTEEX 




t^ 



4- 



SON & C? LONDON. 1832. 



LORD PLUNKETT. 579 



THE 



RIGHT HON. LORD PLUNKETT, 

Lord High Chancellor of Ireland. 

William Conyngham Plunkett, D.C.L., the subject of 
this sketch, like the present lord chancellor of England, 
owes little to birth or fortune for his present elevated sta- 
tion. He is the son of a dissenting minister, and was born 
in 1/65, in a small town in the county of Fermanagh, in 
the north of Ireland. The father died while Mr. Plunkett 
was yet young, leaving his son no heritage but poverty. 
His name, however, was respected by his congregation, and 
his offspring found little difficulty in obtaining the rudi- 
ments of a literary and classical education. In due time 
Mr. Plunkett quitted his native province, and, about the year 
1/80, he was entered an out-pensioner of Trinity College, 
Dublin. In the groves of the academy his progress was 
rapid, and, ere he was advanced in his teens, he obtained a 
scholarship. The mother and sisters of Mr. Plunkett fol- 
lowed the young man up to the metropolis, and, according 
to report, supported themselves by vending tea in a small 
shop in Jervis-street, Dublin. 

Magee, the late archbishop of Dublin, was a fellow- stu- 
dent with Plunkett at the University. He was born in the 
same province as the latter, and of still more lowly parents, 
his father being a strolling pedlar. An intimacy commenced 
between the parties, which soon ripened into friendship. 
They had both been distinguished in their academic career — 
they were both of humble fortunes — and ' the world was all 
before them where to choose.' Without difficulty or delay, 
these young men jointly determined on embracing the bar 
as a profession ; and, with a view to this, Mr. Plunkett made 
a journey to London, and entered his name on the Temple 



580 LORD PLUNK ETT. 

books. Magee, however, remained in his native land, and a 
vacancy having occurred, he was elected to a fellowship in 
the Dublin University, after a most distinguished competi- 
tion, in which he was allowed to have been fairly victor. 
Notwithstanding his fellowship, Magee still hankered after 
the bar — and only took orders by the almost compulsory 
and inexorable entreaties of the provost (Hutchinson.) Had 
he been left to the exercise of his own free choice, Ireland 
had escaped the affliction of a politico-theological bishop, 
who, at one period, set that unfortunate country in a flame. 

Mr. Plunkett was called to the Irish bar about the year 
1/90. Though his fame at the university, and in the histo- 
rical society, had preceded him, still, some years elapsed 
before he got into much practice ; but he persevered, undis- 
mayed and unbroken in spirit. After a time his success 
became almost unequivocal, and he secured it by his dili- 
gence, his aptitude, his learning, and his talents. 

Mr. Plunkett first entered parliament, when the measure 
of the union between the two countries was in agitation, 
and he became a determined opposer of it.* His speech in 
reference to it is no less remarkable for its boldness than its 
eloquence. " Had I a son," exclaimed the orator, " I would, 
like Hannibal, lead him to the altar, and make him swear 
eternal hostility to the enemies of his country. Can it be 
that this land, which has resisted open and covert oppres- 
sion, shall fall a victim to such a green and limber twig as 
this?" The reader must smile when he is told that 'the 
green and limber twig* was no other than the late Lord 
Castlereagh : but, as a proof of the evanescent and fleeting 
nature of all political declarations, and the little regard 
they are entitled to, the Mr. Plunkett of ] 798 had become, 
in 1821, the fast and firm friend, and political ally, of the 
same ' green and limber twig/ This has been called e the 
most black and grained' spot in Mr. Plunkett's political life. 
In his early days, he had been a radical and republican— in 

* 1 lis lordship has lately tendered his apalogy for this— see a preceding page. 



LORD PLUNKETT. 581 

middle life he aspired to the praise of liberality — but who 
would have expected to find Lord Plunkett offering a pre- 
meditated defence of the Manchester massacre ? This, how- 
ever, was the price of his admission into the cabinet of Lord 
Castlereagh, and the deed was worthy of the man for whom 
it was done. 

It was during the viceroyship of Lord Hardwicke, and 
subsequent to the Irish union, that Mr. Plunkett was made 
attorney-general for Ireland. In that capacity it became 
his duty to conduct the state prosecution against the highly 
gifted, but indiscreet and unfortunate, Robert Emmett. On 
this occasion he has been charged with unnecessary severity, 
and it would seem that the accused himself was under the 
impression, that Mr. Plunkett displayed a zeal beyond the 
bounds of discretion : for Emmett is said to have addressed 
the attorney-general to this effect. " That viper, whom my 
father nourished, was the first to teach me those principles 
which he has this day denounced." It should not, however, 
be concealed, that the friends of Lord Plunkett deny this 
charge, and for his lordship's sake we hope there is no foun- 
dation for it. But even could it be substantiated, what is 
there incredible in it r we all know that the u great states- 
man," William Pitt, when in the plenitude of power, sanc- 
tioned the prosecution of many on a charge of high treason, 
for urging those principles which himself had taught and 
advocated before he attained office. 

During the administration of the Duke of Bedford, in 
1806, Mr. Plunkett was continued in his high office, but he 
resigned it in 1807, when the Duke of Richmond succeeded 
his grace of Bedford as viceroy. Untrammelled by the 
duties of office, Mr. Plunkett now pursued his professional 
pursuits with zeal and industry, and in process of time 
became the most successful practitioner in the chancery of 
Ireland. But the time at length arrived, when the scene of 
Mr. Plunkctt's exertions were to become more extended : 
for, shortly after this period, he was returned as a repre- 
sentative in parliament for the university of Dublin, in 



582 LORD PLUNKETT. 

opposition to the right honourable George Knox, after a 
severe and protracted contest. 

When Mr. Plunkett entered the English House of Com- 
mons, the fame of Grattan was waxing old, and his mantle 
was destined to descend upon the shoulders of the mem- 
ber for the university of Dublin. Mr. Grattan had indeed 
long cherished the warmest esteem of the person, and highest 
admiration of the talents, of Mr. Plunkett. The latter had 
become, at this time, a powerful advocate of Catholic eman- 
cipation, and, like Grattan, made it, in some sort, a question 
of his own — much to the advantage of his fame, though 
to the marring of his fortune, and as certainly to the pro- 
motion of the cause of civil and religious liberty. It is in 
this point of view that we shall now examine his claims 
to public favour — and if the reader can overlook the past, 
making due allowance for the indiscretions of inexperienced 
youth, the temptations to sacrifice principle to place, and 
the weakness of human nature, he may be gratified by what 
is before him. 

It is due to the subject of this memoir to state, in limine, 
that a large credit is certainly to be placed to his account 
for the decided stand which he made for several years in 
favour of the Catholic claims ; his advocating of which, it 
cannot be denied, injured his fortune for the time, inas- 
much as it stood in the way of his becoming lord chan- 
cellor of Ireland at a much earlier period than he did. 
But independently of this, Mr. Plunkett's career, during 
the government of Lord Wellesley, when he was again 
made attorney-general, is acknowledged by his own country- 
men to have been above all praise. Though he did not 
kill the "snake" of Orangeism, he severely "scotched it," 
and this was doing the state no small service. 

It would be a pleasure to the present writer to trace 
the steps of Lord Plunkett in his laborious exertions to 
procure the removal of the Catholic disabilities' enactments, 
and placing upon record in these pages those effusions of 
glowing eloquence with which, from time to time, he has 



LORD PLUNK ETT, 583 

held the listening senate spell-bound, and at the end 
succeeded in carrying away all but their votes ! The col- 
lections which have been made from his lordship's speeches 
with a view to this object, though the fruit of no incon- 
siderable labour and research, must, however, for the 
present, remain unused, since it is now found that to in- 
dulge our inclination to any extent in this matter, would 
unavoidably swell the present volume to an inconvenient 
size, and make it impossible to pay that attention to other 
servants of the crown, to which they are entitled. 

Lord Plunkett's speech upon the reform bill, delivered 
on Thursday, October 6th, 1831, in the House of Peers, 
unquestionably ranks amongst the ablest of his parliamen- 
tary orations ; but independent of that, the connection 
which it has with the leading design of the present volume 
evidently gives it a priority of claim to insertion in this 
place. It was on the third night of the debate, that the 
noble lord rose to reply to the Earls of Falmouth, Rose- 
berry, and Carnarvon, who had all preceded him that even- 
ing — but no inconsiderable part of his lordship's speech 
was directed towards the Duke of Wellington, who had 
spoken on a preceding evening — and upon whose parlia- 
mentary fame he evidently placed the extinguisher ! The 
gallant duke, perhaps, was never before exposed to so 
galling a fire ; and if we may judge from appearances, even 
when Napoleon's guard poured down upon him from the 
heights of La Belle Alliance, at the battle of Waterloo, 
does his grace appear to have been so much annoyed. The 
nature of the assault and attack was indeed widely dif- 
ferent in the two instances. In the one, his grace had to 
repel brute force — and in this line he came off victorious. 
But in the other, he had to encounter soft words, powerful 
arguments, irresistible reasoning ; and the gallant Duke was 
compelled to succumb ! 

It may not be improper to remark in this place, that, 
probably, a finer opportunity never presented itself to Lord 
Plunkett of displaying himself in his full force, and the 



584 LORD PJJUNKETT. 

plenitude of his might, than on the present occasion. It 
is in reply, that he demonstrates most palpably his supe- 
riority ; for, as no man is more skilful in putting his own 
case, so no one is half so vigilant in detecting the fallacies 
and assaulting the weak point of his adversary. A logician 
by nature, by habit, and by education, he is possessed of 
a judgment equally refined, subtle, and penetrating ; and, 
probably, no man of the present age is enabled to bring 
together, in so short a time, and with such effect, all that 
is necessary to establish, to illustrate, and to decorate 
the question which he may have occasion to support. A 
master of luminous explanation, he is never trite or tedi- 
ous, though always earnest and ardent, and sometimes, 
though rarely, impassioned. His lordship has no less 
skill than power, and though he is rarely playful, his sar- 
casm is perfect, and his sneer most successful. As a 
speaker, now that Canning is no more, Lord Plunkett may 
be regarded as one of the first, if not, on some accounts, 
the very first orator of the day. Though he has not the 
grace, the wit, the polish, or the playfulness of the late 
foreign secretary — though he stands confessedly inferior 
to Lord Brougham in range of information and general 
usefulness — yet he may be allowed to possess, in a greater 
degree than any other man living, the art of putting his 
case in the strongest and clearest light, in the fewest 
words, and the most select and nervous felicity of phrase. 
We ask no other evidence of the truth and justness .of 
this sketch of Lord Plunkett' s high attainments, than a 
careful attention to the following speech. It was cheered 
incessantly from beginning to end, but of these things we 
can take no cognizance in this place. 

Lord Plunkett said, that he was induced to obtrude him- 
self on the attention of the house, with the view of attempt- 
ing a reply to the very able and powerful speech of the 
noble earl (Carnarvon) who had just addressed the house. 
He should in some respects differ from the course taken by 
the noble earl, for he would attempt to argue the principle 



LORD PLUNKETT. 585 

of the bill. With every respect for the noble earl, and pay- 
ing the full tribute of admiration to the talents which he 
had displayed, he must assert, and, before he sat down, the 
house would be able to judge whether he was justified in 
making the assertion, that he had left the principle of the 
bill untouched. The noble earl said that he had reluctantly 
entered into a discussion in which he was opposed to those 
for whom he professed strong esteem and regard. The 
noble earl had also stated, that he had listened to the argu- 
ments in favour of the bill, with a strong desire to be con- 
vinced by them. Had it not been for these direct assertions 
of the noble earl, which he was bound to believe, and did 
believe, he should have supposed, from the tone of severity 
and the strain of sarcasm which pervaded his speech from 
the beginning to the end, that the noble earl's reluctance 
was not so very strong as he had led the house to imagine 
that it was, and that something more than a logical differ- 
ence on the subject had animated him. He really could not 
recollect one observation which the noble earl had made 
upon the principle of the bill. The noble earl had said that 
ministers were building a new constitution. He had also 
said that the bill, if carried, was one which would render it 
impossible for his majesty's government to be carried on. 
These were positions which the noble earl had adopted, and 
not laid down himself for the first time. They had been 
reiterated from the commencement of the discussion up to 
that moment ; and now that the noble earl had ceased to 
speak, they remained as they did before he began to speak, 
resting only on mere assertion. It had been stated of this 
measure, which had been brought forward by ministers, and 
sent up to their lordships, backed by the authority of the 
other house of parliament, that it was founded on fanciful 
theories, that the grievances which were complained of were 
ideal, and that the bill would destroy a system which was 
working well for all purposes of public utility, and endanger 
the constitution of the country. To every one of those 
assertions he would take upon himself to give a positive 

4 p 



586 LORD PLUNKETT. 

denial. He would not rest on his mere denial, but would 
state further, that the theory which was opposed to the bill 
was improper, and at direct variance with the ancient estab- 
lished and acknowledged principles of the constitution. 

The persons who complained of injustice being done to 
them were themselves the usurpers of the power of the 
realm. He believed that the rejection of this remedial con- 
stitutional measure, which had been sent up to their lord- 
ships from the commons of England, would be attended 
with dangers, not imaginary, remote, or trivial, but imme- 
diate, vital, and overwhelming. All considerations personal 
to himself were lost in the deep and anxious alarm which 
he felt upon this subject. There had been a degree of per- 
sonal rancour accompanying the attacks which had been 
made upon the bill and its authors, which proved that some- 
thing more than apprehension for the constitution influenced 
the opposition to the measure. Assertions and attacks, 
such as he alluded to, must not rest upon the authority ol 
those who made them, or on the pertinacity and perseve- 
rance with which they were reiterated. They must be trie( 
by the test of reason and argument. There was one cir- 
cumstance to which he could advert with some degree o 
pleasure, namely, that the tone originally assumed by tht 
opponents of the bill had been abandoned. He could not 
avoid observing, that the opposition to this measure had 
descended from that high tone which it had assumed at the 
commencement ; and he found that this measure of parlia- 
mentary reform, which had been at first encountered as an 
audacious measure of corporation robbery, and as directly 
tending to overturn the state, was now met by an admission 
from every person who had spoken from the other side of 
the house, with one single exception, that reform, and in 
some considerable degree too, was necessary. He certainly 
thought that the only person who had denied that reform 
was necessary was a noble earl opposite. The noble earl 
was the only person, of all who had spoken on the subject, 
that entertained such an opinion. It was of course impos- 



LORD PLUNKETT. 587 

sible for him to conjecture what was passing in the minds 
of noble lords opposite ; but among the persons who had 
taken part in the present debate, or spoken on the presenta- 
tion of petitions, the noble earl was the only person who 
had avowed himself the uncompromising foe to any kind of 
reform whatever. The noble earl to whom he alluded, and 
of whom he wished to speak with the greatest respect for 
his talents, had certainly taken a very whimsical course in 
establishing his position against all reform, and against this 
specific measure in particular; for after joining in the 
general cry of its tendency to overturn the monarchy, and 
all the institutions of the state, he proceeded further, and 
said, that the present measure would have the effect of estab- 
lishing the ministers in their places, and that by reform of 
parliament they would be enabled to carry on all their inju- 
rious measures against the interests of the country. The 
first use, said the noble earl, which ministers would make of 
their new power, would be to go to war with Portugal, and 
the next step to be taken by ministers was to commit the 
equal outrage, as he believed it would appear in the estima- 
tion of some noble lords — of not going to war with France. 
Then the ministers would proceed to put an end to all the 
rights of primogeniture, of hereditary property, and, in short, 
to adopt every one of those measures which were perpe- 
tuated in the wildest days of disturbance and folly that ever 
afflicted the French nation. This really appeared to him 
(Lord Plunkett) to be a sweeping course, and one which he 
was not quite prepared to follow. He was only prepared to 
meet this measure of reform on its own grounds and princi- 
ples. With the exception of the noble earl, all the noble 
lords who had spoken on the other side of the house, had 
declared themselves friendly to some degree of parliamen- 
tary reform. He really thought that the noble lord had, in 
part of the speech which he had delivered that night, ex- 
pressed himself in favour of some kind of reform ; but he 
found that he was mistaken, and he certainly had no wish 
to fix on the noble lord so odious an imputation. 



588 LORD PLUNKETT. 

The Earl of Falmouth explained. He admitted that he 
had said, that if any bill of reform was brought into the 
house, he would endeavour to give it due consideration ; but 
he had said nothing which implied that he thought a mea- 
sure of reform necessary. 

Lord Plunkett continued. — He said that it certainly had 
caused him some surprise to find, that though so many 
noble lords had expressed themselves in favour of some 
measure of reform — their various tendencies being in dif- 
ferent degrees — yet, some how or other, they all joined in 
an uniform declaration that they would vote against the pre- 
sent bill ; and they all joined in the unforrh cry which had 
been raised against it on principles and arguments which 
equally applied against every kind of reform. This some- 
what abated the confidence he might have been disposed to 
place in the professions of the noble lords opposite, and dis- 
abled him from drawing those happy auguries from them 
which he otherwise should have done. One noble earl, who 
he regretted most exceedingly, was about to divide against 
this measure, and who had spoken with such powerful ability 
on the second night of the present debate, had argued this 
question in a way which the noble lord (Falmouth) alleged 
had not been answered by the noble marquis near him (the 
Marquis of Lansdown.) He certainly thought that the noble 
lord was correct in stating that the noble earl's arguments 
had not been answered by the noble marquis ; and the rea- 
son was perfectly obvious : it was because the noble earl 
argued, with a powerful ability to which he could not pre- 
tend, in favour of most of the propositions which the noble 
marquis had to contend for. The noble earl had in fact 
stated that he would have supported a measure of reform 
founded on the destruction of nomination boroughs ; he had 
also admitted the principle of enfranchising large towns and 
enlarging the county representation, and the necessity of 
some substantial measure of reform ; and he had expressed 
his regret that some modified measure of that kind had not 
been introduced by the noble duke, late at the head of the 



LORD PLUNKETT. 589 

administration. The noble earl went farther, and admitted 
that the particular objections which he had to the machinery 
of the bill might be satisfactorily discussed in the commit- 
tee. He therefore thought, that after these admissions of 
the noble earl, it would have been quite preposterous for the 
noble marquis to get up and meet arguments which might 
tend to induce the house to go into committee on the bill. 
He must say, that the way in which this bill came before the 
house did appear to him to entitle it to be received with 
more courtesy, calmness, and mildness than it had received. 
He must say, that there never was a set of persons less 
exposed to the imputation of having intruded themselves on 
the notice of the public, or of having sought for the situa- 
tion which had imposed on them the necessity of bringing 
forward the present measure, than his noble friends behind 
him. He believed that it could not be out of the recollec- 
tion of the house and of the country, with what a degree of 
self-devotion those noble persons, session after session, and 
year after year, sustained the administration of the noble 
duke opposite, and stood by him, as the supporters of those 
measures which they conceived to be for the public good. 
He called it a singular instance of self-devotion, though he 
thought that the noble duke was entitled to their support when 
he introduced the measure respecting the Roman Catholic 
claims. The noble duke on that occasion entitled himself 
to the lasting and interminable gratitude of the country. 
He had always entertained that opinion, and he now ex- 
pressed it with perfect sincerity ; and in any observations 
he should offer, or any reference he should make to words 
which had fallen from the noble duke, he hoped that he 
should not be considered as doing any thing inconsistent 
with a feeling of the greatest respect towards that distin- 
guished individual. 

In the month of November last, the noble duke found it 
necessary to retire from the situation which he then held at 
the head of this country's affairs. Undoubtedly, the retire- 
ment of the noble duke was connected with the subject of 



590 LORD PLUNKETT. 

parliamentary reform. (" No," from the Duke of Welling- 
ton, followed by loud cries of " hear," from the Marquis of 
Londonderry, and several other lords.) He thought that 
the negative had been uttered in so loud a tone, as not to 
require the echo of the noble marquis. He did not wish to 
misrepresent what the noble duke had said ; but he under- 
stood the noble duke to have stated 6e that it was a great 
mistake to represent that he had retired from office on 
account of the question of parliamentary reform : he had 
said no such thing ; what he had said was, that finding that 
he had not the confidence of the House of Commons, and 
apprehending that if the question of parliamentary reform 
were to be brought forward — " 

The Duke of Wellington rose to explain what was the 
statement made by him on the occasion alluded to by the 
noble lord. What he had said was, that, finding that he did 
not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, he had 
determined to retire from his majesty's service, and he fixed 
on the day on which he retired as the period for offering his 
resignation to his majesty, on account of a motion having 
been made and carried in the House of Commons on that 
particular day. He had stated plainly over and over again? 
that he did not wish that persons being in his majesty's ser- 
vice, and possessing his majesty confidence, should go into 
the House of Commons not possessing the confidence of 
the house, and be outvoted on the question of reform. 

Lord Plunkett was at a loss to know the difference between 
his statement and that of the noble duke's. 

The Duke of Wellington said, that the want of confidence 
of the House of Commons was the cause of his resignation. 

Lord Plunkett knew that it was the want of confidence of 
the House of Commons ; but he understood that that want 
of confidence was also accompanied with this circumstance — 
namely, that in consequence of that want of confidence, the 
noble duke thought it highly probable that he would be 
defeated on the question of parliamentary reform. He 
understood from the statement of the noble duke, that find- 



LORD PLUNKETT. 591 

ing he did not possess the confidence of the House of Com- 
mon s, in consequence of the division on the civil list, and 
apprehending that he was liable to be defeated on the ques- 
tion of reform, he did not choose to expose the government 
to that risk. 

The Duke of Wellington thought the case was simple 
enough. He certainly had no intention of resigning until 
after the division on the civil list ; and fixed on Tuesday 
morning after the debate as the period of his resignation, 
because he did not choose to expose the government or the 
country to the inconvenience of a discussion on so important 
a question as parliamentary reform, that government not 
having at the time the confidence of the House of Commons. 
(Loud cries of " hear," from both sides of the house.) 

Lord Plunkett expressed himself satisfied with the state- 
ment of the noble duke (laughter,) who had given an expla- 
nation of certain expressions which he had used, exactly in 
the way in which he (Lord Plunkett) had meant to state 
them. He would not say what were the precise words made 
use of by the noble duke, but the impression on his mind 
was, that the noble duke had resigned his situation in con- 
sequence of his apprehension, that, not possessing the confi- 
dence of the House of Commons, he might be liable to be 
defeated on the question of parliamentary reform. What 
he had stated, he had stated on the authority of the parlia- 
mentary reports, and he would refer to the same authority 
for a declaration made by the noble duke on another occa- 
sion. He there learned that the noble duke took an oppor- 
tunity of declaring, that " With respect to reform, he not 
only was not prepared with any measure of reform, but that 
he could not form part of any administration which would 
propose that question to the consideration of parliament. " 
He really wished, that if he was misrepresenting the noble 
duke, noble lords would allow him to reply to the misrepre- 
sentation himself. It was perfectly impossible for any per- 
son to proceed with his argument, if subject to such repeated 
interruption. 



592 LORD PLUNKETT, 

The Lord Chancellor rose, to speak to order. He had been 
indignantly taken to task, occupying, as he did, the place 
of speaker in their lordships' house, for not interposing 
with that which he alone had a right to tender — his sugges- 
tions and advice ; and he now begged leave, for the sake of 
the order of their lordships' proceeding, to suggest that there 
was one, and but one, orderly mode of setting a noble lord 
right, if he should misrepresent the sentiment of another 
noble lord, either wilfully, which was not to be presumed 
possible, or from misunderstanding. The only time, accord- 
ing to the strict order of debate in parliament, for a noble 
lord so misrepresented to set himself right, if he chose so to 
do, was to explain after the speech was closed ; but it was 
the constant and most convenient course, in order to prevent 
an argument being founded on an involuntary misrepresen- 
tation, to allow a slight interruption to be given for the pur- 
pose of correcting the error. But then this interruption 
must have a limit, or the consequence would be that the 
greatest confusion would be introduced into their lordships' 
proceedings. He was sure that the noble duke would see 
the disorder that must arise from these repeated interrup- 
tions, and would bear in mind that a time would arrive for 
him to explain, after his noble and learned friend had con- 
cluded his speech. But it was, above all things, contrary 
to order, and could not be endured, that for the purpose of 
setting right a supposed misrepresentation, the by-standers 
who had not been misrepresented, and who were no parties 
to the business, should interfere when the principal himself 
did not choose so to do. 

The Duke of Wellington assured the noble and learned 
lord on the woolsack, that he felt the justness of his obser- 
vations, and the necessity of adhering to the orders of the 
house. He had, however, thought that it would not be im- 
proper to correct the noble and learned lord opposite on a 
point of fact connected with his retiring from office last 
year ; but he begged to assure the noble and learned lord, 
that he might go on without further interruption from him, 



LORD PLUNKETT. hlYS 

as he should have an opportunity to set himself, if necessary, 
right with their lordships ; and he only begged them, there- 
fore, to suspend their judgment with respect to the circum- 
stances which had just been alluded to. 

Lord Plunkett said, that his only wish was to state clearly 
and correctly what had fallen from the noble duke ; and it 
would be much more painful to him to misrepresent the 
noble duke, than it need be to the noble duke himself. What 
he understood the noble duke to have said, and the thing 
was the more strongly fixed in his recollection by having 
remarked the different language used by the noble duke in 
that house, and his right honourable colleague in another 
place — was, that he was not only not prepared with a mea- 
sure of parliamentary reform, but as long as he held any 
place in his majesty's councils, he must oppose any measure 
that might be proposed. As he had just stated, the obser- 
vations of the noble duke were fixed in his memory by the 
different language made use of by a right honourable friend 
of his, who in another place did at first explicitly state, that 
certainly the question of parliamentary reform had something 
to do with the resignation of his majesty's late ministers ; 
and then went on to say, that the then cabinet, not being 
prepared with any measure on the subject, and not wishing, 
after their defeat on the question of the civil list, to go out 
on the question of reform, accordingly resigned their situa- 
tions. There was a marked distinction between the expres- 
sions of his right honourable friend and those of the noble 
duke. His right honourable friend — 

The Earl of Harrowby rose to order. He said that it had 
always been held disorderly to comment on words which 
had fallen from any peer in that house ; but the noble and 
learned lord went further, and proceeded to draw conclu- 
sions from a supposed difference between what was said in 
that house, which he might have heard, and what he ima- 
gined was said in another house of parliament by an indivi- 
dual who was not then present. He was satisfied that the 
noble and learned lord would, on reflection, see that this was 

4g 



594 LORD PLUNKBTT. 

a mode of commenting, not on the conduct, but on the words 
of members of parliament, which must be attended with the 
greatest possible inconvenience, and was equally contrary to 
the rules of both houses of parliament. He really trusted 
that the noble and learned lord would feel that it was not 
necessary, in the discussion on the present measure of 
reform, to make a detailed comment on words, the authen- 
ticity of which it was impossible to ascertain. 

Lord Wharncliffe confessed that he did not see any thing 
disorderly in the noble lord's referring to the words spoken 
by a right honourable gentleman in another place in a for- 
mer session of parliament. Those words were now matter 
of history; where the noble and learned lord found them, 
he knew not ; but they were matter of history, and it was 
the common practice of their lordships, and of the other 
house of parliament, to refer to debates which had taken 
place in former parliaments, and argue on particular expres- 
sions used in them. 

Lord Plunkett said he referred to the language used by 
his right honourable friend, as to a matter of history. He 
was not going to make an inquiry into the conduct of the 
noble duke, or of his right honourable friend, but he wished 
to point out the difference between their expressions. It 
appeared to him that a studied mode of expression was 
adopted by the right honourable baronet ; for he said that 
the late cabinet were not then prepared with a measure of 
parliamentary reform, and ministers, under those circum- 
stances, having been defeated on the question of the civil 
list, and apprehending what might be the result of meeting 
the House of Commons on the question of reform, did not 
choose to encounter the event. Their lordships would 
observe that the right honourable baronet said, " that the 
cabinet were not prepared with a measure of reform ;" while 
the noble duke said " they were not only not prepared with 
a measure, but that as long as he formed part of his majesty's 
cabinet, he should feel it his duty to oppose any proposition 
for reform." The result of this was, that the late admini- 



LORD PLUNKBTT. 595 

stration was broken up under the impression that in the cir- 
cumstances in which they were placed, they were not able 
to meet the question of parliamentary reform in the House 
of Commons. This was the inference which he drew from 
the declarations made by the late ministers, and he thought 
it a very important one. Upon the dissolution of the late 
government, the present administration came into office, 
avowedly on the principle that some measure of parliamen- 
tary reform was absolutely necessary ; and that the govern- 
ment of the country could not go on without it. This was 
all he wanted to establish. The noble duke and his col- 
leagues unanimously resigned office, because they could not 
meet parliament in the then state of feeling on the subject 
of parliamentary reform. The head of the government was 
determined to oppose all reform as long as he continued in 
the cabinet, but his right honourable colleague only said that 
he was not prepared with a measure of reform. They both, 
however, resigned, and it did not appear that any measure 
of reform, of however modified a nature, had been suggested 
to their sovereign, in the possession of whose confidence 
they at that time stood. Therefore he had a right to say 
that their retirement from office, and the coming in of their 
successors, were connected with the question of parliamen- 
tary reform. Was it any ground of attack on his noble 
friend at the head of the government, that when called upon 
by his sovereign — whom his former servants he would not 
say had abandoned, but had declared their inability to serve 
any longer, to form a government —he did not refuse to obey 
that call, and did undertake to carry on in that difficult 
crisis the public business of the state, on the known and 
avowed principles on which he had been in the habit of 
acting ? his noble friend had in the first instance explained 
the principles on which he accepted office, and amongst 
them were, the principles of economy, of non-interference, 
and, primarily and particularly, of parliamentary reform. 
In consequence of the declarations made by the noble earl 
a measure of reform was introduced to the consideration of 



596 LORD PLUNKETT. 

the late parliament. The noble lord who had just sat 
down had said, with respect to parliamentary reform, " that 
the breeze had been fanned into a hurricane by the noble 
earl," from whom he was so unwilling to differ. Did the 
noble lord conceive that the noble duke opposite was likely 
to be moved by such a breeze ? He rather inferred from 
the change of government, that the breeze had already as- 
sumed the character of a hurricane, and if his noble friend, 
now at the head of affairs, in endeavouring to allay the hur- 
ricane, rode on the whirlwind, he could not be said to be 
directed by the storm. 

A measure of reform, the same in substance, and for 
efficiency of purpose, as the one now before their lordships, 
was introduced into the late House of Commons. It was 
there canvassed in all its parts by friends and enemies. 
It underwent a most severe scrutiny, and the principle was 
adopted by what he could not call a very large majority, 
for it was carried by a majority of one only. His Majesty's 
ministers afterwards, finding they were about to be baffled, 
took his Majesty's pleasure on the subject, whether, for 
the purpose of ascertaining the sense of the people, not 
with respect to that particular measure, (but still it so hap- 
pened that that measure was in the singular position which 
he had stated,) the parliament should not be dissolved. 
The people, thus appealed to, expressed their opinions with 
a degree of assent amounting almost to unanimity, and 
though the entire subject of parliamentary reform had been 
opened, their opinions applied to that particular measure 
which had been so rigidly canvassed in parliament, and 
they exercised their suffrages so directly in reference to 
that measure, that their representatives had been termed 
delegates. He appealed to those noble lords who recol- 
lected what had passed in the country, whether they ever 
recollected elections to have been conducted with a greater 
degree of order and regularity ? With respect to Ireland, 
he was sorry to say it was difficult to mention at random 
any period of the history of that country, during which a 



LORD PLUNKETT. 597 

state of perfect tranquillity might be found ; but still there 
had been no disturbance there since the dissolution, con- 
nected with the elections. The same thing might be said 
with respect to England. He mentioned this circumstance, 
because attacks had been made in connexion with this mea- 
sure of reform, not merely on the government, but also on 
the people of the country, who had been accused of unfit- 
ness to form the basis of free representation. The elec- 
tions having been conducted with such tranquillity and pro- 
priety, the discussions in the House of Commons having 
been conducted, on the part of those who introduced this 
bill, with as much deliberation as any debate in the his- 
tory of parliament, and the bill having passed, after some 
amendments, by an overwhelming majority, it certainly did 
surprise him to hear a noble baron (Wharncliffe) take upon 
himself to say, that after this specific measure had been 
submitted to parliament, and the opinion of the people 
taken on it, when petitions were presented declaring their 
approbation of this measure, those petitions only meant to 
convey approval of reform generally. On what authority 
the noble baron made such a statement, he did not know ; 
but he was sure that if the petitions referred to any mea- 
sure, it could be no other than the one before the house. 

This measure having been brought forward under the 
sanction of government, and under the sanction of his 
Majesty, as implied in his authorizing the government to 
propose it, and having passed through the House of Com- 
mons, certainly was entitled to be treated with a great 
degree of courtesy by their lordships. He did admit that 
their lordships were fully entitled to canvass the measure 
in all its parts, freely and fearlessly, in the exercise of their 
duty. But although their lordships were in the exercise 
of their undoubted privilege in the present circumstances, 
they were to recollect that they were sitting in judgment 
on the people of England, and on a subject peculiarly — and 
so far as any subject that could come before their lordships 
could be, exclusively — relating to the privileges of the other 



LORD PLUNKETT. 

house of parliament. He, therefore, could not too anxiously 
implore their lordships to consider well, before they adopted 
the desperate experiment of rejecting this measure, what 
were the consequences which might result from that re- 
jection. He was satisfied their lordships would think, that 
whatever might be the ultimate fate of the measure, it was 
entitled to receive the most respectful attention of that 
house. A good deal of sarcasm had been thrown out in 
that place against the people of England. He again said, 
that there had been some smart sarcasms and polished 
epigrams thrown out against the people of England ; but 
the noble lord opposite had got up a great deal of pointed 
irony and polished epigram, though he had omitted to 
touch any real part of the subject — at the expense of the 
people of England. But he (Lord Plunkett) would say, 
that that people, whose petitions had been sent up in 
such numbers to their lordships, and whose rights were 
involved in this question, were no light, giddy, and fantas- 
tic multitude — no rabble labouring under a temporary de- 
lusion, but a great nation, intelligent, moral, instructed, 
wealthy — a nation as much entitled to respect, and with as 
many claims to favourable consideration, as any nation 
in ancient or modern times. Therefore, when noble lords 
attacked this measure, and said that, if it was carried, it 
would give the people of England the means of overthrow- 
ing the throne and the church, and abolishing all our vene- 
rable institutions, he would ask those noble lords, if such 
were the effects to be apprehended from the measure if it 
were carried, what would be the effects if it were not car- 
ried ? But he affirmed that the charge was totally untrue. 
The people of England had no such objects. They were 
too sensible to indulge any such rash schemes. But if 
our institutions were such that they could not be sustained 
without repressing the just complaints of the people, why, 
he would say, they were not worth the tax we paid for 
them. But he again said, that the charge was a libel upon 
the people of England ; it was an attack upon the charac- 



LOUD PLUNKETT. 509 

ter of the country which was as dangerous as it was un- 
true. Then the matter for their lordships' consideration 
was, whether they had reason to think that this was a 
mere popular burst, which would soon die away, and that 
all would become calm again in (as a noble lord said the 
other night) about two years ; that they were consulting 
the interest, and the tranquillity, and the safety of the 
country by rejecting this measure ; that the Commons 
House of parliament, which had passed this bill by a large 
majority, was ready to recede from the measure, and that 
the people of England were disposed to abandon it. If their 
lordships rejected the measure, and they got locked in the 
wheels of the other house of parliament, so that they could 
not go on, what would be the consequence ? 

The noble lord (Wharncliffe) had said that the only 
consideration for their lordships was, whether this was, or 
was not, a right measure, and that they were not to look 
at consequences. This was a doctrine almost too mon- 
strous, he should have thought, for a sane man. If the 
wheels of the government were to be stopped in the way 
he had mentioned, how could the government go on ? The 
noble baron did not argue the principle of the measure, 
but he went into the details, and contended that the in- 
conveniences of the measure being certain, their lordships 
were bound to shut their eyes against the consequences 
of rejecting it, and to stand secure amidst the rack of 
elements — 

" Should the whole frame of nature round them break, 

In ruin and confusion hurled, 

He, unconcerned, would hear the mighty crack." 

Those lines of Addison exactly described the feelings of 
the noble lord. But he (Lord Plunkett) would affirm, that 
they were bound to consider consequences ; and he would 
call the attention of their lordships to what the conse- 
quences were, if they rejected this bill, under circumstances 
which would prevent the introduction of a measure of 
equal efficacy. Where, he would ask their lordships, were 



600 LORD PLUNKETT. 

they to look for strength, on the dissolution of the present 
government ? The noble duke opposite was one of the first 
persons to whom the eyes of the public would be directed 
in such a case. It was with reference to this that he had 
been so particular in endeavouring to ascertain the exact 
words used by the noble duke on a certain occasion. But 
if the noble duke was then unable to go on with the govern- 
ment of the country, because at that period he had lost 
the confidence of the House of Commons, and was appre- 
hensive of what might be the result of that loss of con- 
fidence, did the noble duke conceive that he was now re- 
stored to the confidence of the House of Commons, and 
that he had a better chance now than before, of parrying 
the question of reform ? He (Lord Plunkett) did not think 
so ; and great as might be the misfortune to the country, 
that the noble duke should be prevented from carrying on 
the business of the country, he did not conceive how the 
noble duke could join other members of his own party who 
had declared for partial reform. As to the noble earl 
(Carnarvon,) the noble duke could not calculate on him, 
because he had got to the kitchen. He would ask their 
lordships whether they seriously thought there was any 
chance of safety to the country, if this measure was rejected ? 
When noble lords made violent appeals, and called upon 
the reverend bench to attest their solemn appeal to Provi- 
dence, he hoped they would task their own consciences, at 
that retired hour, when the still small voice of nature was 
heard, and then consider whether they were satisfied with 
their own conduct, and were convinced they were pursuing 
a course which was likely to be productive of safety and 
benefit to their country. Let him (Lord Plunkett) not be 
accused of offering a threat ; it would be presumptuous in 
him to hold such language. No threats were likely to irw 
fluence their lordships; no threats of popular violence or 
insurrection should have, or ought to have, any effect upon 
noble lords in that house. He trusted that any one there 
would be ready to join heart and hand in giving assistance 



LORD PLUNK ETT. 601 

to the government of the country, in resisting every thing 
tending to insurrection. But the danger was, that things 
might come to such a pass that the government could not 
go on — that we should be reduced to a state of utter 
anarchy. There were questions which noble lords, who 
made those appeals to the reverend bench, should put to 
their own minds ; for though they might withstand a sud- 
den explosion of popular fury, there was a deeply-seated 
sense of wrong, ready to burst forth in the hour of danger, 
which impressed minds of most fortitude with a sense of 
terror. 

Many of their lordships, he thought, might be reconciled 
to the measure, if he could find arguments to shew that it 
was necessary to the security of the institutions of the 
country. He should, therefore, in pursuance of the pro- 
mise he had made, now proceed to call to attention 
of their lordships to the nature of the case before them. 
What was their lordships' place in the constitution ? They 
were invested with noble and high privileges as a branch 
of the legislature ; they were the hereditary councillors 
of the crown; they were the highest judicial court of 
appeal in civil and criminal cases, and from their character, 
growing out of their station, rank, and place in the country, 
they were entitled to the respect and reverence of the 
country. Their lordships must not believe that he flattered 
them, when he assured them that they stood as high in 
the opinion of the country as any branch of the legislature. 
Then, were any of these high privileges assailed ? No ; 
but what they claimed was a share in the representation 
of the country. There might be cases in which, for the 
sake of avoiding mischief, and in discharge of their duty 
to themselves and to the crown, to resist the demands of 
the people. But was this one of those cases ? If a struggle 
took place, could their lordships resist the right of the 
people to a full and fair representation in parliament ? 
" Do as you would be done by," was a simple and sublime 
maxim which vindicated its divine origin. * c Do as you 

4h 



602 LORD PLUNKETT. 

would be done by;" and he would ask their lordships if the 
people claimed any of the privileges of the crown, or of 
the House of Lords ; if they interfered with their lordships' 
hereditary titles, would their lordships be disposed to sub- 
mit quietly to the invasion ? Suppose they had got pos- 
session of those privileges, and an act of parliament was 
introduced for restoring them to their rightful owners, would 
their lordships think themselves fairly treated, if the House 
of Commons, standing on no other plea than the?P power 
to do so, threw out the bill ? Their lordships in such a 
case must submit ; but would it be a sincere, a cheerful 
submission? They would submit, but it would be only 
because they could not help submitting. Then the two 
cases ran exactly parallel : the people of England were as 
much entitled by law to a full and fair representation as 
their lordships to their seats in that house. The principle 
contended for by noble lords was an unintelligible prin- 
ciple ; it was a claim on the part of an oligarchy — to what ? 
to a right to return a part of the democracy. The principle 
was wholly unintelligible, and he defied any phrenologist 
to point out an organ which could comprehend such an 
anomaly. He did not think that the accidental circum- 
stance of some members of that house having got pos- 
session of a few places in the other house of parliament 
was any reason why their lordships should consider it 
unjust to restore them. He had thus got rid of the ob- 
jection as to any operation of this measure against the pri- 
vileges of that house. 

Lord Plunkett now came to the rights of the throne. 
All knew what the rights of the throne were. This mea- 
sure did not interfere with any of the rights of the throne. 
He was not aware that any language had been used to deny 
the rights of the throne, the prerogative of dissolving par- 
liament, or calling up to that house those in whose favour 
it might think fit to exercise that prerogative. There was 
no doubt, that the King had the right and prerogative of 
making himself known to his people, and erecting a throne 



LORD PLUNKETT. bUi 

in their hearts. He thought that what had been said 
upon this subject was unconstitutional trash. The King's 
name was not to be used to impute personal blame and 
responsibility. The King could do no wrong ; but to say- 
that the King of England, the representative of the house 
of Brunswick, which had been invited to this country to 
protect its rights and liberties, had not a right to make 
himself known to his subjects as their father and protector, 
was trash. The King of England was not like an Eastern 
monarch ; we were not to look at a king as an abstract 
idea ; he was entitled to make himself known, and to shew 
that a king of England could be the father of his people. 
He had said more than was necessary on this point, be- 
cause so much had been said respecting the dangers which 
threatened the rights of the crown, and history had been 
resorted to for no other purpose than to pervert facts. 
Our kings in former times had issued their writs, calling 
on certain inhabitants of counties to return members to 
parliament, in order to advise the King as to what taxes 
should be laid on. A right had been given to places to 
return members, and other places had ceased to have repre- 
sentatives. An instance of the latter had not occurred since 
Richard the Second, but the former practice continued till 
a much later period. All this, however, had no concern 
with the subject ; and it was throwing away time to dis- 
cuss it. But, although the prerogative of the King was 
not affected by the abolition of nomination boroughs, yet, 
it was said, if the government could not be carried on without 
them, what was to be done ? He (Lord Plunkett) should 
like to know how the power of buying and selling seats, 
and the sellers putting the money in their pockets, could 
have any bearing on the King's government. Was it 
quite certain, that though one set of buyers of boroughs 
might be well disposed to the crown, and might com- 
bine together for the King's service and the public good, 
there might not be other combinations not quite so pure ? 
If the King's government could only be carried on in 



C04 LORD PLUNKETT. 

that manner, he thought it would be quite as well that the 
King should carry on his own government. 

It was said, however, that these boroughs were not only 
a necessary protection against the King, but against the 
jjeople; for that if the people were fairly and properly 
represented, the government could not go on, and the 
House of Commons would swallow up all power. This 
was a most extraordinary doctrine; it came to no more 
nor less than this — that this was not a representative govern- 
ment -j and he would ask if that was a thing to be received 
by the people of England with acquiescence and satisfac- 
tion ? It was a most mistaken notion to suppose this to 
be necessary in a representative government. In such a 
government, the people had no right to intervene in the 
duties of the executive government ; that would be a de- 
mocracy ; but they had a right to be fully and fairly re- 
presented. 

It had been said by noble lords opposite, that this 
was a new constitution — that we were unmaking the con- 
stitution ; and they were indeed doing so, if the doc- 
trine he had referred to was correct. Unless the people were 
fairly represented, the King was not safe on his throne. 
But the doctrine was too monstrous to be maintained. It 
was not at that period of enlarged knowledge and reflec- 
tion that such a doctrine could be promulgated without 
the danger of arousing in the country, from one end to the 
other, the deepest excitement. So far from innovation, 
they were reverting to the old and established, and ac- 
knowledged theory of the constitution, and those who op- 
posed the change were hostile to that established theory. 
When the noble lord (Falmouth) called on the reverend 
bench to defend the present system, he called upon Chris- 
tian prelates to defend a system of hypocrisy ; but he (Lord 
Plunkett) called on that bench, by the same strong and 
sacred obligations, to join him in supporting that which 
was the real constitution. If their theory was the true one, 
where was it proved to be so ? For it was not one of 



LORD PLUNKETT. 605 

those truths which lie upon the surface. None of our own 
writers* some foreigner, had discovered it. How the noble 
lord had come by it, it was not possible to imagine. Here 
were gentlemen buying and selling places in parliament for 
£5,000 or £12,000, which enabled them to come in there, 
and move on the axis of their own particular interests. 
They revolved in cycles and epicycles, with more satellites 
about them than any planet discovered by Copernicus, or 
any one else ; and when it was intended to deprive the 
favoured inhabitants of A and B of the light of those lumi- 
naries, it was supposed that the laws of nature were about 
to be repealed. These were the men who, in defiance of 
the king and of the country, would uphold this system for 
the exclusive benefit of themselves, and to oppose a measure 
which had received the sanction of the House of Commons 
and of the country. 

And now one word with respect to the allegations — for to 
call them arguments would be bitter irony — of noble lords, 
founded on the great changes which the bill, according to 
them, would introduce into the established institutions of 
the country. " These institutions," say they, " have been 
framed by our wise and venerated ancestors, to last for ever 
• — the country has flourished under their influence, and oh ! 
beware, you puny moderns, and do not touch with your rash 
hands what has received the sanction of time, and been 
formed in the spirit of the wisdom of antiquity.'' Now let 
him ask these sapient expounders of the wisdom of our 
ancestors, whether the world had grown older or younger 
since our ancestors followed their ancestors to the tomb ? 
To believe these noble lords, the world was every day grow- 
ing younger, and the old age of the world was its infancy. 
With them, groping in the dark was light, and wisdom and 
experience but another name for youthful ignorance. Indeed, 
he was sure that if he divided the house on the question, 
whether the world was not actually younger and less expe- 
rienced in the year 1, than in 1831, he was sure that many 
noble lords opposite would vote in the affirmative. What if 



606 LORD PLUNKBTT. 

our ancestors were as blind worshippers of their ancestors 
as noble lords, wise in their generation, would fain just now 
persuade us to be of theirs, was no advantage to be taken of 
increased knowledge — of increased experience — of the rela- 
tions of society being better understood because contem- 
plated under a greater variety of aspects ? Were circum- 
stances the growth of time, and change the growth of both, 
in the habits of thought and action in the people — and the 
increased and increasing diffusion of knowledge — and, above 
all, time, the great innovator — of no influence ? And, what 
was the change ? why, that change shduld be effected in the 
machinery of a branch of the constitution. Pray what was 
the history of the constitution ? were noble lords, who ob- 
jected to all change, read in that history ? it should seem 
not, for otherwise they must know that the history of the 
constitution was nothing but the history of its changes, and 
the English constitution might be shortly denominated a 
succession of legislative changes. Such it would be found 
by any man who went about writing its history. But of all 
these changes, the most numerous and most extensive — that 
is, the chapter of the history of change which would be 
found to be most various and diversified — would be that of 
the change of the constitution of parliament. Why, the 
very peerage, as at present constituted, was a change from 
its original character under our infallible ancestors. Were 
noble lords aware that their original right to sit in that 
house was derived from a species of tenure, of which the 
whole peerage now contains but one instance — that from the 
possession of certain lands or tenements ? If so, must they 
not admit that their right to sit there, being different from 
the original one, their actual constitution was a great depar- 
ture from the wisdom of our ancestors ? Was not, he 
repeated, the whole history of parliament a history of change ? 
Was not the sweeping away some thirty mitred abbots from 
that house by Henry VIII., a great change ? Then, was not 
the addition of sixteen representative Scotch peers by the 
union with Scotland, and of twenty-eight representative 



LORD PLUNKETT. 60? 

Irish peers by the union with Ireland, great changes ? — the 
rather, as the nature of their tenures of seats in that house 
were wholly different, not only from that by which the 
English peers exercised their functions, but also from each 
other. The English peers were hereditary, that is, they sat 
there by descent and possession ; the Scotch peers sat there 
by neither descent nor possession, nor for life, but for a 
single parliament ; while the Irish peers were elected to sit 
for life, but, as with their Scotch brethren, not from descent 
or possession. Look then again at the rotation system of 
the Irish bishops, so different from that which regulated the 
English bishops, with respect to the right to take a part in 
the proceedings in that house — in itself a great change from 
the original constitution of our ancestors. Again, let them 
consider the numberless changes which had been made in 
the oaths taken by members of parliament since its first 
constitution — all, all shewing that the history of the English 
constitution was the history of a succession of legislative 
changes. 

But, say noble lords, <( This is all very true ; but these 
changes in the constitution were gradual and imperceptible, 
while that now proposed by the noble earl was of unparal- 
leled rapidity." The answer was simple ; rapid was a term 
of degree that is relative to circumstances, and change was 
a term different in its meaning from restoration. The bill 
proposes no change not rendered imperative by circum- 
stances, and only effects the removal of abuses which have 
been the growth of two centuries. The circumstances which 
at present justify the change explain the rapidity. But 
then again, say noble lords, " admitting the necessity of 
some change, and that it should even be a rapid one, why 
should it be so extensive ? was not such extent fraught with 
danger to all existing institutions ?" His answer was, that 
the safety was to be found only in the extent of the mea- 
sure. For mark the reasoning of these noble objectors to 
an extensive measure of reform : — " We all," say they, 
" admit the necessity of some measure of reform ; not, be 



608 LORD PLUNKETT. 

it understood, because we conceive that justice or sound 
policy recommend it, but because the public demand is so 
pressing, that, judging by the signs of the times, we cannot 
help making some concession/' Now, was it possible for 
the veriest enemy of the institutions of the country to teach 
a more dangerous lesson than was contained in this admis- 
sion ? does it not teach the people, that though nothing 
would be granted on the score of justice, much would be 
yielded to importunity ? and was this the language befitting 
a British statesman ? The duty of a statesman worthy of the 
name was of a far other character. He was not to be merely 
watching and veering about with every breeze of the popular 
will, to borrow a metaphorical illustration from the noble 
earl, and to merely shape his measures as the popular vane 
indicated. No ; a statesman should take his stand upon an 
eminence, from which great general principles and lofty 
views revealed themselves at every step — from which he 
could, uninfluenced by mere temporary exigencies, clearly 
see the people's rights and his own duties, and, while seeing 
them, perform the one by granting the other. From this 
position he should only descend, to counsel and to decide — 
to see that the people should enjoy their right, and, if he 
found himself capable of effecting this good, he was bound 
not to await the bidding of the public voice, but to raise the 
standard of political improvement in the advance of the 
people. His duty it is to devise for the wants of the people, 
to advise them, to moderate them, to be their leader and 
conductor to freedom and happiness. This was the duty of 
a statesman, and he who was incapable of it, or who neg- 
lected it, however he might win favour with noble lords, so, 
if we took their own words for it, infallible, disinterested in 
their judgment, would be held in just contempt by an 
enlightened posterity. The statesman who had discharged 
his duties in the manner which he had just glanced at, alone 
could turn round to the people — in the case supposed by the 
noble earl (Harrowby) opposite— and say to them, should 
they unfortunately be induced by mischievous advisers to 



LORD PLUNKETT. 609 

exceed the limits of discretion, M I have been no ill-natured 
spy upon your actions, I have honestly endeavoured to exe- 
cute the trust confided to me for your benefit. I stand 
here as your friendly adviser, and tell you, for your own 
sakes, to arrest yourselves in your progress, and thereby 
enjoy the blessings which Providence has bestowed upon 
you." Such an appeal would be irresistible. He felt con- 
fident in the good sense of the people of England, and was 
convinced that such seditious papers as those circulated at 
a Westminster meeting some years ago, would, so far from 
influencing the people to mischievous ends, recoil upon their 
promulgators. 

And now he begged to touch upon one other topic before 
he sat down. It was an old argument with the opponents 
of reform, that the constitution worked well, and could 
not be bettered. This was partially true, so far as it ap- 
plied to many of the institutions of the country — it was 
false as it applied to the subject matter of the present bill. 
It was true that the constitution worked well, if by the 
term was understood the several institutions of the country - 
it was equally true that it worked ill, so far as the repre- 
sentation of the people was concerned. He entirely sub- 
scribed to the several panegyrics which had been made 
upon the practical working of most of our institutions. 
Their laws were sound and admirably administered ; their 
judges were learned and honest ; their juries impartial ; 
their magistrates upright ; their clergy pious and well- 
informed ; their finances judiciously managed ; and their 
several offices of state ably filled ; but this had nothing 
to say to the question before them, which was, whether the 
people were or were not duly represented ? No man pre- 
tended to deny that our representative system required 
some amendment, so that it could not be said that the 
"work-well" eulogy could be predicated of it. It was true 
that a noble earl (Carnarvon) opposite maintained that it 
could; that the representative branch of the legislature 
did work well in practice, and he quoted passages from 

4i 



010 



LORD PLUNKETT. 



speeches of Mr. Fox and his noble friend, (Grey,) delivered 
many years ago, in order to shew that they also had been 
of the same opinion. But the noble earl strangely over- 
looked the very important fact, that the speeches to which 
he referred, as containing eulogies on the British consti- 
tution, were actually made for reform in parliament, and 
that these eulogies were a part of the argument for that 
reform. It was plain then, that some of the institutions 
of the country might be, or they actually were, very good 
in principle and efficient in practice, while others, the re- 
presentative one, might be neither one nor the other. It 
had been asked, but what, after all, would be gained by this 
bill? He answered, that the people would be satisfied, 
and that hardly a greater benefit could be conferred upon a 
nation than to remove all sources of dissatisfaction. 

Need he add, that no dissatisfaction could be more dan- 
gerous than that of an enlightened and wealthy people with 
those who would deny them the means of a pure system 
of representation. The truth was, that no argument could 
be more fallacious than the work-well one, for it would 
be found that beneficial results had grown up under cir- 
cumstances of a most baleful nature, to which it would be 
absurd to attribute them. For example, the Irish parlia- 
ment, for thirty or forty years before its gross and scanda- 
lous proflgacy led to the act of Union, was a mockery of 
the very name of representation, containing, as it did, two 
hundred members, over whose election the people of Ire- 
land had as much control as the people of Siberia, and who 
had no occupation but venality, and sordid self-aggrandize- 
ment; and yet that parliament, perhaps he should say in 
spite of it, owing chiefly to the exertions of a band of 
patriots and orators, of whom Lord Charlemont and Mr. 
Grattan were the leaders, was instrumental in raising Ire- 
land from barbarism to comparative civilization, from 
poverty to comparative wealth, and in enabling Ireland to 
make the most rapid strides towards commercial import- 
ance. That profligate parliament passed wholesome mea- 



LORD PLUNKETT. 611 

sures with respect to trade — repealed bigoted laws — re- 
moved several of the penal disabilities against the Catho- 
lics — and yet, surely, not even the noble marquis (Lon- 
donderry,) who was so eccentric in his political idiosyn- 
crasies, would venture to say that the Irish parliament was 
a faithful representation of the people. The Union put an 
end to that monstrous system of profligacy, and, as com- 
pleted by the admirable measure of Catholic emancipation, 
for which the friends of Ireland never could be too grate- 
ful to the noble duke (Wellington) opposite, had effected 
much towards improving the representation of the Irish 
people. But much remained to be done, which only a 
measure like the present could accomplish. The noble and 
learned lord proceeded to observe, that though he had, 
when early in his political career, raised his voice with 
vehemence against the measure of the Union, and though 
he was far from regretting his conduct on that occasion, 
he now, that the measure had been completed, would resist 
its repeal to the last moment of his existence. Notwith- 
standing its monstrous abuses, the Irish parliament effected 
some good, as, notwithstanding the monstrous absurdity 
of the present representation of Scotland, the people of that 
country had advanced in wealth, intelligence, and national 
prosperity. But would any man deny that the people of 
Scotland were dissatisfied with their mockery of a represent- 
ative system ? Could he deny that they would be thrown 
into a state of frenzy and fury by having their hopes of 
reform disappointed ? It required no very minute ac- 
quaintance with that country, to be able to answer the 
question with confidence ; all that was wanting was a 
knowledge of the ordinary workings of human nature. 
That knowledge shewed that the natural result of increased 
wealth and intelligence was an increased anxiety for the 
possession of that right, without which these advantages 
lose half their value, namely, political freedom. 



612 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 



THE RIGHT HON. 

SIR THOMAS DENMAN, 

His Majesty's Attorney General. 

Mr. Denman, like his two illustrious friends, Brougham 
and Plunkett, is not a scion of the aristocracy, but of 
plebeian origin — he sprang up from among " the people." 
And to his praise be it recorded, that he seems never to 
have lost sight of the fact \ for, amidst all the honours 
that have bloomed around his path — whether as a first-rate 
barrister, as raised to the rank of common- sergeant, as 
solicitor-general to Queen Caroline, attorney-general to the 
King, and, finally, as member of parliament, he has inva- 
riably been the eloquent advocate of the people's rights, 
and their steady and consistent friend. 

His father, Dr. Denman, was a physician of considerable 
eminence, but who, nevertheless, rose out of obscurity, and 
by the mere dint of talent and industry raised himself to 
enviable distinction. He was born at Bakewell, in Derby- 
shire, in 1733, and at the age of twenty-one came to Lon- 
don, where, in furtherance of his medical studies, into 
which he had been initiated under his father's roof, he 
attended the lectures which were then delivering at St. 
George's Hospital. Having availed himself of these, he 
entered the navy as surgeon's mate, and in 17^7 was made 
surgeon of a ship of war. In 1763 he quitted the navy, 
after having served in the expedition against Belleisle, and 
acquired much professional experience. On returning to 
London, he commenced business, and published an " Essay 
on Puerperal Fever," which brought him into notice. 
But 

'• Slow rises worth, by poverty depressed." 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 613 

About 1770, he began to deliver lectures on midwifery, and 
became physician to the Middlesex Hospital. With these 
advantages, he gradually emerged from obscurity to the 
very extensive practice and great professional celebrity 
which he so long enjoyed. He was appointed licentiate 
in midwifery of the College of Physicians in 1783, and, 
six years after, elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal 
Society of Edinburgh. His obstetrical occupation and 
fame now increased rapidly 3 and from the death of Dr. 
William Hunter, he was considered as the most eminent 
of his profession. Several useful tracts proceeded from 
his pen, most of which have been incorporated in his great 
work. "The Introduction to the Practice of Midwifery." 
Towards the decline of life, Dr. Denman gradually relin- 
quished the more laborious part of his practice to his son- 
in-law, Sir Richard Croft, and became a consulting phy- 
sician. He died on the 26th of November, 1815, at the 
advanced age of eighty-three, leaving two daughters and 
a son, the present Attorney-General. 

Sir Thomas Denman was born at St. James's in 1779, 
and received his education at Eton, after which he was 
sent to St. John's College, Cambridge, where he prosecuted 
his studies to the honour of the university, and the per- 
fecting of his reputation as an elegant and accomplished 
scholar. Having determined on the profession of the law, 
he was entered of Lincoln's Inn, and called to the Bar in 
1805. His practice soon became extensive, and he rose 
rapidly on the public as a sound constitutional lawyer, 
and able pleader. In 1815, he received, from Lord Hol- 
land, the appointment of deputy recorder of Nottingham, 
which he resigned in 1820; probably an unavoidable step, 
in consequence of his offering himself as a candidate to 
represent the town in parliament. 

Mr. Denman's eloquence at the Bar was not likely to 
escape notice, and in 1818 he entered parliament as repre- 
sentative of the borough of Wareham, but he sat for this 
place only two sessions, when a dissolution took place, and 



614 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

his connection with Wareham ceased, his parliamentary- 
conduct having displeased the patron of the borough. In 
the month of February, 1820, he was appointed solicitor- 
general to her Majesty, Queen Caroline — an office of short 
duration, but long enough certainly to afford Mr. Denman 
an opportunity of displaying talents of the very highest 
order, and establishing his reputation on an immoveable 
basis. In every part of that unfortunate lady's trial, he ac- 
quitted himself honourably, and received from the country 
a well-earned tribute of applause. But it was in his able 
and impressive summing up — an address which occupied 
two days — that he most particularly distinguished him- 
self; and his comparison of the wife of Nero with his un- 
fortunate client, will never be forgotten, where the history 
of these transactions is read. 

Adverting to the moral quality of the witnesses that had 
been produced against the Queen of England, and the 
atrocities to which they had deposed, Mr. Denman observed, 
that " he should have thought no husband possessed of the 
slightest feeling would have permitted such to have been given 
in evidence against his wife, even if she had deserted 
his fond and affectionate embraces, much less if he had 
driven her into guilt by thrusting her from his dwelling : 
recollecting that the more depraved he shewed his wife to 
be, the more he established his own cruelty and profligacy ; 
and the more imputations he cast upon her, the more he 
was to be despised for having deserted and abandoned her. 
He had heard examples, supposed to be similar to the pre- 
sent, quoted from English history; but he knew of no 
example in any history of a Christian king, who had thought 
himself at liberty to divorce his wife for any misconduct, 
when his own misconduct in the first instance was the 
occasion of her fall. He had, however, found in some 
degree a parallel in the history of imperial Rome, and it 
was the only case in the annals of any nation which ap- 
peared to bear a close resemblance to the present proceed- 
ing. Scarcely had Octavia become the wife of Nero, when, 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 615 

almost on the day of marriage, she became also the object 
of his disgust and aversion. She was repudiated and dis- 
missed on a false and frivolous pretext. A mistress was 
received into her place, and before long she was even 
banished from the dwelling of her husband. A conspiracy 
was set on foot against her honour, to impute to her a 
licentious amour with a slave ; and it was stated by the 
great historian of corrupted Rome, that on that occasion 
some of her servants were induced, not by bribes, but by 
tortures, to depose to facts injurious to her reputation ; 
but the greater number persisted in faithfully maintaining 
her innocence. It seemed that, though the people were 
convinced of her purity, the prosecutor persevered in as- 
serting her guilt, and finally banished her from Rome. 
Her return was like a flood. The generous people received 
her with those feelings which ought to have existed in the 
heart of her husband. But a second conspiracy was after- 
wards attempted, and in the course of that inquiry she was 
convicted and condemned. She was banished to an island 
in the Mediterranean, where the only act of mercy shewn 
to her was putting an end to her sufferings by poison or 
the dagger. In the words of Tacitus, "Non alia exsul 
visentium oculos majore misericordia affecit. Meminerant 
adhuc quidam Agrippinae a Tiberio ; recentior Juliae me- 
moria observabatur, Claudio pulsse. Sed illis robur aetatis 
assuerat : laeta aliqua viderant, et prsesentem saevitiani 
melioris olim fortunse recordatione allevabant. Huic pri- 
mum nuptiarum dies loco funeris fuitj deductse in domum, 
in qua nihil nisi luctuosum haberet."* The death of her 
father and her brother had deprived her of her natural pro- 

* " The public mind was never so touched with compassion. The banish- 
ment of Agrippina by order of Tiberius, was remembered by many ; and 
that of Julia in the reign of Claudius, was still more fresh in the memory 
of all ; but these two unfortunate exiles had attained the vigour of their days, 
and were, by consequence, better enabled to endure the stroke of adversity. 
They had known scenes of happiness, and, in the recollection of better times, 
could lose, or at least assuage, the sense of present evils. To Octavia, the 
celebration of her nuptials was little different from a funeral ceremony. " 



616 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

tectors, who might have stood between her and misery, 
" Turn ancilla domina validior : et Poppsea nonnisi in 
perniciem uxoris nupta : postremo crimen omni exitio 
gravius."* 

The Princess of Wales had left this country, after the 
first conspiracy had been attempted and had failed : her 
illustrious friends — those who had basked in the splendour 
of her noon-tide rays — had then deserted her. Soon after- 
wards, rumours and reports of the most afflicting kind pre- 
vailed, and those rumours and reports at length assumed 
something of a tangible shape, and her Majesty had been 
called upon to grapple with them as substantial charges, 
and he hoped that he had shewn they were utterly un- 
founded. In that situation, however, she had been deprived 
of her only daughter ; that unhappy child was removed 
from the means of longer protecting her afflicted mother. 
In that fatal month which blasted the hopes of England, 
November, 1817? it so happened that every one of the 
material witnesses in this case had been discharged from 
the service of the Princess. It was then that De Mont was 
sent away, with all her valued secrets ; it was then that 
Majochi was turned away, with all his fearful proofs of he 
knew not how many kisses ; and in the same month those 
two special gentlemen, Messrs. Sacchi and Rastelli, had 
been deprived of their situations. Thus this illustrious 
lady, who was supposed to have sinned with so much bold- 
ness, and to have loved with such extraordinary enthu- 
siasm, had ventured to turn loose upon the world the four 
individuals most capable of proving the case against her, 
and of reducing her to the lowest stage of disgrace and 
misery. They were discarded servants, and he would say 
so, though in time all phrases became hackneyed in the mouths 
of men : yet, if after the lapse of six years such testimony 

* " She saw herself superseded by the allurements of a female slave ; she 
saw the affections of her husband alienated from herself; and a marriage, by 
•which her ruin was completed, openly celebrated with Poppaea. Above all, 
she underwent a cruel accusation, to an ingenuous mind worse than death." 



SIA THOMAS DENMAN. 617 

was to be received, he would appeal to the house in what 
situation human society would be placed. 

Reference had been made on former occasions to that bill, 
which had for its object to make adultery a crime. The 
draft of it was still preserved in the archives of parliament, 
and excluded from the right of complaining of every husband 
who had colluded with, connived at, or permitted the offence 
of his wife. In the debates on that measure, it was admitted 
on all hands, that it was fit that adultery should be consi- 
dered a crime ; but it was also held, that it was far more 
unfit that such an encouragement to perjury — such a pre- 
mium to malignity — should be held out to discarded ser- 
vants. Adultery was unquestionably criminal in various 
degrees, but most especially so when the conduct of the 
husband had been unimpeachable ; but when he had been 
guilty of immoral practices — when he had committed some 
flagrant breach of his duty, the feelings of mankind would 
never accord with the condemnation of a wife. He (Mr. 
Denman) never could reflect upon the condition of discarded 
servants, with reference to the matter now before the house, 
without remembering the immortal words of Burke, where 
he directed the fire of his eloquence against spies in general, 
but especially against domestic spies : he said that by them 
" the seeds of destruction are sown in civil intercourse and 
happiness : the blood of wholesome kindred is affected \ our 
tables and our beds are surrounded with snares ; and all the 
means given by Providence to make life safe and comfort- 
able, are converted into instruments of terror and alarm. " 
Discarded servants had it in their power at all times to 
depose to facts on which they could not be contradicted. 
If any man should dare to swear that the noble consort of 
one of their lordships had got out of her bed in the middle 
of the night, unseen but through the key-hole or the crevice 
of a door, and crept to the bed of a domestic ; how was it 
possible to contradict such a witness, who had been dis- 
missed, notwithstanding his possession of a secret so fatal, 
but by the general purity of the character of the illustrious 

4k 



618 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

accused, and by the malice of the accuser betraying itself in 
the very foulness of his charge ? One of the servants, in 
the case of the witness to whom he had already alluded, 
being questioned upon subjects of this foul and filthy descrip- 
tion by one of the persons who had attempted to suborn her, 
had given him an answer full of female spirit and virtuous 
indignation — an answer which he preferred to give in the 
original, because he was unwilling to diminish its force, and 
because, being less known, the coarseness would be less 
understood : 

Kadapwrepov, wTiyeXXwe to a&oiov rf ^eairoiva jjlh r« era zofxarog £% EL ' 

In the same year, 1820, at the general election, Mr. Den- 
man was returned for Nottingham, in connexion with Mr. 
(now Sir Joseph) Birch, and has continued to represent it 
ever since, with the exception of one parliament, namely, 
from 1826 to 1830, a period of four years, during which he 
did not sit for any place. In 1822 he was chosen to the 
office of common serjeant, which he continued to fill from 
that time to November, 1830, when, on the formation of 
Earl Grey's administration, he was appointed attorney- 
general to the crown. 

Mr. Denman was returned for Nottingham at the general 
election of 1830, and being shortly afterwards appointed 
attorney-general, he was compelled to vacate his seat, but 
he was re-elected without opposition in November of that 
year. In the following year (1831) the parliament was sud- 
denly dissolved, in consequence of the failure of the reform 
bill, and a new election took place, when Sir Thomas Den- 
man was again returned without opposition. 

The speeches of Sir Thomas Denman in the British senate, 
afford an ample field for selection, from which to glean the 
choicest flowers of oratory, did the limits of this publica- 
tion admit of our roaming at large among them, and culling 
ad libitum, but that is denied us. He is unquestionably a 
highly gifted and accomplished orator, inferior to very few, 
if any, in the great council of the nation. His elocution is 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 619 

graceful and winning, and his addresses sustained with 
classic elegance and allusions, which shew the educated gen- 
tleman, no less than the powerful pleader. He is always 
listened to with marked attention, and he seldom fails to 
recompense it by the information which he affords, and the 
pleasing manner in which it is communicated. We shall 
give, as a specimen of his parliamentary tactics, his speech 
delivered on the 2nd of March, 1831, in defence of the 
reform bill, in reply to the chivalrous knight of Borough- 
bridge, Sir Charles Wetherell : merely premising, that we 
select it not so much for its superiority to his ordinary 
efforts, as on account of the relation which it bears to the 
subject of our publication. 

The attorney-general rose amid loud cries of " adjourn," 
which continued for some minutes, and prevented him from 
obtaining a hearing. Although he was unwilling to perse- 
vere in addressing the house after a wish had been expressed 
for an adjournment — he thought that the manner in which 
he had been personally called upon to come forward by his 
honourable and learned friend (Sir C. Wetherell,) who spoke 
last, would obtain him a hearing in any assembly of English 
gentlemen which had heard the challenge. They had heard 
of a tyrannical attorney-general who had been handed to the 
door by the serjeant-at-arms, and had been driven ignomi- 
niously from the House of Commons. He must own that 
he was much surprised that his honourable and learned 
friend, when he anticipated his own dying speech in that 
house, should choose to pair off with so detestable an officer, 
as that officer was to whom his honourable and learned 
friend had likened him (the attorney-general.) Really, if 
his honourable and learned friend had no closer analogy 
than this to produce — (reiterated cries of " adjourn/') He 
begged leave to ask honourable gentlemen whether it was 
intended that they should on all future occasions adjourn at 
half-past twelve o'clock ? if that were to be made a rule, he 
would not persist in addressing the house at present ; but 
if it were, he wished to know how many nights thev intended 



620 SIR THOMAS DBNMAN. 

to sacrifice to the discussion of this question ? were honour- 
able members to be prevented from speaking, because the 
clock was then pointing to half-past twelve ? he assured 
the house that he was consulting the best saving of its time 
by requesting to be permitted to speak at this stage of the 
discussion. He would beg leave to tell his honourable 
and learned friend, that no two cases could be more unlike 
than those which he had endeavoured to assimilate together. 
He admired the good humour with which his honourable 
and learned friend had compared the purification of the 
representative system, which this bill attempted to accom- 
plish, to the two purges of the house which took place in 
Cromwell's time, and to the proceedings on the quo war- 
rant os which took place in the reigns of Charles II. and 
James II., but he must remind his honourable friend, that 
though they might prove a contrast, they never could bear 
any analogy to each other. It was with astonishment that 
he heard his honourable and learned friend, who was well 
versed in the history of his country and of its laws, make so 
singular an assertion ; and he could not account for it, even 
when he took into his consideration all the excitement under 
which his honourable and learned friend evidently laboured. 
His honourable and learned friend had said that this plan of 
reform was like Cromwell's purge. What his honourable 
and learned friend meant by venturing such an observation, 
he could not pretend to divine. Did he recollect an autho- 
rity that had always had great weight in the university of 
Oxford, and that must be well known to his honourable and 
learned friend ? Lord Clarendon, in describing the plan of 
reform which Cromwell brought forward, said that it was 
worthy of imitation by other parties. (Loud cries of "hear.") 
Surely his honourable and learned friend did not mean to 
say that Colonel Pride's purge had any thing to do with 
Cromwell's system of reform ? The periods of time at which 
they occurred were very different. It was at a later period 
than Colonel Pride's purge, when, under the government of 
Cromwell, a conservative plan was offered to that house to 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 



621 



preserve the three estates of the realm — not to preserve the 
person of the protector, but to preserve the three estates of 
the realm as they exist at present — and that plan had no 
resemblance to the purge of Colonel Pride, when the soldiers 
stepped into the house, and carried the mace away from the 
table. Now, as to the quo warrantos. 

The quo warrantos took away certain rights from corpo- 
rate bodies ; but what rights did this bill deprive them of ? 
the power of voting is no municipal right. The power of 
selling a vote to a duke or a peer, or to a duke's nominee or 
to a peer's nominee, however palatable and delightful it 
might appear to honourable gentlemen opposite, was not a 
reason why a corporate jurisdiction was established in any 
borough. That certainly was not the primary object for 
which borough corporations were formed ; for his honour- 
able and learned friend the member for Calne, had proved, in 
a speech which was yet tingling in their ears, and which 
would dwell in their memories so long as their memories 
lasted (loud cries of u hear,") that the principle on which 
the right of representation was originally granted to the 
people of England, was the very principle on which they 
were now going to extend it to that portion of the people 
which was at present without it. 

He would now put a question to his honourable and 
learned friend, who had walked that evening with apparent 
great delight at his own legislative funeral. " Merrier tears 
laughter never shed" than those which his honourable and 
learned friend and his band of merry mourners had poured 
upon his bier. He was happy to see his honourable and 
learned friend disporting with such hilarity about his own 
grave. He and his friends must, one and all, be great 
philosophers, for they seemed overcome with joy in having 
an opportunity to make that sacrifice to the public which 
its welfare demanded. He would ask his honourable and 
learned friend, and those who were then acting with him, 
whether there was to be any reform at all ? There was 
not one argument which they had advanced that evening, 



622 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

which had not gone to the extent that no reform at all was 
to be made in the constitution of the Commons house of 
parliament. He did not say that such was the object of 
the gentlemen who had used the arguments, but it was 
unquestionably the point to which all their arguments 
tended. His honourable and learned friend had said, that 
he was no enemy to representative improvement. When, 
where, how, in what shape, had his honourable and learned 
friend ever professed himself a friend to it ? He (the 
attorney-general) had never heard such a sentiment from 
his honourable and learned friend before — it was brought 
forward on the present occasion to break with the public 
the force of the plan of reform which government had now 
brought forward : it certainly was not the practical view, 
which his honourable and learned friend and his habitual 
political friends were accustomed to take on the subject, 
and if it had recently become their view, it was because 
they had been driven to it by the force of public opinion. 
If they were advocates to any extent, would they inform 
him what their plan was, and how far it went ? 

If his honourable and learned friend had ever brought 
forward any plan of reform, or had expressed a desire to 
promote it before that night, it was a fact in his honourable 
and learned friend's history, which he had by some strange 
fatality completely overlooked. Unless his honourable and 
learned friend and his political associates meant to say that 
the miserable plan of disfranchising Evesham and East Ret- 
ford was their plan of reform, and was one with which the 
public ought to be satisfied, he knew of no plan of reform 
which they had ever patronized. That because in Evesham 
money had been paid to the electors, and the payment of 
it had been discovered by a committee formed of members 
who had only not been found out in making such payments, 
— that because they were ready in such cases to make the 
most vigilant inquiry into the number of poor wretches 
who had contaminated their fingers with the bribes held 
out to them by their wealthy tempters,— that because they 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 623 

were willing to do this, they were to represent themselves 
friendly to reform, was a project, against which he, as an 
honest man, felt bound to enter his protest. He looked 
upon a plan of reform so difficult, and distant of execution, 
to be a needless expense of money and of time, and an 
insulting hypocrisy to the people at large. Even the noble 
duke, who on the first day of this session had declared 
himself hostile to all reform, and had asserted that nothing 
could be devised better than the present system of repre- 
sentation — even he was anxious in the last session of par- 
liament to have the bill for the disfranchisement of East 
Retford pressed through both houses, in the hope that it 
would be a reform which would satisfy the mind of the 
public. Since that time, the voice of the public had made 
itself heard in every part of the kingdom ; and it now 
declared, in accents that could not be mistaken, that any 
such paltry equivocating species of reform would not give 
satisfaction. 

It appeared to him that the argument which had been 
brought forward by the honourable member for Oxford on 
a former night, condemned the mode of proceeding which 
his honourable and learned friend wished to have applied 
to delinquent boroughs. His honourable and learned friend, 
as well as the honourable member for Oxford, had defended 
our present system of representation, on the ground that 
it worked well — that its results were beneficial — and that 
trade, and rank, and ability, obtained entrance into the 
house through the impure channel of corruption. Perhaps 
they might ; but then, with what consistency could the 
advocates of such an argument disfranchise East Retford 
and Evesham, and such places, where the door into par- 
liament was regularly opened to the highest bidder ? It 
was as notorious as the sun at noon-day, that seats in that 
house were as purchasable as stalls in Smithfield ? Why 
then should they disfranchise the poor man, who had some 
excuse at least in his poverty, for selling his individual 
vote, when they permitted the rich man, who had no excuse 



824 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

of poverty to plead, not only to sell his vote, but also to 
sell the votes of all persons over whom he could exercise 
the slightest influence ? Mr. Canning had staved off for 
a time the question of reform in the year 1822, by throwing 
into the back ground the abuses of the present system, 
and by stating that the public mind was not alive to them. 
But had he lived now, as unfortunately he did not, could 
he have used the same language ? Certainly not — for the 
public mind was shocked at these things ; it had taken a 
nausea at them — to use a term from the vocabulary of his 
honourable and learned friend — from which it could never 
again be freed by the administration of any quack nostrums. 
He would ask such honourable gentlemen as had not yet 
forgotten the preliminary steps to their late elections, and 
who recollected the applications which they had received 
from different electioneering agents, to fight the battle of 
corruption as the third men in the different boroughs, 
for which they were agents — whether it was possible for 
men to witness any thing more demoralizing or more dis- 
gusting than the processes by which the poor electors 
of those boroughs were to be corrupted by their opulent 
seducers ? 

The people of England had at length discovered that the 
evil to which such corruption gave birth was no longer to 
be tolerated. The House of Commons was called upon to 
redress it, and he was satisfied that the members of that 
house, as English gentlemen, would not hesitate to pursue 
their inquiries into the practicability of redressing it by 
passing the present bill. If honourable gentlemen were 
inclined to say, that no reform ought to be had, or only 
such reform as could be effected by an ex post facto law, 
or a detestable bill of pains and penalties, the country knew 
what it had to expect from them : but if they said that 
reform was necessary, but that this plan of reform was 
not satisfactory, then he would ask them to try their hands 
at producing a scheme which would give them less annoy- 
ance, and would prove more beneficial to the public. He 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 625 

was willing to take his share of responsibility — and in say- 
ing so, he was taking upon himself a share of credit that 
did not rightly belong to him — for having assisted in car- 
rying into effect, in his professional capacity, the benevo- 
lent intentions of his Majesty's government. A noble lord, 
in an eloquent speech which he had made last night, had 
said of the close boroughs, that although the portal which 
they afforded for entrance into that house might be com- 
paratively low, honour and integrity might pass it without 
stooping. He would tell the noble lord, that honour and 
integrity did not wish to stoop at all — they only wished 
to find their way into parliament through that portal which 
the law made accessible to every subject of England. 
When he was told that Burke, and Pitt, and Fox, and other 
illustrious characters, had one and all owed their introduc- 
tion into parliament to the defects in the constitution of it, 
which his noble friend's bill was intended to cure, he 
would reply, that it was not for the happiness or glory of 
those individuals, that they had found their way into that 
house by any other road than that of the free choice of the 
commons of England. It happened, strangely enough, that 
all the opinions of Mr. Fox, which the gentlemen opposite 
were so fond of quoting, were delivered by him at a time 
when he was sitting for a close borough — when he was a 
lord of admiralty — and, strange recommendation, when he 
was even by law incapacitated by his youth from voting in 
that house. 

The Attorney-General then proceeded to reply to that 
part of Sir Charles Wetherell's speech in which he had 
accused the present government of having brought for- 
ward in their budget a measure which was a violation of 
public faith. He contended that the stamp which they had 
wished to place on the transfer of stock was not a violation 
of the acts of parliament sanctioning the contracts of the 
government with the loan contractors ; but supposing, for 
the sake of argument, that it were, the charge of a violation 
of faith with the public creditor, came with a very bad 

4l 



626 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

grace from those who had reduced the five per cents, to 
three per cents., and had left no option ; for though there 
was a nominal, there was no real option, to the trustees of 
widows and orphans, but to accede to that reduction. 
Reverting to the subject of the nomination boroughs, he 
observed, that as the noble lord had now referred to his sitting 
in parliament for a close borough, he would say a few words 
on that subject. In the year 1818, he was given to under- 
stand that there was a wish that he should be in parlia- 
ment. Having heard that there was at that time a vacancy 
in the town in which he had now the honour to represent, 
he determined to offer himself to the electors, It hap- 
pened that there was no vacancy. A seat, however, was 
offered him for the borough of Wareham ; and, to his shame 
be it spoken, he had not had virtue to resist it. He should 
have respected himself more than he then did, had he been 
in possession of virtue enough to refuse it. He wished it 
to be distinctly understood, that a seat for a close borough 
was not so desirable a place as an independent spirit would 
wish to obtain. Nothing could be more kind and liberal 
than the conduct of those who gave him a seat for that 
borough ; but at the end of the two first sessions in which 
he sat in parliament, there was a dissolution, and then he 
found, that in the opinions of those who had given him his 
seat, he had been found wanting. There was then no 
nomination seat for him ; and if the town of Nottingham 
had not sent a deputation to him to come forward, he should 
have been out of parliament. So far from such a seat being 
all joy, he could assure the house that it was quite the 
reverse. Could there, indeed, be any thing more unpleasant 
than the idea of having a secret council always sitting upon 
your conduct, and determining upon each vote, whether 
you ought to be permitted to retain your seat in parliament ? 
He made no complaint against those who gave him his 
seat ; but when he contrasted his situation as member for a 
close borough, with his situation as member for Nottingham, 
in which he enjoyed the confidence of thousands, he felt 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 627 

that there was no more comparison to be made between 
them than between the crumbling walls of Aldborough and 
the most stately and magnificent palace in England. His 
honourable and learned friend was now absent from the 
house, or else he would have endeavoured to shew, that 
there were circumstances in his (Sir C. WetherelPs) history, 
which forcibly illustrated his argument on this point. 

After some other observations, which our limits prevent 
us from reporting, the Attorney- General proceeded to say, 
that he had the authority of Burke, and Pitt, and Fox, and 
Lord Chatham in his best and proudest day, that reform in 
the House of Commons was absolutely necessary for the 
preservation of the internal quiet of the country. The 
observation of Lord Chatham had been alluded to already in 
the course of the debate. The remark of Mr. Pitt was 
equally well known. He had said that " without reform no 
honest man would be, or could be, a minister ;" and at a 
subsequent period of Mr. Pitt's life, when Mr. Fox reminded 
him of that speech, he said " that he (Mr. Pitt,) had lived 
to carry his own prediction into effect." This occurred in 
the year 1 79/ ; and he recollected, that when he first heard 
of it, it made a strong impression on his mind. He could 
not help reflecting how whimsical it was, that Mr. Pitt 
should have gained the confidence of the House of Com- 
mons, after he had failed in all the propositions which he 
had made to it ; and that he could not get the same house to 
give him credit, when he had lived to verify his own predic- 
tion. Every person who was acquainted with the works of 
Mr. Burke — and what man of education was not ? — must be 
aware, that in his celebrated speech for the conciliation of 
our differences with the American colonies, he had quoted 
the preamble of the act of the 27th of Henry VIII., by which 
the power of sending two knights of the shire as their repre- 
sentatives to parliament, was given to the freeholders of the 
county of Chester. It was singular enough that Mr. Burke, 
who at the close of his life was the decided enemy to all 
innovation, should have referred to that preamble ; and it 



628 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

was, perhaps, if possible, still more singular, that Henry 
VIII., the most arbitrary and despotic monarch that ever 
sat on the throne of England, should have recognized the 
value of the representative system, and should have consi- 
dered it of importance in attaching the affections of the 
people of England to the throne. Having quoted the pre- 
amble to the act, Sir Thomas Denman thus proceeded — The 
act then went on to state, that the inhabitants of the county 
palatine of Chester should for the future return members to 
parliament. It was in speaking of that act, that Mr. Burke 
quoted the well-known passage — 

" Simul alba nautis 

" Stella refulsit, 
u Defluit saxis agitatus humor : 
" Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, 
" Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto 

" Unda recumbit." 

Which Mr. Burke translated in his own beautiful language 
thus — "The day-star of British liberty then rose in the 
hearts of the people, and all was harmony both within and 
without." 

It had been thought necessary, however, by some, to con- 
tend that peers ought to have their interests represented in 
that house, and that it was not inconvenient that they 
should. If this were so — why, let him ask, had not every 
peer and prince of the blood his acknowledged representa- 
tive there ? They might have as many representatives in 
that house as they had domestic chaplains in their own 
houses, if the law allowed it them. But the law did not 
allow this ; and it was the mere accident of peers having 
purchased boroughs, which made it worth while to consult 
them as to matters which ought to appertain only to mem- 
bers of that house, properly so called. He contended, that 
far from being unconstitutional, it was in strict accordance 
with the spirit of the constitution, to take the elective fran- 
chise from decayed and corrupted boroughs, and send them 
to more healthy places. By Mr. Pitt's plan of parliamen- 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN, 629 

tary reform, as many as forty boroughs would have been got 
rid of. This had not been forgotten by the gentlemen on 
the other side of the house, but in recollecting it they had 
alluded to the compensation which it was then proposed to 
make to the owners of those boroughs. Still, however, 
there was one thing else to be remembered — namely, that 
that compensation was a compulsory compensation, and he 
thought that none of the parties concerned would have 
thought themselves very well treated in being forced to 
accept the proffered compensation. Now, he contended 
that such individuals had no right whatsover to compensa- 
tion ; for there was no act of theirs which it could be pre- 
tended ought to be paid for, that was not illegal, and for 
which they might not be prosecuted under the election law. 
He knew that there were some gentlemen who thought that 
the attorney-general ought to be a kind of censor over the 
press ; but let him tell those honourable gentlemen, that an 
attorney-general might find occupation much more advan- 
tageous to the country than proceeding against those whose 
very violence prevented their doing mischief, and only dis- 
gusted the people whom it was their object to excite and to 
exasperate. There were other violators of the law, who 
were much more dangerous to the public — there were other 
delinquencies, which were more deserving of being prose- 
cuted to punishment. Let them, therefore, hear no more 
about vested rights ; for if a peer chose to interfere, by bar- 
gaining and influence, to return members to the House of 
Commons, that peer was not only guilty of a gross breach 
of the privileges of the house, but subjected himself also to 
an indictment at law. They had been told that the people 
would remonstrate against the measure now proposed by 
the government. Was it possible that the gentlemen who 
told them this could be sincere ? — that they could really 
believe what they said ? If so, let them wait but a little 
while — let them see whether the Common-hall which was 
to meet to-morrow — let them see whether the people who 
might assemble in various parts of the country — would 



630 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

re-echo the sentiments of the mourners at the funeral of the 
defunct member for Boroughbridge, and murmur and remon- 
strate that it was proposed to confer upon them a better 
system of representation. 

A noble lord had told them that the proposed measure 
ought to be brought in, and that it ought to be widely 
circulated, in order that the people might deliberate and 
pronounce upon it. There could be no possible objection 
to this ; only let him express his hope that the noble lord, 
and all those who had cheered this sentiment of" the noble 
lord's, would submit to the test for which they called. Let 
him express his hope, that when the people had considered 
and pronounced upon the measure, those who desired that 
the people should have the opportunity of doing so would 
submit to the decision of the people. Most willingly would 
he submit the proposed measure to the judgment of the 
people ; most ready would he be to agree that the decision 
of the people upon it ought to be final. The character of 
the people of England was well known, and it was not 
their character to approve and to applaud acts of spoliation 
and robbery ; but let him tell his honourable and learned 
friend, that it was not by his repeating over and over again 
the words robbery and spoliation, sometimes with violent 
and sometimes with humorous accompaniments, that the 
people of England would be led to reject a measure like 
the present. His honourable and learned friend had talked 
about the boroughs that were to be cashiered, about the 
right honourable the paymaster of the forces, and about 
military law and military measures ; but though his honour- 
able and learned friend had rung the changes upon these 
expressions so frequently, to what did they amount in 
soberness, and reason, and argument, and when divested 
of the humour with which his honourable and learned friend 
had clothed them — except that the present government had 
brought forward a measure of reform which they thought 
necessary for the people, and that that measure had been 
introduced to the house in a very able speech by a noble 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 631 

lord, who had been always a steady and distinguished advo- 
cate for reform, and who happened now to fill the situation 
of paymaster of the forces. It was not consistent with the 
fact, to say that the people of this country had been a happy 
people for the last century ; for, on the contrary, it was 
true, that during that time, they had suffered much and 
severely from measures of that house, which could never 
have passed into laws if the people had been fairly repre- 
sented in parliament. Again, let him say that peers had 
no right whatsoever to send members into that house, and 
that if they did so, they did it as the nabob of Arcot for- 
merly had his representatives there, to attend to his interests ; 
and as any prince, or noble, or other person, in any part 
of the world, might have representatives there, if moderate 
caution and secrecy were exercised. 

Then, as to the question which his honourable and learned 
friend had so chivalrously and triumphantly challenged him 
to answer — namely, where any lawyer could find a prece- 
dent in support of the measure now proposed. He would 
tell his honourable and learned friend, in a word, where he 
found a precedent. He proved it in the measure which 
passed only two years ago, and which disfranchised half 
the voters in Ireland. That measure passed through this 
house with only a very small minority against it, and among 
that minority he had not been able to find the name of his 
honourable and learned friend. His honourable and learned 
friend required that his questions should be replied to, and 
called for answers to his arguments ; but how had his 
honourable and learned friend treated the arguments which 
had been furnished him by preceding speakers ? His honour- 
able and learned friend had given no other answer to the 
arguments contained in the brilliant speech of the honour- 
able member for Calne, except that they w T ere nonsense, 
and that he would only nail them to the table, as a baker 
nailed a bad shilling to his counter. Now he must say, 
that this, though it might be a very lordly and a very 
humorous mode of proceeding, was neither a very con- 



632 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

vincing nor a very sensible one. Much had been said by 
his honourable and learned friend, and by others, about 
producing a revolution, and about revolutionary measures. 
Now, if he thought that this measure was calculated to lead 
to a revolution, or to produce a convulsion, no man would 
struggle against it with more zeal and determination than 
he would. In his conscience, however, he did believe 
that it was a measure in strict accordance with the spirit 
of the constitution ; and in his conscience also he did believe 
that it was almost the only mode of preventing a revolu- 
tion. They had been told to look at the proceedings which 
had lately occurred in France ; but did any sane man sup- 
pose it possible that the expelled dynasty could last one 
single moment, after having fired upon and shed the blood 
of the people ? Instead of looking at the proceedings of 
the French people with horror, he could consider what 
they had done only as an act of justice, and as an act com- 
mitted in self-defence. He would at once admit, with as 
much sincerity as he lamented, the fact, that the French 
people appeared more competent to gain a victory than 
to improve one ; and he was sorry that they had not imitated 
the example which had been set them by his own coun- 
trymen, when they effected their permanent, and glorious, 
and bloodless revolution of 1688. It was, however, idle to 
compare the proceedings of the French people with those 
of the Belgians. The revolution which had taken place 
in Belgium, he believed to be a wanton and a useless revo- 
lution. They all knew that it had this defect — namely, that 
it had been polluted by plunder, and it had not prospered. 

He would not detain the house with dwelling upon these 
topics, which he should not have touched upon, had they 
not been brought forward by others. In taking leave of 
them, however, he must observe, that, in his opinion, 
nothing could be more senseless, nothing more irrational, 
nothing more absolutely absurd, than to compare the mea- 
sure now submitted to the house on the subject of reform, 
either to the revolution in France, or to the revolution in 



SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 633 

Belgium. One observation which had fallen from his hon- 
ourable and learned friend had, he must say, struck him 
as being singularly unfair — but that had been answered by 
speakers who had preceded him, as, indeed, all his other 
arguments had been answered — only the sentences of his 
honourable and learned friend seemed to have been pre- 
pared and moulded for the purpose of delivery, and so they 
were delivered without reference to the arguments, which 
had answered them by anticipation. The observation of 
his honourable and learned friend to which he alluded, was 
that which regarded the boroughs which it was not pro- 
posed to disfranchise. His honourable and learned friend 
had asked why Calne, and Tavistock, and other boroughs, 
were to be allowed to detain their franchise ? The answer 
was plain and obvious, and had already been given to his 
honourable and learned friend, and it was this — namely, 
that it was necessary to draw some line of distinction ; 
that if Calne and Tavistock had been on one side that 
line, they would have been disfranchised 5 but that, being 
on the other side the line, they were allowed to retain their 
franchise. But to retain it how ? Not as a close corpo- 
ration, but under a system of fair election. The only other 
argument which he felt it necessary to advert to, was the 
argument founded on the fact, that boroughs had returned 
many great and eminent men to parliament. True it was 
that such men had sat for boroughs ; but let him ask, had 
not the borough system excluded others ? — and, above all, 
let him put it to any reasoning being, whether the people 
of England ought to remain satisfied to depend upon such 
accidents as these, for the chance of finding men who would 
represent their interests in parliament ? He knew that 
he had risen under great disadvantage, in coming after so 
luminous a speech as that which had been delivered by his 
honourable and learned friend — a speech, however, which 
he had no doubt was indebted, for much of the popularity 
it had acquired, to the sympathy of honourable gentlemen, 
who felt themselves to be much in the same situation with 

4 M 



634 SIR THOMAS DENMAN. 

the about-to-be-defunct member for Boroughbridge, as his 
honourable and learned friend called himself. 

According to the view of his honourable aud learned 
friend, he (Sir Charles Wetherell) would go out of the 
house a victim of injustice, while he (the attorney- general) 
was to leave it the tyrannical attorney-general, who had 
been employed by a profligate and disgraceful government 
to revolutionize the country. Probably his honourable and 
learned friend would recall this flattering character which he 
had bestowed upon him. Be that, however, as it might, 
he cheerfully threw himself upon the judgment of the house 
and of the country. And although Boroughbridge might 
disappear, and he might go out of the house as well as his 
honourable and learned friend, he had very little doubt 
that they should both of them find constituents who would 
send them back to that house, there to fight in friendly 
contest those battles which he was sure that he and his 
honourable and learned friend were equally desirous should 
terminate in advantage to the country. 

* # * We would now express a hope, that the time is fast approach- 
ing, when the industrious bees of the state, and those who fill its 
revenue pockets, will not have their honest gains forced from them 
by paltry, foolish, harassing, and vexatious taxes, enforced by the 
name and office of the attorney-general. The period is arrived, 
when the people of this great empire must be dealt with as the 
subjects of a paternal King. 



Here, then, we terminate these " Biographical Sketches," in 
order that we may devote the remainder of the volume to the pro- 
posed historical department ; and as there is much to be narrated 
in a comparatively small compass, we shall have recourse to a less 
type, for the reader's benefit. The present state of Europe, and of 
our own country in particular, is replete with intense interest. To 
glance at the causes which have led to such stupendous results, 
and narrate with fidelity the events that have recently transpired, 
is the task to which we shall now address ourselves. 




- 



l-is^cd 



HIS MAJESTY WILLIAM THE FOURTH. 




i CSHEB SOS.& Cf LOXDOX. 1832 






■ 




IIKK MOST GRACIOUS MIAJESTX, THE QITEE3S1 




PISH3 H 



635 



HISTORICAL REGISTER. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

The year 1832 will ever be memorable in the annals of this 
country, for having brought to an issue the long-pending contest 
between the two great rival factions, or parties, in the state, 
namely, the Whigs and the Tories ; and for having, in the 
overthrow of the latter, established the liberties of Britons on an 
immoveable basis. This conflict had been in progression, with 
scarcely any intermission, from the glorious Revolution in 1688, 
to the present time, a period of one hundred and fifty years ; 
during almost the whole of which, the Tories had maintained the as- 
cendancy, and, by the tendency of their counsels, and predominating 
influence, brought the country to the verge of a second revolution, 
which, had it not been timely averted by a reform in the Houss 
of Commons, must inevitably have deluged the land with the best 
blood of its inhabitants ; and, in all probability, have swept away 
those invaluable institutions which we owe to the wisdom, expe- 
rience, and virtue of our forefathers. To record events so deeply 
interesting to posterity, is worthy the pen of the historian ; and 
that we may place the subject in a somewhat luminous point of 
view, we shall revert back to the beginning of the reign of George 
the Third, and take a rapid glance of the measures which have led 
to the present fearful but glorious result. 

It was about the middle of the last century, and towards the 
close of the reign of George the Second, that a war broke out on 
the continent of Europe, which raged for a period of seven years, 
namely, from 1756 to 1763. In this sanguinary contest, Prussia, 
Austria, Russia, France, and England, were the leading powers 
engaged ; but Denmark and Sweden, Saxony and Sardinia, and 
even the Ottoman Porte, or Turks, were drawn into the contest. 
This war cost Prussia 180,000 men — Austria and Russia an equal 
number — Fiance and England, respectively, a still greater number. 



C36 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

But the loss of men was not the only sacrifice which England 
paid for meddling in this dispute. She granted yearly subsidies 
in money to his Prussian majesty ; and though eventually on the 
victorious side, she was half ruined by the war ; while France, 
then her implacable enemy, was reduced to the necessity of stop- 
ping payment of the interest of its enormous debts, and of pro- 
longing for the term of ten years its oppressive and arbitrary 
taxes. Here, then, we find the origin of the various evils which 
have subsequently afflicted the two last-mentioned countries, and 
drawn in their train the loss, to England, of her American colo- 
nies, and, to France, the horrors of anarchy and revolution. Of 
the manner in which this occurred, it may be useful to enter upon 
a short explanation, beginning with our own country. 

The peace of 1763 left most of the nations of Europe under 
the pressure of an enormous taxation ; one of the many and 
never-failing results of a protracted war. Great Britain, in par- 
ticular, was drained of its men and treasures, and for a few years 
reduced so low, as to excite admiration only by its constancy 
under an adverse state of affairs occasioned by the evil genius of 
its rulers. Nevertheless, a considerable booty had been pro- 
cured in war, to enrich individuals; the treasures of the East 
Indies were annually imported ; fortunes were rapidly accumu- 
lated from the plantations of the West Indies ; and a thousand 
instances of successful enterprise and good fortune, which the 
chance of war had thrown in their way — all these concurred to 
multiply the wants of life ; and the capricious claims of luxury in 
Great Britain had increased in an incredible degree. 

The conquests which the British arms had achieved, added to 
the policy of the government, ever fond of increasing its patro- 
nage, had greatly augmented the number of lucrative offices ; 
and as the desire for obtaining such places could only be gratified 
at the pleasure of the court, a much larger portion than usual 
of country gentlemen and landed proprietors took up' their resi- 
dence in the metropolis, committing their estates to the care of 
their stewards ; and, as they thereby unavoidably enlarged their 
expenses, and involved themselves in debt, they were reduced to 
the necessity of raising their rents. The consequence of this was, 
that the oppressed people were soon driven to discontent and de- 
spair, while their superiors were deaf to their complaints. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. G3J 

Section I. — The American Revolution, 

It was at this time that America began to look up ; and it is 
worth while to glance at some of the circumstances which con- 
curred to bring that country into notice. The reduction of the 
armies, at the conclusion of the seven years' war, dispersed a num- 
ber of men whose military habits had now rendered them but little 
calculated for the employments of honest industry, and thus Ame- 
rica became the receptacle of a numerous class of emigrants. More 
than twenty thousand Irishmen, in a short time, transported them- 
selves to America, and many thousands from the Highlands of 
Scotland and the Western Isles, besides great numbers from various 
parts of England, sought an asylum where they might perpetuate 
the customs of their ancestors, and obtain the means of subsistence. 
This multitude of recent emigrants to the western world, contri- 
buted much to the cultivation of the lands ; and, in various other 
respects, helped by their influence to accelerate that disruption 
with Great Britain which was now rapidly approaching. 

During the progress of the war in Europe, France had used her 
utmost efforts to wrest the American colonies from England, but 
had failed in the attempt, and the latter had established a perma- 
nent military force there, under the order of a commander-in-chief. 
This army supported the executive power, which had reduced the 
judges to a state of dependence on itself, by means of their saleries. 
and on that account appeared, to the friends of freedom, to possess 
more than the influence to which it was entitled by the constitution, 
Thus in process of time many of the American governors became 
disagreeable to the people, and were, justly or unjustly, considered 
as arbitrary and tyrannical. When complaints were made to the 
ministers at home, little attention was paid to them, or, if they 
deigned to reply at all, it was done in a tone of severity. About 
this time, party leaders began to appear among themselves, who 
excited, in the minds of their countrymen, the deepest resentment 
of the haughtiness of the British government. 

It would carry us too far from the point in hand, were we to 
pursue in detail the various subjects of dispute which successively 
arose between the colonies and the mother country, until the former 
were driven, by the imprudence of their adversaries, from a timid 



638 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

opposition to particular proceedings, to the declaration ^#* 
independence. The British government attempted to ii 
stamp act upon them ; but the Americans resisted the irn^ •" 
alleging, that the territory which was under their own re^ t>S 
defended by twenty thousand of their own troops, and su. •-*- 
productive of taxes to defray the expenses of that force, be 
of right to them, and that they would suffer no arbitrary ftflttji ''•- 
be imposed. After much violent discussion on the impolicy &$'* ,<! 
measure, the English parliament rescinded the stamp act. Thi' r 
was an ill-fated omen ; and when the intelligence reached acr^S ^- 
the Atlantic, the Americans fixed upon a day for the purpose 8 ;•'* 
celebrating the event as an annual festival. 

While the minds of the colonists were in a state of fermentation^ ' 
the British parliament imposed a duty on tea, but the American- 
refused to pay the duty on its importation into their harbours ; am ai 
the popular leaders among them did not fail to avail themselves of 
this also, to promote their own designs. A general congress of the 
Americans was convened — obedience to the governors appointed 
by the king of England was disallowed, and those gentlemen 
saved themselves by a precipitate flight. Representations were 
nevertheless made from time to time to the mother country ; but 
they were invariably rejected by the parliament, because they were 
signed " by order of congress." 

Lord North was at this time prime minister of Great Britain, and 
swayed the destinies of the empire. Deaf to the warning voice of 
the Earl of Chatham and his associates, in the opposition, he 
plunged the two countries into a war, and seemed to have as little 
apprehension of interference on the part of France, as if the house 
of Bourbon had been our natural ally, or as if the cause of a 
government against its subjects was the common cause of all 
governments. But scarcely had the Americans and England got 
fairly into the contest, when a treaty was signed at Paris between 
France and America ; and this was speedily followed by a similar 
treaty between the latter country and Spain. Thus supported by 
their European allies, the Americans sustained the contest from 
1778 to 1783, when, on the 20th of January, preliminaries of 
peace were signed between England and the United States, guaran- 
teeing to the latter their independence, and putting an end to 
hostilities also between England, France, and Spain. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. G39 

\ r with the colonies was commenced under Tory counsels, 

vmly opposed by the Whigs ; and we may learn the 

.result from a single paragraph in a speech of the cele- 

L -^iund Burke: "The war," he said, " had teemed with 

wort?' £ but this speech of the king's was the greatest calamity 

cu. ? 9 The speech had spoken of the war as a vindication of 

R1 «H*8^entary rights," on which Mr. Burke exclaimed — " Most 

*t rights ! which have cost Great Britain thirteen provinces, 

$i\ islands, a hundred thousand men, and seventy millions of 

ft r*ii£y, her empire over the ocean, her rank among nations, her 

';%siity and commerce abroad, her happiness at home — rights 

hich have deprived us of all this, and yet threaten to spoil us of 

* £at remains." 

?To sum up in few words what has been said on this topic. The 
"i|st note in the march of liberty was sounded at Lexington, in 
America. There the first volley of musketry was fired at the 
bosoms of the colonists ; there the first blood flowed, in a contest 
which had its origin in the assertion of a great principle of public 
liberty, namely, that taxation without representation is tyranny 
and oppression. America was emancipated ; and, happily for her- 
self, she found a Washington to consolidate, by popular institu- 
tions, planted on the broadest basis, that freedom and independ- 
ence which he had so nobly conquered for his country. The 
conquest thus achieved, by the wisdom of Franklin and the virtue 
of Washington, gave a new impulse to the human mind throughout 
the whole civilized world. Men every where became roused from 
the lethargy into which despotism had sunk them. They began 
to think, to inquire, and discuss. For the first time, there began 
to be public opinion. Parliament resounded with denunciations 
uttered in strains of eloquence worthy of the best days of Greece 
and Rome. In the fierce collision of parties, and the discussion of 
passing topics, great principles were evolved. Light gleamed from 
the western sky, and was reflected in a concentrated and dazzling 
radiance, by the great mirrors of parliament. The press, too, 
became animated ; and, obscurely conscious of its power, began to 
minister to that new-born appetite which was destined to grow by 
what it fed on. A change had already come over the spirit of the 
age, and afforded an auspicious prognostication of progressive 
expansion in the time to come. America is, therefore, to be 



640 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

regarded as the cradle of freedom, and father-land of iioerty, in tnese 
modern days. 

Section II. — The French Revolution, 

To have a proper view of the immediate and proximate causes 
of the French revolution — that tremendous volcano in the political 
world, which convulsed all Europe, and, by necessary consequence, 
produced in its train the calamities which have since afflicted the 
nations — it is necessary to take a short review of the state of 
matters in that country from the early part of the last century. 

Louis the Fourteenth died on the 1st of September, 1715, after 
a reign of seventy-two years, during which period, those evils 
had been accumulating, which came to a crisis in 1789, and pro- 
duced the revolution above mentioned. He has been generally 
celebrated as a great king, and his own subjects flattered him 
with the title of Grand Monarque ; but if his reign be scrutinized 
on the' grounds of wisdom and utility, his claim to such high 
honour would be found very questionable. His talents did not 
rise above mediocrity, and they had never been duly cultivated. 
He was early and greatly indulged, accustomed to the almost 
unrestrained gratification of his imagination and passions, and 
unavoidably impressed with the belief that he had no equal, that 
he was born to rule, and to be implicitly and universally obeyed. 
He was ambitious, to excess, of fame and glory ; and this, with 
the idea of his being at the head of a powerful nation, rendered 
his thirst of conquest and dominion insatiable. Addicted to 
voluptuousness and sensual gratification, he was not only unprin- 
cipled, dissolute, and expensive in these pleasures, but the influ- 
ence of his example was most pernicious. Though himself mar- 
ried, he had numerous mistresses, by some of which he had 
children, whom he raised to the rank of princes of the blood- royal, 
though the fruit of double adultery ! The court and the kingdom 
were generally corrupted by his example, and a dissoluteness of 
manners almost universally characterized the people of France. 
One of their own historians thus indignantly sums up his cha- 
racter. " Such was the penitence, (alluding to the codicil to his 
will, in favour of one of his illegitimate sons, the Duke de Maine,) 
such the reparation of a double adultery, so atrocious, so long 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 641 

continued, so scandalous in the eyes of all Europe ; and such 
was the last sentiments of a soul, about to appear before God, 
loaded with the guilt of a reign of seventy-two years ! His pride, 
luxury, buildings, profusion of every kind, continual wars and 
ambition, which was the source and support of them, had shed 
the blood of many millions, and spread fire and desolation over 
Europe. He had counteracted and confounded all orders, rules, 
rights, and laws, the most ancient and sacred, and had reduced 
the kingdom to a state of irremediable misery — a state so ruinous, 
that its preservation seems miraculous."* 

At the demise of this monarch, a regency took place, of which 
the Duke of Orleans, nephew of Louis the Fourteenth, was the 
head, the heir to the throne (Louis the Fifteenth) being a minor. 
In 1723, the Duke died, and Louis, having just entered upon 
the fourteenth year of his age, took the reins of government, 
nominally, into his own hands, and continued to reign till the 
10th of May, 1774. This was a reign of favouritism; and the 
monarch contributed much, by his instability, indolence, and 
arbitrary measures, to the increase of disorder, and the decline 
of kingly government. His favourite mistress, Madame du Barry, 
acquired a complete influence over him ; and between her and 
his ministers, this weak, irresolute, sensual, and indolent prince 
was moved as a puppet, according as their caprice and passions, 
or their selfish and political views, dictated. He occasionally con- 
sulted with his ministers; but his mistress was his great and con- 
stant favourite, whom he scarcely ever contradicted, and to whom 
he permitted the most unbecoming familiarities. Such was her 
influence, that she was courted, not only by ministers, whom, 
indeed, she directed, but by foreign powers. She gave audience 
to foreign ambassadors ; and she dictated the answers which 
they were to report to their respective sovereigns. Her toilet 
was gold ; her palaces were most magnificent, and sumptuously 
furnished. She was allowed to draw when she chose on the 
public treasury, and to gratify her creatures, and those who paid 
her court, with liberal pensions. The death of the king, which 
put an end to her extravagances, was, therefore, a benefit to the 
nation. He died of the small-pox at the age of sixty-four, leaving 

* Memoires de St. Simon, torn. vi. p. 215. 
4 N 



642 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

the throne to his grandson, Louis the Sixteenth, in whose reign 
the revolution took place. 

The character of Louis the Fifteenth may be gathered from 
what has been now said of him. He was a weak and indolent 
prince, constitutionally feeble ; and he indulged his natural listless- 
ness and inactivity. In the earlier period of his reign he acquired 
a little reputation, and his subjects pronounced him " the well- 
beloved ;" but he long outlived any reputation which he had ever 
acquired, and became finally despised and detested, both as a 
monarch and a man. He abandoned his queen, an amiable 
woman, and attached himself to women the most unprincipled 
and profligate. He exposed his subjects to the caprice and op- 
pression of his nobles and tax-gatherers, and to imprison them 
on the slightest suspicion of offence given to him or his mistress. 
His exactions were enormous. In one day, eleven money edicts 
were laid before his obsequious parliament for registration. Neither 
public nor private property was respected ; the princes and nobles 
were silenced ; and the people stood aloof with indifference or 
fear. After a severe punishment inflicted on near seven hundred 
refractory judges and lawyers, no one in the kingdom ventured to 
utter the semblance of a complaint against the government. Such 
were the struggles of expiring liberty, during the latter part of the 
reign of this infatuated monarch. 

This was the condition of France when Louis the Sixteenth 
ascended the throne, in 1774. The finances were in a most 
deplorable state, and, to retrieve them, a change of ministry took 
place, and the controllership of finance was committed to Mons. 
Turgot, a man of ability and decision. This minister set himself 
most assiduously to devise and mature plans of amelioration — 
and he effected wonders in the course of twenty months, when 
he found himself compelled to retire from office, unable to stem 
the torrent of clamour which was raised by his plans of reform- 
ation. Another succeeded him, who soon sunk under the burden, 
and died ! To him succeeded Necker, who, for a while, was 
popular, and the financial department flourished in his hands. 
In a little time, however, he fell under the displeasure of the 
court and the nobles, by the publication of the compte rendu, 
a thing altogether unusual in France, where all state affairs were 
studiously concealed from the people, and he was dismissed from 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 643 

the ministry. To him succeeded Calonne, a man daring, acute, 
and eloquent, of accomplished manners, and of a fertile but 
superficial genius. Instead of following up the economical plans 
of Turgot and Necker, he took an opposite course, and boasted of 
his prodigality. He speedily exhausted the credit of the country ; 
and, to prolong his power, he resorted to imposts. But to whom 
should he address himself? The people could pay nothing, and 
the privileged orders offered nothing. It presently appeared that 
the measures of this profligate minister had plunged the country 
into an abyss from which it could not be extricated. Within a 
few years, loans had been raised to the amount of one thousand 
six hundred and forty-six millions of francs, and that there was 
in the revenue an annual deficit of one hundred and forty mil- 
lions ! This discovery was the signal for the fall of Calonne, 
who retired, and was succeeded by the Archbishop of Toulouse — 
a state empiric, who attempted every thing, and succeeded in 
nothing. Harassed by the want of money, he convoked an 
extraordinary assembly of the clergy, which instantly voted an 
address to the king, requiring from him the abolition of his 
cour pleniere, and the prompt convocation of the states-general, 
who, it was said, could alone repair the disorder of the finances, 
reassure the public creditor, and put an end to these conflicts of 
authority. The king complied — the opening of the states-gen- 
eral took place on the 5th of May, 1789, and the revolution com- 
menced from that period. 

The history of France from that date would fill volumes : let 
it suffice, in this place, to say, that Austria and Prussia lost no 
time in marching their armies into the country, to counteract the 
prevalence of democratic principles; and that, in 1793, Great 
Britain, under the predominating influence of Tory counsels, 
joined the grand confederacy, and, by means of British gold and 
British valour, contrived to fan the flames of war, until every 
corner of the continent of Europe was desolated by its ravages, 
and the sword became weary of slaughter. Had Earl Grey been 
prime minister at that period, this country would have proudly 
stood aloof from that war, holding in her hands the destinies of 
Europe. But " a slippery sycophant of the court," supported by 
a powerful oligarchy, madly plunged the country into the Avar, 
and, by subsidizing most of the continental governments, kept it 



644 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

alive for more than twenty years, at an expense of six hundred 
millions of debt, and a correspending amount of taxation, which 
remains as a millstone hung around the neck of the country, 
from which it would require the skill of an (Edipus to extri- 
cate it. 

In the spirit of national hatred, not in any generous sympathy 
with a people struggling for all that is dear to man, France had 
aided the American colonists in throwing off the yoke of the 
mother country : she had sent her Fayettes and her Rochambeaus 
to command her auxiliary battalions, and fight by the side of 
Washington against the forces of that great country, which she con- 
sidered as her natural enemy. Deeply committed in the contest, 
therefore, she became insensibly identified with its results, and 
bound, by every tie of honour, to uphold that independence which 
she had helped to establish. A connexion was thus formed, and 
an interchange of feelings and opinions produced, of which the 
consequences were not yet foreseen. A very few years, however, 
sufficed to bring on the crisis to which so many causes were now 
contributing ; and which sooner or later overtakes every system, 
civil or religious, that is essentially adverse to the interests of man- 
kind. The liberal principles imported from America found a con- 
genial soil in France. There, oppression and misrule had reached 
that point where endurance ends and resistance begins. Religion 
had been corrupted into gross superstition among the bulk of the 
people — and utter infidelity prevailed among the few ; while the 
privileges, the power, the wealth, and the profligacy of an over- 
grown hierarchy, were viewed with indignation and distrust. The 
government was in keeping with the church — without energy in its 
councils, or virtue in its measures, despised abroad, oppressive at 
home ; beggared in means, notwithstanding the abominable extor- 
tions systematically practised under its sanctions ; corrupt in prin- 
ciple, and still more depraved in practice ; allied to, and identified 
with, all that had grown most odious to the expanding intellect of 
the nation, and gradually losing its last hold on these hereditary 
prepossessions and prejudices to which alone it could look for sup- 
port. The people had continually before their eyes the example 
of that young and vigorous country, whose standards of indepen- 
dence they had helped to rear, and the sickening experience of 
their own. In America they saw nothing but freedom and happi- 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 645 

ness — in France, nothing but slavery and misery. Such a state of 
things was not likely to endure long — that a degenerate nobility, a 
corrupt ecclesiastical establishment, and a worthless contemptible 
government should continue to riot in the spoils of their industry. 
Certainly not ; the time for all this was past ; the spirit of feuda- 
lism was laid, and the era of sense and reason was begun. 

The inferior officers of the French army who went to serve in 
America were chiefly men of birth, and belonged most of them to 
the class of country nobles ; those of superior rank, who derived 
their descent from the high noblesse, were mostly young men of 
ambitious enterprise and warm imaginations, whom not only a love 
of honour, but an enthusiastic feeling of devotion to the new philo- 
sophy recently promulgated in their celebrated Encyclopadie, and 
the political principles which it inculcated, had called to arms. 
Amongst these were La Fayette, Rochambeau, the Lameths, Chas- 
tellux, Segur, and others of exalted rank, but of no less exalted 
feelings for the popular cause. In the full current of their enthu- 
siasm, they forgot that their own rank in society was endangered 
by the progress of popular opinions ; or if they at all remembered 
that their interest was thus implicated, it was with the generous 
disinterestedness of youth, prompt to sacrifice to the public advan- 
tage whatever of selfish immunities was attached to their own 
condition. 

The return of the French army from America thus brought a 
strong body of auxiliaries to the popular and now prevalent 
opinions ; and the French love of military glory, thus became 
intimately identified with that distinguished portion of the army 
which had been so lately and so successfully engaged in defending 
the claims of the people against what was considered the arbitrary 
proceedings of the British government. Their laurels were green 
and newly gathered ; while those which had been obtained in the 
cause of monarchy were of an ancient date, and tarnished by the 
reverses of the seven-years' war. The reception of the returned 
soldiery and their leaders was proportionally enthusiastic among 
the people of France ; and it soon became evident, that when the 
eventful struggle between the existing monarchy and its adver- 
saries should commence, the latter were to have the support in 
sentiment, and probably in action, of that distinguished part of the 
army which had recently maintained and recovered the military 



646 THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 

character of France. It was, accordingly, from its ranks that the 
revolution derived many of its most formidable champions, and it 
was their example which detached a great proportion of the French 
soldiers from their allegiance to the monarchy. These hints will 
serve to assist the reader in tracing the connection that exists 
between the American and French revolutions, which is all that 
we shall attempt in this place. The events of the revolution are 
familiar to most readers, and the subject is too extensive to admit 
of even an abridged account in this sketch. We shall, however, 
in a subsequent section, resume the consideration of the state of 
France, from the return of the Bourbons, which will give us occa- 
sion to notice a second revolution in that country. A due regard 
to the chronological order of events seems to render this division of 
the subject necessary. 

Section III. — The Affairs of Poland. 

The present wretched state of Poland, and the interest which 
Great Britain is now taking in its affairs, seem to require that 
a glance should be had, in this place, at the treatment which 
that country has received from certain of the powers of Europe. 

The calamities of Poland commenced almost immediately after 
the termination of the seven-years' war. The three great neigh- 
bouring powers, namely, Prussia, Russia, and 'Austria, had ex- 
hausted their internal resources by that war, and no better method 
of recruiting them suggested itself, than by plundering Poland, 
for which her intestine divisions unhappily lent but too plausible 
a pretext. The demise of Augustus the Third, king of Poland, 
who was of the family of Saxony, occurred soon after the empress 
Catharine had been raised to the throne of Russia. The cha- 
racter of this woman is now too well known to require explana- 
tion. She had entered into a treaty of alliance for eight years 
with Frederick the Great, king of Prussia — a treaty which obliged 
each party to assist the other in any war in which either of them 
might be engaged, with at least ten thousand infantry and two 
thousand cavalry, and not to make peace except by mutual 
concurrence. This treaty made it the interest of Austria to have 
a Saxon prince on the throne of Poland, who might not be en- 
tirely dependent on Russia and Prussia. To determine upon a 



THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 647 

successor to the vacant throne, a diet* was convened — it proved 
tumultuous, and this afforded a pretext to the Empress Catha- 
rine, as a neighbour and a friend of Poland, to send some troops 
to Warsaw, the capital of the country ; and, as to what regarded 
the election, the King of Prussia left the entire management of 
the affair in the hands of the Empress of Russia ! It is needless 
to pursue minutely the distractions which agitated the Polish 
dominions for the space of seven years, during which, the three 
royal vultures sat in state, eager to pounce upon their prey. At 
length, on the 26th of September, 1772, thirteen hundred years 
from the period when a system of co-existent states began, after 
the destruction of the Western empire, to be formed in Europe, 
the first important blow was given to the maxims and compacts 
on which their existence and the balance of their power had been 
gradually established. The ambassadors of the Empress of 
Austria, (Maria Theresa,) of the Empress of Russia, (Catharine 
the Second,) and of the King of Prussia, in the name of their re- 
spective courts, informed the King and the republic of Poland, 
that the three powers, in order to prevent further bloodshed, and 
to restore peace to Poland, had agreed among themselves to insist 
upon their indisputable claims to some of the provinces of that 
country ; and, therefore, demanded, that a diet be held for the 
purpose of settling the new boundaries in concert with them. 

It pleased the great Governor of the universe, at this time, to 
allow the crowned heads of the north of Europe to afford the 
world a striking exhibition of their courtly morality. The various 
pleas and pretexts to which they had recourse for the purpose of 
varnishing over their monstrous and unprincipled aggressions, 
would, if the mind were not too much shocked at their atrocity, be 
highly amusing ; and never, perhaps, was the fable of the wolf and 
the lamb more strikingly exemplified than in the present instance. 
But instead of enlarging upon the subject ourselves, it will be 
better to submit to the reader an address of the Polish refugees in 
France, to the British House of Commons, which has just now 
made its appearance ; and the rather, as it skilfully embodies an 
outline of their grievances from the period we have been speaking 
of, to the present moment, when the cup of their calamities is filled 
to the brim, and overflowing. It is a document which no English- 
man can peruse unmoved. It is one so founded in reason, as well 



648 THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 

as inspired by patriotism and virtue, that no European statesman 
will withhold from it his deliberate consideration. It is here pre- 
sented in an entire and unmutilated state. 



Address of the Polish Refugees in France to the House of Com- 
mons of Great Britain, dated May 29th, 1832. 

*' The Poles, driven from their country, and dispersed all over 
the continent of Europe, appeal to the representatives of the 
people of Great Britain, not to crave their pity, but to claim their 
rights — the rights of nations and of humanity, which Europe suf- 
fered despots for the last sixty years to violate with impunity, and 
which Poland struggled sixty years to vindicate, protesting all 
the while against a political crime, and against every attempt hav- 
ing for its object to annihilate the independence of a population of 
20,000,000 of souls. When Napoleon's sway extended over 
Europe, Mackintosh said, that ' England was the last refuge of 
liberty/ We maintain that it is so still. Driven towards the 
west, exposed every where to persecution, we call upon the repre- 
sentatives of the British nation to decide whether the crime of the 
partition of Poland shall ever remain unexpiated, and whether free 
Europe shall sanction the power in despots to cancel from the map 
of Europe such a country, to annihilate its independence, and 
even to deprive it of existence, after it has held during ten cen_ 
turies a distinguished rank among nations. 

" Poland, at its admission into the family of Christian powers, 
was formed by the union of neighbouring nations. Neither com- 
pulsion nor conquest presided at their organization into a republic ; 
it was the result of their own free will. Moreover, that republic, 
free from ambition, never waged war but to defend its own exist- 
ence, and to shield Europe against the irruption of despots and 
their savage hordes. In 1241, Polish valour crushed the power of 
the Tartars, at the memorable battle near Lignitz. In 1683 John 
Sobieski destroyed the Osmanlis, who threatened Vienna, and were 
preparing chains for the whole of Europe. The same Poland 
maintained incessant conflicts, for the purpose of driving back or 
stopping the Muscovites, who have at last accomplished their pro- 
jects of invasion, and pitched their tents in the very heart of 
Europe. 



THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 649 

" Thus did the Polish nation, in all its wars, merely confine 
itself to the defence of its territory and unprotected frontiers, and 
never attempted to encroach upon the rights of others. The 
stranger, setting his foot upon Polish ground, was protected in his 
person and property, and enjoyed the free exercise of his religious 
worship. The produce of the rich soil of Poland was sent in pro- 
fusion to all parts of civilized Europe, with which she lived in peace 
and harmony. Poland was the first nation in northern Europe 
which possessed political rights — the liberty of the press, religious 
freedom, and security of persons and property. Her institutions 
rested on the great principle of the sovereignty of the people ; and 
the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of the state were 
conferred by popular election. Poland never kept up permanent 
armies ; her kings were not allowed to levy or raise taxes ; and the 
people had secured to themselves the right of resisting usurpation 
and oppression. 

" But the neighbours of Poland envied her prosperity. They 
rested their rights on rapine and conquest, and supported their 
authority by violence. They coalesced to sap the foundation of 
every principle different from their own ; and in order to overthrow 
the Polish republic, they had recourse to all sorts of intrigue, 
treachery, and corruption. Poland soon became aware of the 
infamous machinations of her neighbours ; but the confederates of 
Bar, after a long and memorable struggle, were worsted in their 
efforts to defeat them. The three co-invading powers deluged the 
country with their troops, insisted on obtaining an indemnity for 
their unjust aggression, and, alleging the most wily pretences, they 
allowed to each other a portion of Poland, and gave the world an 
example unheard of until then, by the first partition of 1772. This 
political crime was, moreover, accompanied by cruelties and bar- 
barities of the most shocking nature ; and, finally, the representa- 
tives of the diet of 1773 were compelled to sign the treaty of 
partition. 

" Poland, thus curtailed and oppressed, was unremitting in her 
efforts to recover her independence and reform her institutions. 
Encouraged at the time by Great Britain, she undertook with 
redoubled confidence the work of her regeneration. In the course 
of the first four years, her legislature framed the constitution of 
the 3d of May, 1791, which was grounded on the principles of her 

4 o 



650 THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 

former institutions, and obtained the approbation of the enlight- 
ened political writers of Great Britain, who praised its moderation 
and wisdom. Poland naturally prided herself on the interest 
taken by England in her cause ; and now that she is abandoned to 
her own fate, she renews her expectations from Great Britain. 
The neighbours of our republic, uniting violence to treason, had 
the audacity to assert that our institutions were anarchical, Jaco- 
binical, and contagious ; and seeing no better mode of remedying 
those evils, and restoring happiness and tranquillity to her people, 
than by straitening the limits of the republic, they then jointly 
invaded it a second time, and perpetrated the partition of 1793. 

" The liberty of discussion was violated in the most revolting 
manner at Grodno, in 1793, in order to silence the members of 
the assembly, and to extort their consent to this second partition. 
Poland, indignant at so much shame and atrocity, took up arms 
under the immortal Kosciuszko ; but her noble efforts again proved 
unsuccessful : the last crime of the three neighbouring powers was 
then committed, and the ancient republic, torn to pieces, disap- 
peared from the map of Europe. Those successive partitions of 
Poland subverted the system of the European states ; they checked 
the progress of the emancipation of the people, by considerably 
increasing the material force of the despotic powers ; they were 
the cause of a long, difficult, and bloody struggle for independence 
and political liberty in the west ; they gave birth to a new system, 
contrary to public right and justice ; they afforded additional 
power to despots to turn to their own profit the annihilation of the 
independence and existence of nations ; they enabled them to 
interfere in the domestic affairs of other states ; and, under the 
pretence of benefiting the people, and curbing the spirit of rebel- 
lion, they overturned and destroyed the liberty of 20,000,000 of 
Poles. It was then that the struggle between the two principles 
began — a struggle, which, after having brought on the dismem- 
berment of Poland, ought to end by her complete re-establishment, 
which is the only measure capable of securing liberty against the 
violence of despotism. 

" The very day of the fall of Poland, the nation began to vindi- 
cate its rights. In her anxiety to profit, in every part of the globe, 
of all possible means to recover her independence, she joined her 
fate with that of France, which she supposed to be engaged in a 



THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 651 

struggle for liberty. Polish emigrants have fallen in the four 
parts of the world, fighting the battles of the French ; and the 
death of 200,000 of them proved to France and to the world their 
inviolable attachment to their national cause. They imagined that 
the hero of the age, who so often led his eagles to victory, was the 
messiah who was to accomplish their patriotic hopes. He con- 
ducted them triumphantly, in 1807, to their country; established 
the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which was a mere shadow of ancient 
Poland ; secured to Lithuania and Volhynia the enjoyment of a 
momentary independence (1812;) and at the same time that he 
refused to sanction the late partitions, he perpetrated and signed 
new ones. Thus he yielded to Russia, in 1807 and 1809, the 
province of Bialystock and the circle of Tarnopol, allowed Prussia 
and Austria to preserve some of their usurped provinces in Poland, 
and even wrested from the Poles those which they had conquered 
at the expense of their blood, in the glorious campaign of 1809. 

" The sixth partition of Poland was decreed seventeen years 
ago, by the Congress of Vienna. Austria and Prussia took pos- 
session of a part of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and the re- 
mainder passed under the Russian yoke, with the title of kingdom. 
It was natural that this should have been the case, since the fate 
of Poland was left to the decision of the three powers, who had 
joined during many years for its annihilation. What other result 
but a new dismemberment of a fallen nation, could be expected 
from their deliberations ? Nevertheless, in the language of diplo- 
macy, it was called the restoration of Poland, and said to be 
fully calculated to satisfy the wants of the Polish nation. But the 
Pole who fought for his country could not be induced to think so. 

" The republic formerly contained about 12,000 Polish square 
miles, and 20,000,000 of inhabitants. Poland, as it was formed 
by the treaty of Vienna, separated, and removed from the seas 
and mountains which once constituted its natural limits, scarcely 
consisted of one-fifth of ancient Poland. Prussia now owns 
1,000 square miles, and 2,000,000 of her inhabitants; Austria 
1,500 square smiles, and 4,000,000 of her inhabitants; Russia, 
8,000 square miles, and 9,400,000 inhabitants ; the free city 
of Cracow 120,000 inhabitants. The late kingdom merely com- 
prised 2,300 square miles, with less than 4,000,000 of souls ; 
and even this was annexed to Russia. 



G52 THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 

" We shall not attempt to draw the picture of the sufferings 
which the nation has had to endure in that new condition. The 
manifesto of the diet, dated December 20, 1830, has proclaimed 
them to the world. It shewed how the Russian autocrat, so far 
from having fulfilled the conditions of the treaty, to the observ- 
ance of which he was strictly bound, has shamelessly violated 
them all ; and the same manifesto held up to the world the 
inalienable rights of a nation which has never ceased to vindicate 
them. The recorded sentiments of Pitt and Fox, on the subject 
of Poland, are in perfect accordance with our wishes and with 
our rights. " Rely on your patriotism," said Fox, " on your 
energy, and on the spirit of the times, and you will succeed in 
establishing your liberty and independence." " You cannot pre- 
vent their swallowing you," hinted the Geneva philosopher, Jean- 
Jacques Rousseau, " but contrive at least that they shall not 
digest you." The revolution of the 29th of November clearly 
shewed that the nation relied on its own strength, and was able 
to burst its fetters. Though 6,000,000 of Poles, placed under 
the dominion of Russia and Austria, were compelled by an unfor- 
tunate policy to remain quiet, yet thousands of them overcame 
every obstacle, to join their brothers in their struggle for liberty. 
The insurrection which manifested itself on the banks of the 
Vistula, in the kingdom permitted by the congress, was an appeal 
to the whole nation to take part for the common cause. This 
appeal was responded to in Lithuania, as well as in the distant 
provinces of Old Poland, where thousands simultaneously rose 
without arms and ammunition ; they being one and the same 
nation, protesting against a partition renewed at the Congress of 
Vienna, and calling for the entire re-establishment at Poland. 
The sacred fire, which it was long forbidden to kindle on the 
altars of the country, burnt secretly in the hearts of virtuous men, 
united in one common sentiment. The nation only awaited a 
favourable opportunity to rise and shake off the yoke : and even 
in this disastrous period, ready again to fly to arms, they trust, 
representatives of Great Britain, that you will afford them that 
opportunity. 

" To you we appeal in our misfortune : a free nation may 
reasonably found its hopes on the support and alliance of another 
free nation. Great Britain has carried to the remotest parts of 



THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 653 

the globe the blessings of civilization, which she knows how to 
defend. In her legislature, men are always found disposed to 
plead the cause of humanity : to England belongs the glory of 
having abolished the odious man-trade ; it behoves her to-day to 
put an end to the far more odious traffic of nations. 

" Killing a man — loading him with irons — is a crime in our 
social institutions. Can there be a greater outrage against 
humanity than that of attempting the liberty and independence 
of a whole nation, dismembering it, annexing it to other nations 
different from it in manners, language, and government, loading 
it with chains, and dooming it to extermination ? The vocabu- 
lary of human institutions does not contain an appropriate ex- 
pression to qualify so atrocious a crime. Poland fell, neverthe- 
less, a victim to such a crime, which is not likely to satiate Rus- 
sian despotism. 

" The cabinet of St, Petersburg extends its views much 
farther. Faithful to its system of conquest, it places itself at 
the head of every alliance which has for its object the extinction 
of the liberty and independence of mankind. Triumphant on the 
banks of the Danube, Russia could easily overthrow the Ottoman 
empire ; victorious in Persia, and the countries bordering on 
the CaspianSea, she will extend her left to the East Indies, and 
threaten the colonies of Great Britain ; once Poland annihilated, 
she commands, we may say, the rest of the continent of Europe. 
The preponderancy which Russia has acquired in the Baltic and 
the Black Sea, will enable her to exclude the produce of British 
manufactures from the countries bathed by those seas. Exercising 
all over the continent, through her embassies and legations, the 
same power she possessed in Poland at the time of its decline, 
her despotism and pernicious influence are felt in all the states 
of Europe, both large and small. She sows discord and disaf- 
fection every where, debases in the eyes of the people the govern- 
ments too subservient to her wishes, destroys their liberal insti- 
tutions, and disposes at pleasure of the liberty of individuals. 
Great Britain, in interfering on behalf of Poland, twice met with 
an insulting refusal from the ambitious cabinet of St. Petersburg 
— in 1789, as well as in 1815, when Russia scornfully rejected the 
energetic demand made by England for the absolute independence 
of Poland, which Great Britain considered as the only means of 



654 THE AFFAIRS OF POLAND. 

checking the progressive encroachments of the power of Russia. 
On this occasion, the autocrat again showed how little he valued 
British interference. The Congress of Vienna disposed of the 
fate of nations in favour of the three despotic courts. The people 
who contributed so strenuously to Napoleon's downfall, derived 
no real benefit from their decisions. Great Britain wasted her 
blood and treasures for the sole advantage of the Holy Alliance. 
States and dominions were allotted to kings, who were dispos- 
sessed of their thrones, but the rights of the people were openly 
disregarded. The treaty of the Congress of Vienna is not 
binding on the outraged people, neither did it bind the oppressed 
and persecuted Polish nation. The high mission of Great Britain 
at this moment, is to plead the cause of nations. 

" The revolution of July in France — the establishment of the 
kingdom of Belgium — the insurrection of Greece — the conquests 
of Russia over the Turks — the conduct of the Russian emperors 
towards Poland, both before and after the revolution of the 29th 
of November, 1830, have, de jure et de facto, annulled the treaty 
of 1815. The Polish revolution was the commencement of the 
bloody contest between despotism and liberty. " Every good 
Pole,' says the manifesto of the diet, * who shall fall in the field, 
will have the consolation of having saved for a moment the liber- 
ties of Europe, if Heaven does not grant him the satisfaction of 
rescuing his own country from bondage. 

" When commencing a struggle which lasted during ten months, 
the Poles were persuaded that policy and humanity would induce 
the powers of Europe to interfere in their behalf. Nevertheless, 
those powers remained silent. The three neighbouring monarchs, 
acting in concert, succeeded, either by open war, or by secret 
and hostile manoeuvres and intrigues, in paralyzing and defeating 
our efforts, and nobody has since thought of paying the debt con- 
tracted towards Poland. In vain did the national government 
endeavour to unravel, through its diplomatic agents, the mys- 
teries of the cabinets ; a profound silence, or deceitful promises, 
stifled the sympathy of the people : the time went by, and we 
were overpowered. We alone entertain a hope, a certainty, *' that 
Poland shall not perish as long as we live,' and that ere long 
it shall be restored to its ancient state of power, liberty, and 
independence. Our motto, from Shakspeare, 'To be, or not 



THE AFFAIRS OF BELGIUM. 655 

to be,' shews our firm determination to accomplish the object we 
have proposed to ourselves. It is with that intention we now 
claim the protection of the people of Great Britain, and their 
representatives. We are ready to undergo the most trying hard- 
ships and sufferings, and to make the greatest sacrifices, to re- 
conquer our independence, and restore our country to its primi- 
tive state. The efforts we have made for the last sixty years, 
we set forth as our title to the interest of the representatives of 
Great Britain, at a moment when the liberty of mankind is in 
danger, and requires their attention and particular solicitude. 

u Signed by 1,622 Senators, Deputies, Generals, and 
other public functionaries of Poland. 
" Conformably to the original — 

" The Secretary of the Polish national Committee, 

" Valerian Pietkiwica." 

Poland, then — heroic Poland ! has fallen, but not fallen in 
vain. No pitying friend stretched out a hand to help her ; no 
generous foe is that which, by impelling its irresistible masses of 
disciplined barbarism, triumphed in the struggle. But the blood 
of her brave defenders has not been unavailingly shed ; it cries 
from the earth for vengeance, and its cry will one day be heard. 
Renovated France and reformed Britain will not always lend a 
deaf ear to the supplications of men who have shewn that they 
deserve liberty, by consenting to pay such a price for even a faint 
chance of obtaining it. We are upon the confines of a new era, 
" A change has come over the spirit of the age — mighty questions 
have been stirred — deep interests have been created — vast mas- 
ses of men, formerly inert and passive, have suddenly begun to 
heave to and fro with the force of a newly-inspired auimation — 
the old order of things is passing away, and all things are 
becoming new." Meanwhile let the word be, " Fraternization 
among freemen all over the world." 

Section IV. — The Affairs of Belgium. 

It has been already remarked in a former volume,* that the 
revolutionary flame spread its contagious influence from France 
* Life and Times ofWilliam the Fourth, p. 630. 



656 THE AFFAIRS OF BELGIUM. 

into other countries, and that Belgium caught the infection in 
1830, when an explosion took place at Brussels, which ended in 
the separation of the two countries, Holland and Flanders, after 
a union of fifteen years, under William of Nassau, by the title 
of King of the Netherlands. On the 4th of June, 1831, Prince 
Leopold of Saxe-Cobourg was offered the crown of Belgium, 
which he accepted, leaving it to the great leading powers of 
Europe to guarantee the limits of his kingdom, and the tranquillity 
of his reign. 

The adjustment of the various matters connected with this 
affair has occupied the deliberations of the accredited ministers 
belonging to England, Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia, at 
intervals, for the last eighteen months, during which time between 
sixty and seventy protocols, or interlocutory conventions, have 
been drawn up and subscribed — the result of the labours of the 
London conference. The declared and ostensible effect of their 
industry has been the dissolution of the kingdom of the Nether- 
lands, after an uneasy existence of fifteen years, and the erection 
of one of its fragments into the little monarchy of Belgium 
Against the terms of this dissolution, and of this creation, the 
King of Holland has constantly and loudly protested. On the 
part of the old United Provinces, he objected, 1st, to the navi- 
gation of the Belgic flag within the Dutch waters on the same 
conditions as that of Holland ; and 2nd, to the responsibility of 
Dutch credit for so large a portion of the common debt as was 
assigned to it by the acts of the allied ministers. In the mean 
time, there were two other parties, reluctant co-operators in the 
general work of congress. The German, Russian, and British 
courts would, if they could, have prevented the dismemberment 
of the Dutch-Flemish kingdom ; and France must have seen 
with deep, though suppressed vexation, the separate establishment 
of a new state, out of materials which all ranks and parties of 
Frenchmen, from Larmarque to Polignac, have agreed (however 
differing on every other point of policy) that it was a French 
object of the highest necessity to incorporate with the dominions 
of that great country. 

Both classes of negociators — those of France, and those of the 
other powers of Europe — were induced reciprocally, by a dread 
of the incalculable evils of a general war, each to surrender its 



THE AFFAIRS OF BELGIUM. 6f>7 

favourite project; Germany, Russia, and England, to acquiesce 
in the dismemberment of the kingdom of 1815, and France to 
forego the appropriation of the Belgic portion to her own territory. 
In consequence of this mutual harmony, or fear, the existence of 
the new kingdom has been decreed unanimously, and confirmed, 
defined, and provided for by protocols almost innumerable. That, 
so far as the separation went, it was a wise decision of the powers 
in congress, is attested by the judgments of all sober-minded 
men, amongst others by the Duke of Wellington, (on that side 
of the question, an arbitrator beyond dispute,) who declared that 
it was politically impossible for Holland and the Netherlands to 
remain any longer incorporated. 

The King of Holland, seeming to concur in the abstract neces- 
sity of a separation, has to the last persisted in rejecting the terms 
attached to it by the congress, and upon the two grounds above 
referred to, namely, the internal navigation, and the unjust dis- 
tribution of the debt. Instead of yielding gradually to the urgent 
counsels or remonstrances of the allied powers, his Dutch majesty 
appears to have become more fixed and stubborn in opposition, 
as the general dissatisfaction of the members of the congress at 
the delay of a final arrangement was more manifest. He has 
submitted a counter-project to the treaty of the allied powers, 
and it is of such a cast as would seem almost to render an 
appeal to the sword inevitable. Thus the case at the present 
moment stands, after two years' palavering between his Dutch 
majesty and the five great powers of Europe. 

The treaty of the 15th of November, called the Treaty of the 
24 Articles, and which has been already ratified, (subject to some 
arrangements of detail,) by the five great powers, called upon 
King William to make concessions and enter into stipulations with 
Belgium by a certain day then named, but which has been from 
time to time enlarged, so as to bring it down to almost the pre- 
sent moment. His majesty appears to have always regarded 
the conditions so proposed as galling and mortifying in the last 
degree, and has accordingly resorted to every possible expedient, 
in the first place, to relieve him from the necessity of submission 
at all ; and then, finding that course impracticable, to put off as 
long as possible the day of final account. These manoeuvres, 
principally through the firmness of the English and French 

4i> 



658 ITALY, AND THE STATES Or GERMANY. 

governments, and some portion of plain-dealing on the part of their 
absolute allies, have now all failed, and the time appeared to have 
come at last when he was to signify his final resolves, or abide 
unpleasant consequences. The first he had had the boldness to 
do, supported, it is thought at Brussels, by secret assurances from 
Prussia, by flying in the face of almost every material enactment 
of the treaty in question. 

The king now declares — first, that he refuses to recognize the 
political, though he is willing to admit the administrative sepa- 
ration of Belgium from Holland ; but he says he is not wholly 
indisposed to treat hereafter for the recognition of King Leopold, 
provided his other terms are acceded to by the conference : — 
secondly, he insists, in the teeth of article 9 in the treaty, upon 
the closing of the Scheldt against the Belgians, and repudiates 
their acknowledged right of fishing in its waters, &c. : thirdly, 
he claims the re-union of Limburg to Holland, and protests against 
any canal or rail-road across the province, so as to connect Ant- 
werp with the Rhine : fourthly, he seeks the retention of Lux- 
emburg : and fifthly, he contends for a great increase to the 
portion of the common debt, which is to fall to the share of his 
opponents ; an increase which, according to the Courrier Beige, 
will swell the Belgian portion from 8,400,000fl. to 50,000,000fl. 
This latter demand seems the more unreasonable, because, in fact, 
two-thirds of the sum originally apportioned by the conference 
to Belgium, was by way of fine for the opening of the Scheldt; 
but the. king of Holland insists upon the price of the privilege, 
whilst he exclaims against conceding any part of it. It appears 
to be taken for granted that these qualifications of adhesion on 
the part of Holland to the treaty of the 24 articles, will be rejected 
by the conference ; and war between the rival states begins to be 
again, notwithstanding late delusive reports to the contrary, con- 
sidered inevitable. 

We shall have occasion to resume this article in a subsequent 
part of the volume. 

Section V. — Italy, and the States of Germany. 

In the beginning the year 1831, the spirit of revolutionary 
reform began to manifest itself in Italy, and a simultaneous 



ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 659 

movement took place at Modena, Bologna, and Parma ; in conse- 
quence of which, addresses were issued by the propagandist party, 
calling upon all the inhabitants of northern Italy to rally round 
their standard, and give their aid in suppressing the insurrection. 
On this occasion, an Austrian army passed the Po, and rescued 
the Legations from the hands of the revolutionists. At this time 
France appeared to hesitate as to what part she should act, — whe- 
ther she should join the insurgents, to oppose the inroad of the 
Austrians ; or renounce her power of interference in concerns which 
did not immediately affect her own interests ; and, determining on 
the latter, she was enabled to achieve more as an umpire than she 
could do as a party. In consideration of her permission to the 
Austrians to settle unmolested, in conjunction with the supreme 
pontiff, the affairs of the northern part of Italy, the French govern- 
ment acquired an ascendancy in the councils of the Vatican, 
which was employed for the most beneficial purpose of procuring 
an extension of rights, privileges, and immunities to the van- 
quished. It was principally through French influence that the 
Pope's consent was obtained to those political ameliorations which 
were to confer on the papal provinces in the north, a new judicial 
administration, together with provincial and municipal assemblies 
under a species of popular control. 

The people of the Legations being left to be self-governed till 
these new institutions were established, availed themselves of the 
interval to organize a resistance to the papal government, should 
the projected improvements prove insufficient in their extent, 
doubtful in their character, or less popular than they had been 
taught to anticipate. When at last they were promulgated in 
papal edicts, they were almost universally condemned, and were 
soon generally resisted. The natural result of this was, that in 
January, 1832, insurrectionary movements again made their 
appearance, in a more formidable shape. The first explosion took 
place on the 20th of January, at Cesena, where a battle ensued 
between the Italian refugee liberals, and the papal troops, under 
the command of Cardinal Albani ; when numbers of the former 
were massacreed with atrocious cruelty, and several made pri- 
soners. On the following day (January 21,) a similar event took 
place at Forli, of which these are said to be the exact details. The 
Ave Maria had scarcely been sounded a quarter of an hour, when 



660 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 

a quarrel arose between two individuals, and a gun was fired in 
the square. It appears that this was a signal agreed upon, for 
the whole pontifical troops immediately cried out " Treason," and 
a general discharge of shots took place simultaneously at all points. 
Forty-four persons were killed, and more than double the number 
wounded ; the firing lasted till half past one o'clock in the morn- 
ing. Shops were plundered, the coffee-houses and private houses 
sacked ; patrols and picquets called out to the citizens, " Qui 
vive?" and when the latter answered "Ami" they received a 
musket shot. The magistrates proceeded to meet Cardinal Albani, 
who presented himself, during the night, before the town, soon 
after the firing had ceased, and issued a proclamation, dated the 
22nd of January. It was soon evident, however, that the papal 
forces would have been insufficient to establish the Pope's autho- 
rity in the Legations, notwithstanding all the sanctity of the Roman 
purple with which his army was accompanied, in having Cardinal 
Albani at its head. The inhabitants of Bologna and Romagna 
had crying oppressions to avenge, and flagrant abuses to correct; 
and, aware of the magnitude of the tempest that was brewing 
against him, the Pope lost no time in flying to the Emperor of 
Austria for succour, which was promptly afforded. From the fol- 
lowing proclamation, dated as it was on the 19th of January, it 
would even appear that the occupation was a thing settled before 
the papal troops commenced their movement ; for it was antece- 
dent to the battle of Cesena. 

" People of Bologna, — The Imperial and Royal troops under 
my command, by agreement with the high powers who guaranteed 
to the Holy Apotolic See the integrity of its states, enter these 
states at the request of his Holiness, your legitimate sovereign. 

" His majesty the emperor, my most august sovereign, in afford- 
ing the protection of his arms to the sovereign pontiff, has no other 
object than to maintain good order and legitimate authority. 

" Experience, which is doubtless present to your recollection, 
must teach you what you have a right to expect from the troops 
of my sovereign ; that is to say, the strictest discipline, the mainte- 
nance of public tranquillity, and the protection of all persons who 
pay to legitimate authority the respect and obedience due to it. 

" Count Radetzki, 
" Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial and 
Royal army in Italy. 
"Head-quarters at Milan, Jan. 19, 1832." 



661 

On the present occasion, the French government did not chuse 
to remain altogether passive : they fitted out an expedition, which 
sailed from the port of Toulon. On the 21st of February, a line- 
of-battle ship and two frigates, forming the first division, arrived 
before the port of Ancona ; on the night of the 22d, a thousand 
men were landed, and at three o'clock next morning they pro- 
ceeded to take possession of the fortress, to which they procured 
access by breaking down the gates, which it appears the papal 
troops would neither defend nor open. This gentle violence ex- 
cepted, the troops of the two powers seem to have displayed a 
reasonably accommodating spirit ; for the fort was subsequently 
agreed to be kept possession of by guards equally selected from 
each. The whole French force amounted only to fifteen hundred 
men, while that of the Austrians was computed at twenty thou- 
sand ; but the former could easily communicate, if necessary, with 
their countrymen in Greece. It does not, however, appear that 
there was any disposition on the part of either the Austrians or the 
French to molest each other ; and as to the poor Pope, he was 
quite unequal to cope with either. When the arrival of the French 
was announced to him, he is said to have put himself in a very 
towering passion. The French ambassador demanded an audience 
for M. Cubieres, the commander of the expedition, but the " holy 
father" met it by a flat refusal, and Cardinal Bernetti exclaimed, 
that, since the times of the Saracens, nothing like the French inva- 
sion had been attempted against the sovereign pontiff. A formal 
protest against the landing of the French troops was issued by the 
Pope on the 25th ; and a formal demand was made of their instant 
departure, and also of compensation for the damage they had 
occasioned. In days of yore, the Roman Pontiff was wont to carry 
on his wars with paper pellets, but the time for such weapons is 
now gone by. 

The day previous to the arrival of the French fleet at Ancona, 
Cardinal Albani issued a decree, which was worthy of Don Miguel 
himself. It established at Bologna a temporary tribunal, for the 
trial of offences against the state. The tribunal was to be com- 
posed of a president and two judges, chosen by the judiciary 
power, and of three other military judges (captains or lieutenants,') 
a fiscal attorney, an advocate, a chancellor, and a convenient num- 
ber of judges, instructcurs, Solicitor-generals, and substitutes. 



662 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 

" every one of them named by us /" The following is a specimen 
of the articles: — A conspiracy begun or only manifest, a project 
with or without an oath, between two or a greater number of 
persons, to rebel against the sovereign of the state, or to oblige, 
either to concession, or to suspend or disarm the police force, shall 
be punished by death. — The authors and printers of writings 
exciting to rebellion shall be punished by being sent to the galleys 
for life. — Any person or persons who shall suffer themselves to be 
seduced or enticed into a conspiracy or rebellion, or who shall 
distribute seditious writings, shall be punished by the galleys from 
ten to fifteen years, or from fifteen to twenty years, according to 
the importance of the case, and the concourse of circumstances. — 
Any person who shall devote himself to the distribution of a single 
print, paper, or writing, which, though it was in fact directed 
toward the said end of sedition or conspiracy, had produced no 
effect, to be punished by five to ten years' galleys, and a fine of 
from 100 to 500 Roman crowns.' — Any one who shall possess any 
writing, or printed paper, capable of provoking sedition or other 
attempt against the sovereign or the government, to be punished by 
from one to five years' imprisonment, and a fine of from 50 to 100 
crowns. — All secret societies, whatever may be their denomination, 
are proclaimed associations in a state of rebellion, permanent 
against the sovereign and the state, even if their name is not deter- 
mined ; consequently, any person belonging to the aforesaid 
societies shall be punished according to the preceding articles, for 
all the doings and acts stipulated in the laws. Any person or per- 
sons, who, willing to favour a secret society, shall hide or receive 
an associate who is not a member of his family, or shall favour his 
escape, shall incur the penalty of the galleys for life. — Any person 
who, by any means, shall be aware of a re-union or other opera- 
tions of a secret society, and shall not declare it to the authority, 
shall be punished by from five to ten years' galleys. 

Such is the edict of this saintly personage — and it is difficult, 
in reading it, to divest the mind of an impression that we are not 
reverting back to the times of the inquisition, of which it surely is 
worthy, for the sanguinary spirit which it breathes throughout. 
By way of completing the mockery of justice, this " consecrated 
ruffian," Cardinal Albani, nominated his council of three — and 
appointed not merely a prosecuting, but a defending pleader. 



ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 663 

whose services alone would be available for the unhappy persons 
who might be dragged before his tribunal. To what extent this 
sanguinary edict has been carried into effect, has not yet tran- 
spired. It is one thing to threaten, and another to execute ; and 
probably the presence of a French force, especially if backed by a 
word of remonstrance, might operate in the way of salutary check 
on the pontifical government. 

The conduct of the papal brigands on this occasion, is described 
as most infamous, by those who had the opportunity of witness- 
ing them, as the following extracts of letters will shew. 

" Every moment new proofs are discovered of the atrocities 
committed by these brigands, who kill for the mere pleasure of 
killing. Among the slain are three ecclesiastics, several women, 
and many children. In order to withdraw the dead bodies from 
the observation of the people, they have been removed, stripped 
of their clothes, to the cemetery, where they have been heaped 
together. It was among these that the headless body of Count 
Gnorchi was recognized by a mark on one of his stockings. The 
bodies of the young Counts Gaddi and Saule have not yet been 
discovered, although several searches were made in the canal 
of the city, in which it was believed they had been thrown. 

61 These horrible excesses are principally attributed to assassins 
from Frosenone, and the galley-slaves, embodied in the troops. 
The massacres of Cesena were not, any more than those of Forli, 
provoked by the inhabitants. No punishment has been inflicted 
on the troops who committed these excesses : their officers have 
quite enough to do to keep them under their orders. To-day 
the soldiers continue to make use of the most horrible language. 
They say that they will wash their hands in blood, and announce 
that they will massacre all the young men who wear a beard 
and mustachios. 

" Already the Austrians are scattered over the Legations ; and 
it must be admitted that their presence bodes more good to the 
inhabitants than that of the papal brigands. What could be the 
muster of a French division, which they could disembark at Civita- 
Vecchia? Is it wished that they should join their colours to 
those of the assassins of Cesena and Forli ? that, under the su- 
preme command of the Cardinal Albani, or of some other Roman 
general as worthy of having the French under his orders, our 



664 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 

troops should contribute to the establishment of that pontifical 
legality, which devastates, massacres, and violates with impunity ? 
Can there be, as it has been said, the hope of keeping the Aus- 
trians from Ancona ? But Civita-Vecchia is on one side, and An- 
cona on another. It would be necessary to traverse the penin- 
sula to its whole extent, and the Austrians would be at Ancona 
before our soldiers could be disembarked at Civita-Vecchia. 
They will not see, let us hope, the tri-coloured flag take the 
last of the Austrian colours, and bring up the rear-guard of the 
holy massacres of Forli and Cesena. Rather would we see a new 
Austrian occupation, than find ourselves mixed in such horrors." 

January 27. " We are now completely surrounded by the Aus- 
trians, who have already taken possession of nearly the whole of 
Romagna. General Geppart has pushed forward 6,000 men into 
the country on different points. Yesterday they arrived at Forli, 
where they halted for six days, being afraid lest a general in^- 
surrection would take place. Wherever the Austrians present 
themselves, they begin by disarming the civic guards, and declaring 
those corps dissolved ; but, a few hours after, they deliver to the 
citizens the arms they had taken from them, under an engage- 
ment to re-organize themselves under the title of Rural Guards, 
and to watch over the maintenance of order. The town of 
Bologna is surrounded on all sides. Cardinal Albani is preparing 
to advance with his troops, to make his triumphal entrance into 
Bologna, escorted by the Austrians. 

" Amidst the general exasperation, the Modenese, who had found 
an asylum amongst us, excite a lively interest. Subscriptions 
have been opened, and spontaneously filled, to afford them the 
means of flight. They intend to go to France, Corsica, or Greece. 
Many of our people will soon follow them." 

The following extracts may serve to shew something of the 
present posture of affairs in that quarter, and go far to satisfy us, 
that though the flame may smoulder for the present, it is only 
that it may gain strength, and burst out at no distant period with 
redoubled violence. 

"The Augsburg Gazette of the 19th instant brings intelli- 
gence from Ancona to April 11th, which confirms the news of 
an encounter between the French and some armed countrymen, 
excited by their curate. In consequence of these disorders, Gene- 



ral Cubieres published the following order of the day on the 
9th : ' Some brigands, who, for the most part, do not belong 
to the town of Ancona, and assume the name of patriots, endea- 
vour to excite emeutes (insurrection) for the purpose of plunder. 
As they found it impossible to do so at Ancona, in the presence 
of the French troops, they sought to execute their criminal pro- 
ject in the country. The village Delia Grazie was yesterday 
exposed to their attacks. The inhabitants were forced to take 
up arms in defence of their property. A patrol of the 66th regi- 
ment, who was sent to the spot, was slightly wounded by a mus- 
ket-shot. This incident, which happened in the night, cannot 
be considered as an hostile act against the French troops. Orders 
have been given that no one leave the town with arms. The 
commanding officers enjoin their subordinates not to extend their 
walks beyond the suburbs. The guards will redouble their vigi- 
lance, and permit no assemblages in the streets. They are to 
arrest all such persons as disturb the public tranquillity by acts or 
menaces." 

In Italy, the power of the Austrians was every day more strongly 
manifesting itself. The Pope had issued a bull of excommuni- 
cation of the citizens of Ancona, for their declaration of inde- 
pendence, which was read with universal disgust, and threatened 
to lead to serious consequences. Another revolt might, it was 
feared, demand Austrian interference, and possibly render the 
intervention of the French absolutely necessary. 

Letters from Umbria and Romagna say that tranquillity pre- 
vails in the provinces ; but the people are every where impatiently 
expecting reforms and laws. The Roman court has at length 
given its consent to the holding of the fair at Senigaglia, which is 
to commence on the 25th of July, and end on the 13th of August. 

So much for the Italian States : let us now look to Germany, 
and there the flame of liberty seems to be spreading. 

The private and public accounts, received from Germany, 
represent the ferment in that country as on the increase, and we 
may reckon safely on an uninterrupted series of similar announce- 
ments from the same quarter, until concessions to their subjects be 
made by, or extorted from, the arbitrary governments of the various 
states comprised under the general title of " Germany ;" after 
which, adieu to despotism in Europe. A public dinner took place 

4q 



666 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY, 

in Paris, on Sunday, the 27th May, of " the friends of liberty all 
over the world," general La Fayette in the chair. The majority of 
those present (there were 400 in all,) were Germans, and the fete 
had particular reference to Germany, having been, in fact, only 
one of a vast number of meetings of the friends of German liberty, 
appointed to be held at various places on the same day. Should 
any doubt suggest itself of the correctness of this averment, it may 
be removed by an article in the Courier du Bas Rhin, published 
at Strasburg, which, under date so remote as the 23rd April, states 
that the mayors of all the (French) frontier communes had received 
orders from Paris, directing, that should any Germans present 
themselves for admission into France (an occurrence very probable 
after the 27th ult.,) they, the mayors, should receive and treat 
them in the same way in which the Poles and other refugees were 
received and treated ; but on condition that they should lay aside 
their uniforms. The meaning of this was, that the 27th was fixed 
for simultaneous public meetings, with political objects, throughout 
Germany — that one of them, to be holden at Hambach, would, it 
was calculated, consist of 30,000 men — that a conflict with the 
armed force was not unlikely — that the defeat of the people in the 
first instance was, at least, equally possible — and that hence some 
of those who should so commit themselves might be expected to 
seek refuge in France. The most remarkable part of this circular 
direction to the mayors is, however, the inference that men " in 
uniform" might possibly be found among those who should so look 
for an asylum on this side of the Rhine. Prince Metternich has 
his hands full. We shall have a warm summer on the Continent, 
in all probability ; but war between nations is not likely." 

" The news from Germany becomes more interesting, if not 
more important, every day. From all quarters we learn from the 
papers, that the restlessness of the people, under their present 
institutions, begins to display itself more apparently, and that their 
impatience has latterly been vented in terms which really denote a 
serious determination to improve their condition, and hazard every 
thing in the experiment. The recent fete at Hambach, which was, 
in fact, intended as a grand " aggregate" meeting of the reformers 
of Germany, though it ended in disappointment, was still marked 
by features which have given to it a fearful importance in the eyes 
of the petty tyrants of that extensive country. Some of the prin- 



ITALY, AND THK STATES OF GERMANY. 667 

cipal actors upon that occasion have been since, for the violence 
of their language, obliged to fly ; but the spirit which their 
harangues conjured up has not been laid, and, though at present 
quiet, it seems to be feared that it will soon revive, and again 
manifest itself more strongly than ever. In connexion with this 
subject, the proceedings which have very recently taken place in 
the legislative assembly at Hanover cannot fail to be appreciated 
with great interest. We have already stated that the king, at the 
opening of the session, caused a communication to be made to the 
chamber, that a constitution was in preparation, the basis of which 
was to be a more extended system of popular representation, and 
some other approximations to a state of national freedom. Upon 
the address, in answer to this speech, a discussion arose, the tenour 
and tone of which would do credit to the most free deliberative 
assembly known to modern times. Several speakers gave their 
opinions with firmness, but moderation ; and the various topics 
proper to be introduced into the address appear to have been 
suggested and supported with a talent which rendered their intro- 
duction almost unanswerable. Amongst other topics, we find the 
Hanoverian reformers stoutly standing out for better terms for 
their country, from that body which calls itself the " Germanic 
Confederation," and whose business it seems to be merely to appor- 
tion the amount of military burden upon each component state of 
that association, without considering at all the inter-relations of 
the several parts, political or commercial — an improvement of the 
institutions for the distribution of justice — an inquiry into the dis- 
tresses of the country — publicity to the debates in the chambers — 
freedom of the press — abolition of the grinding feudal German 
tenures — a remission of punishment to certain unfortunate political 
prisoners — and, lastly, an inquiry into that utter disgrace of the 
Duke of Cambridge's government, the recent violation of all the 
duties of hospitality (singular in all Germany) towards the unfor- 
tunate refugee Poles at Gottingen. 

The following letter from a gentleman at Hamburgh, under date 
of the 8th of June, of the present year, furnishes a still more 
detailed account of the recent proceedings in that quarter. 

On the 27th May, a great public assembly was held at the castle 
of Hambach, near Newstadt, on the Haardit, (not far west of Speyer,) 
in Rhenish Bavaria. It was a called a May festival, (which wa* 



668 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 

formerly customary in Germany,) and was at this time in celebra- 
tion of the Bavarian constitution, which was granted on this day 
by the late king Maximilian. It is said, that from 40 to 50,000 
persons, from all parts of Germany, viz. Baden, Wirtemberg, Ba- 
varia, Hesse, &c, from Frankfort on the Maine, &c. &c, Prus- 
sians, Poles, Frenchmen, &c, attended. All wore the German 
cockade, red, black, and gold. As many of the more well-inclined 
liberals were not present, the revolutionists, such as Drs. Wirth., 
Siebenpfeiffer, and Borne, (who had come from Paris,) had nearly 
the management of the whole. No excesses took place ; but the 
persons just mentioned made speeches, in which they exhorted 
their friends to do all they could to unite Germany into one repub- 
lic ; employing the most opprobrious names, in speaking of the 
reigning houses in Germany. According to Wirth's proposal, a 
general revolution is to take place in all the different parts of 
Germany, at one and the same time, in order to expel and punish 
the tyrants, &c. A committee to bring about all this was elected 
on the following day ; and the things they demand are, 1. Universal 
liberty of the press. 2. The king of Prussia to be only elector of 
Brandenburg ; and 3. the Emperor, elector of Austria. The other 
princes and kings were not even thought worthy to be mentioned. 
Harro-Harring also attended the meeting, but, hearing that they 
were going to arrest him, he returned to Weissenburg in France ; 
but after he had got there, he was ordered to return to Germany 
immediately, as they had (and, it is said, by the telegraph) orders, 
if necessary, to bring him over the frontiers by an armed force. In 
St. Wendel, beyond the Rhine, but belonging to Coburg, a tree of 
liberty has again been erected, and the vicar Juch again made a 
speech. Since then, 300 Prussians have entered there, and 2000 
more are to follow. A letter from Karlsratic in the Stuttgardt 
Allgemuru Zeitung, says, that the 8th corps of the army of the 
German Diet, consisting of the contingents of Baden, Wurtem- 
burg, and Hesse-Cassel, and amounting to 30,000 men, are to 
occupy Baden, because there are 30,000 Frenchmen in Huningen, 
close to the frontiers. But the Freisimige denies the latter, and 
says these measures are only directed against the free press in 
Baden, where however all are going to offer resistance to any mea- 
sure that would deprive them of this. In Worms, excesses have 
taken place on account of the high price of bread ; and blood has 



ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 669 

flowed. Festivals of a like nature to that of Hambach have been 
kept on a smaller scale in different parts of the states of Germany. 
Trees of liberty have been erected in various places, and one even 
in the vicinity of Munich. In consequence of the requisitions of 
the Prussian and Austrian ambassadors at Dresden, all the Polish 
refugees are to leave Saxony. The present fair at Leipsig is said 
to be the best for the last twenty-five years. 

Hamburgh papers to the 5th May announce the opening of the 
session of the states on the 30th ultimo, by a speech from the 
Duke of Cambridge, in which his royal highness explained the 
gracious intentions of his Majesty as to the improvement of the 
constitution, conformably to the wishes and request of the preceding 
assembly. The principles laid down as the basis of the reformed 
constitutions were, H the faithful fulfilment of duties towards the 
country, the strict maintenance of the king's prerogatives, and the 
full and entire recognition of the rights and liberties of his sub- 
jects." One of the improvements adopted — and a great one it 
will be acknowledged to be — is the admission of land-owners, for 
the first time, as members of the states. A readiness is also 
expressed in the speech, to sanction the consolidation of the 
domainal funds with the ordinary civil revenue of the country ; 
the conditions to be stated hereafter by communication with his 
majesty. The reduction of taxation, the retrenchment of expense, 
and the encouragement of industry, form the remaining topics, and 
are each strongly insisted on, as necessary to the welfare of the 
country, and the preservation of mutual confidence between the 
government and its subjects. Upon the whole, a prospect is held 
out, of a general amelioration of system within the Hanoverian 
dominions. 

These accounts are sufficiently indicative of the agitation that 
prevails in Germany, and as the " holy alliance" are pleased to 
attribute the whole to the public press, we cannot wonder that 
their indignation is roused to the highest pitch against it. Ac- 
cordingly, private advices from Vienna represent the " allied sove- 
reigns" as determined on a common campaign against the press : 
and declare that no reference by any other power to the princi- 
ple of non-intervention, shall be allowed to interfere between the 
allied soveriegns and their object. It is one which they will con- 
jointly prosecute hand and heart ; one in which they will support 



670 ITALY, AND THF STATES OF GERMANY. 

each other by arms, should the liberals, in their respective do- 
minions, revolt. The plain meaning is, say the letters referred 
to, " the German press has become troublesome, the German 
people excited; that the one is to be placed in shackles, and 
the others dragooned to obedience ; and, moreover, that Russia, 
Austria, and Prussia will assist each other by their armies, should 
any portion of their vassals attempt resistance, notwithstanding 
the protests or representations of France on the principle of non- 
intervention." In this crusade, the crowned heads will find 
enough to do, and the crisis is at hand. Almost every arrival from 
the continent demonstrates this, especially from the districts near 
the Rhine. The following paragraph will give the existing state 
of things about the middle of June. 

" There exists an apprehension that the Diet of the Confede- 
racy is about to adopt, under the influence of Austria and Prussia, 
some very arbitrary measures, with the view of counteracting the 
present popular spirit ; and this apprehension, it may be pre- 
sumed, tends not a little to augment the public discontent. The 
Count Von Munch-Bellinghausen, who is the Austrian envoy to 
the Diet, and also the president of that body, has arrived at 
Frankfort from Vienna. This diplomatist passed through Munich, 
where he arrived on the 19th, and spent two or three days in 
deliberation with the Bavarian government, which is suspected 
to have entered into the views of the other two powers. The 
count, it is understood, brings with him propositions for control- 
ling the press, and suppressing popular meetings in Germany ; of 
the adoption of which, by that assembly, we are afraid there can 
be but little doubt. But, notwithstanding this menacing state 
of things, the activity of the popular party is not abated ; and 
such of the representative assemblies of the small states as are 
in session, display an independent spirit. Even in the very seat 
of the Diet, a strong opposition is manifested. The Suabian 
Mercury says, that, in spite of the warning given by the senate 
of Frankfort, in compliance with the decree of the Diet, the 
Frankfort Union for supporting the liberty of the press had a 
meeting on the 14th, and transacted its business undisturbed. 
On the same day, an interesting sitting of the states of Electoral 
Hesse took place. The subject to be decided on was the law 
for the formation of a burgher or national guard, the mode of 



ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 671 

organizing which has been long a subject of dispute between the 
assembly and the government. All the galleries overflowed with 
auditors at an early hour, and the different questions which arose 
were warmly debated. It seems, however, that the government 
party had thought it advisable to yield most of the points in 
dispute ; for the Hanover Zeitung says, that the law, as 
modified by the report of the committee, to which it had been 
referred, was carried by thirty-nine to two, and that it would 
receive the assent of the government. A law of the press, equiva- 
lent to that framed for the Grand Duchy of Baden, is the next 
measure claimed by the Hessians ; and that, the papers of the 
electorate say, will soon be obtained. It remains to be seen 
how far the authority of the Diet will be able to disappoint this 
expectation." 

Accounts of a still more recent date furnish us with additional 
proofs of the determination of the German governments to put 
down the liberal spirit which has begun to animate the people 
within their respective dominions. An article from Spires, dated 
the 29th of June, contains a speech made by Prince Wrede, a 
commissioner of the court of Bavaria, on the installation of 
M. de Stengel in his functions as commissioner of the Rhine ; and 
of Lieutenant-General de la Motte, in his duties as commander of 
the troops stationed in Rhenish Bavaria. In the course of this 
singular speech, the prince read an ordinance of govern- 
ment, which, from its outrageous rigour and severity, must con- 
tribute not a little to bring matters to an issue in that quarter. 
The ordinance is divided into sixteen articles, among which the 
following are to be found : — 

"The agents of government are to have all trees of liberty 
removed within twenty-four hours, and are to cause all tri-coloured 
cockades and party badges to be laid aside, so that none but the 
Bavarian national colours are worn. 

" Illegal associations are prohibited ; and those who lend their 
houses for such meetings, shall be punished according to law. 

" Ecclesiastics who shall blame the laws or the actions of go- 
vernment in public assemblies, or in the exercise of their functions, 
shall be punished according to the article, 200 et. seq. of the penal 
code, independently of the penalty that may be inflicted on them 
by their superiors. 



6/2 ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 

" Should the measures taken by virtue of the laws not suffice, 
the ordinance proceeds to state the cases, in which, according to 
the constitution, the armed force may be called upon to act ; and 
in such cases the prince will feel himself authorized to the military 
occupation at the expense of the communes of the places which 
shall be in a state of armed rebellion. He will give over the local 
police wholly, or in part, according to circumstances, to the mili- 
tary commander, and will declare them first in a state of war, and 
then in a state of siege, with all the serious consequences which 
must follow such a measure." 

In addition to what has been now stated, we have to remark, 
that the Frankfort paper, entitled the Ober Postamts Zeitung, 
of the 1 Oth inst, (July) contains an official protocol of measures 
adopted by the Diet of the confederacy, the chief object of which 
seems to be to render the representative bodies of the several 
states useless, by relieving the respective princes from the em- 
barrassments which the efficient control of such assemblies is 
calculated to create to arbitrary governments, and to protect 
Austria and Prussia against the dangerous example of the bene- 
ficial operation of popular institutions. This extraordinary docu- 
ment, intended to crush the spirit of freedom in Germany, is 
entitled " Public Protocol of the 22d Sitting of the Diet of the 
German Confederacy, holden on the 28th June, 1832." It com- 
mences with a list of all the ministers present, from the Austrian, 
who is the president of the Diet, to the envoys of the Hanse Towns ; 
and then follow " the measures for maintaining legal order and 
tranquillity within the German Confederacy." We have not room 
for the details, which are prolix, and lengthened by repetitions ; but 
we must be allowed to say of it, in few words, that it exhibits one 
of the most frightful attempts upon the liberty and social hap- 
piness of mankind recorded in the annals of Europe. 

In one word, the whole transaction may be described as a 
" holy alliance" of all despotic governments throughout the 
German territory, to crush the very first seeds of freedom in every 
individual state. Under it, no such thing can henceforth exist, 
as an honest effort of enlightened citizens or subjects, to obtain 
any solid improvement of their institutions, however barbarous. 
Under it, no well-disposed prince or liberal chamber, whether of 
Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Hanover, Baden, or Hesse Cassel, can 



ITALY, AND THE STATES OF GERMANY. 673 

dare to countenance, encourage, or indulge, the slightest ap- 
proach to political reformation, or departure from despotic prin- 
ciples, at the peril of provoking an attack by Austrian and Prus- 
sian bayonets, for the undisguised purpose of vindicating the in- 
defeasible right of arbitrary government over the actions, enjoy- 
ments, and even the thoughts of men. 

We shall state a few of the points insisted on by these perse- 
cutors of the German race. The " Confederation" is assumed 
to be a legitimate authority, exercising a sway no less than abso- 
lute, over the reciprocal conduct of governments and subjects 
throughout the whole extent of Germany. No franchise can be 
granted, no freedom exercised, no offence forgiven, no writing 
published within the limits of any given state, save under the 
cognizance and by the consent of the " Federation," — that is, of 
an assembly of humble slaves to the will of Austria and Prussia. 

The arrangements for the restraint of the press must be 
" uniform" throughout the states of the federation, or, in other 
words, Prince Metternich prohibits any greater liberty of speech 
or writing, from the shores of the Baltic to the mountains of 
Switzerland, than is suffered to exist at Prague, or Berlin, or 
Vienna. The " Chambers of the States," in those countries where 
" chambers" have been instituted, are denounced in conjunction 
with the " abuses of the press," as attacking " the rights of the 
confederation ;" and a distinct and unequivocal threat is held 
out, that if the resolutions of the Diet, (dictated of course by 
Austrian and Prussian autocrats) be not implicitly adopted by 
the internal governments of the several states, or, in the wild 
insolence of the official phraseology, " incur the risk of being 
disavowed by them — then their majesties the Emperor of Austria 
and King of Prussia, in their solicitude for the destiny of the 
states united in the confederation, which they do not separate 
from the care they bestow on their own," and in their anxiety 
for the social system of Europe, &c, will employ all the means 
at their disposal — to wit, grenadiers, cuirassiers, Hulans, Pan- 
dours, and so forth — to enforce the resolutions of the Diet, that is, 
the resolutions of Metternich and Co., and to put down all attempts 
and institutions in any manner at variance with them. Happy 
would it be for mankind, if the instruments of power were to turn 
their arms against tyranny and oppression, wherever found. 

4r 



674 ITALY, AND THE STATES OT GERMANY. 

Then we are edified by the assurance that, according to a 
certain act of the Federation, " all the powers of the state must 
remain united in the head of the state /" Whence it follows 
as a necessary consequence, that no one act of independent or 
sovereign power can take place in any individual state of the 
federation, without a liability to be overhauled, annulled, or 
punished, at the discretion of an Austrian agent. 

The granting of taxes is no where to be dependent on the 
will of the (so called legislative) assemblies — that is, whatever 
Austria chooses to ordain, in the way of squeezing the subjects 
of the several states of Germany, must be executed, without a 
murmur, on pain of a visitation from the Croats. 

There is further, by virtue of this atrocious edict, a committee 
of superintendence, or corps, combining the two-fold attributes 
of viceroys and spies, to be appointed by the Prussic-Austrian 
Diet, for " the purpose of making itself constantly acquainted 
with the proceedings of the estates within the confederated states,*' 
to watch over and canvass all their proposals and resolutions, and 
report upon them to the Diet ! 

So, even in those states where freedom of speech within the 
legislative assemblies forms part of the recognized constitution of 
the country, and where the freedom of the press is the common 
privilege of society, no legislator will be allowed to speak, and 
no journalist to report that which the censors of the Diet may 
disapprove. 

Surely this is the most horrible attempt, in the nature of a 
grave proceeding, ever known, to crush the well-being of any 
political community ! If the Germans submit, they are utterly 
ruined, undone, and disgraced for ever. If they cower before 
this gigantic villany, they will not merely rouse the indignation 
of the world, but its wonder. They have hitherto borne, and 
justly, the reputation of a reflecting, high-principled, virtuous, 
brave, and manly people. Too great for tyranny, though suf- 
fering under it, eminently fitted for the highest order of liberty, 
though by a course of fatal accidents denied all access to it; 
never despised, in the depth of misfortune and misery ; nor in 
the midst of error, once forgetting the esteem and pity of man- 
kind. Such a people cannot fall prostrate before the obscene idol 
of despotic power. They must and will stand upright. It is 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 6/5 

the manifest purpose of the courts of Austria and Prussia to 
begin by putting down all spirit of resistance among the Germans, 
taken in their separate and smaller states, and next to swallow 
and incorporate them with their own vast monarchies. This 
monstrous crime can only be averted by a seasonable coalition of 
the minor powers, for mutual defence against the common peril ; 
a scheme of protection, in the success of which Great Britain 
and France, nay, Prussia herself, and Austria, if alive to their 
true interests, are substantially, and not less deeply, interested 
than the people and princes who are called upon to execute that 
noble measure. The means, the easy means, exist, of consolidat- 
ing one great state out of a heap of feeble ones ; and of con- 
verting the union into the most certain instrument of preserving the 
peace of continental Europe. 

Section VI. — Affairs of Spain and Portugal. 

The first spark of constitutional liberty m Spain, made its appear- 
ance in the year 1808, when an explosion, which had secretly and 
silently been collecting its forces, took place. Charles IV., who 
then swayed the sceptre, had formed the design of removing the 
seat of government to Mexico ; and no sooner had the intended 
emigration of the royal family transpired, than the Spanish capital 
presented a scene of anarchy and confusion. On the 17th of 
March, a report was in circulation that the guards had received 
orders to march to Aranjuez, where the court then resided, and 
the inhabitants of Madrid rushed in crowds to the roads, to prevent 
their departure. At the same time, several of the ministers and 
grandees who disapproved of the project, circulated hand-bills in 
the surrounding country, stating the designs of the court, and the 
danger to which the kingdom was exposed. The night was a 
scene of tumult, and on the following day immense crowds of 
people hurried to Aranjuez. The first victim of the popular indig- 
nation was Emanuel Godoy, the prince of peace, whose palace was 
attacked, the furniture destroyed, and himself made prisoner. A 
proclamation was immediately issued, announcing that the king 
had dismissed this obnoxious minister from all his employments. 
In the midst of this popular effervescence, the king- resolved to 
withdraw from this tumultuous scene, and on the 19th of March 



&JQ THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

issued a royal decree, by which he abdicated the throne in favour 
of his son, the prince of Asturias. At this moment the French 
army under the command of the Duke of Berg, entered Madrid 
and took possession of the capital. 

This was succeeded by the artful trepanning of the royal family, 
and conveying them to Bayonne, under the deceitful pretext of 
having an interview with the emperor Napoleon, who no sooner 
got them into his toils, than, on the 25th of May, he issued an 
imperial decree, declaring the throne of Spain vacant, by the 
abdication of the reigning family, and convening an assembly of 
notables, consisting of grandees and prelates, &c, to be held at 
Bayonne for the purpose of fixing the basis of a new government. 
In the mean time, the French armies poured into Spain, which, in 
a little time, was overrun by a hundred thousand Frenchmen, 
besides twenty thousand sent into Portugal, from whence they 
drove the Braganza family to seek an asylum at Rio Janeiro, 
beyond the Atlantic. 

Such was the state of matters, when the spirit of patriotism 
burst forth into a blaze in that kingdom. Provincial assemblies 
were formed in most of the principal towns, and depots established 
in the most suitable situations. Orders were every where issued 
for raising volunteers, and every effort exerted for organizing the 
armies. An application was made to England for assistance, and 
it was promptly afforded. Napoleon had appointed his own bro- 
ther, Joseph Buonaparte, to fill the vacant throne, and on the 20th 
of July the new king made his public entrance into Madrid ; but, 
unfortunately for him, on that very day, the French army under 
the command of general Dumont, was doomed to sustain a signal 
defeat, and even a surrender to the patriots. His accession was 
solemnized with illuminations and other external demonstrations 
of joy, such as power may always extort, but which would not 
have given the new monarch much pleasure, had he been apprized 
at the moment of what was passing in the vicinity of Andujar. 
The splendid illusion, however, was not of long duration. Suc- 
cessive accounts of the disasters of the French, armies in Spain, 
and of the approach of the patriots towards Madrid, indicated that 
his crown was likely to prove a crown of thorns, and warned him 
of the propriety of a timely flight. After a short stay of seven days, 
on the 27th of July he began his retreat from Madrid, carrying off 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 677 

with him the crown jewels, and all that was most valuable, from 
the palace of the ancient sovereigns, and retired precipitately 
towards France, while the patriots took possession of the capital. 

From this time Great Britain made the cause of Spain her own ; 
and, by the skill and valour of her armies assisting the patriots, the 
French were ultimately driven from the Peninsula, and Ferdinand 
VII., reinstated on the throne of his ancestors. Instead, however, 
of selecting able ministers, and adopting a regular system of govern- 
ment, he disgusted his subjects by various acts of cruelty and 
oppression, while he totally neglected the exercise of that vigour 
which would have secured the safety of the persons and properties 
of his subjects from the outrages of the numerous banditti which 
every where infested the country. This relaxation of his authority 
naturally encouraged the disaffected, and the state of the kingdom 
became every day more and more critical. The patriots again had 
recourse to arms — the popular standard was once more erected — 
the royal authority was annihilated in Galicia, and Mina, in the 
province of Navarre, proclaimed the constitution of 1812. The 
flame now spread through other provinces ; and Ferdinand was so 
intimidated by the progress of disaffection, that he promised to 
convoke the Cortes, and bound himself by an oath, on the 10th of 
March, 1820, to the observance of the constitution. 

On the 9th of July,, after an interval marked with considerable 
agitation and excitement, the Cortes assembled, and proceeded in 
good earnest to promote the regeneration of the kingdom. The 
exclusive privileges of the nobles were suppressed or diminished ; 
the administration of justice was purified; abuses in the various 
departments of the state were corrected ; the lands of the church 
were partly appropriated to the public service ; arrangements were 
made for the reduction of the national debt ; and due attention 
was also paid to the necessary means of insuring a revival of com- 
merce, and the encouragement of general industry. The kino- 
occasionally evinced tokens of jealousy and displeasure, and secret 
advisers did not fail to recommend it to him to shake off the yoke ; 
but no opportunity of a counter-revolution presented itself to his 
anxious wishes. 

In this state matters progressed from the year 1820 to 1823, 
during which time, the " holy alliance" were deeply occupied in 
their deliberations how to counteract the progress of liberal opinions 



F-l-L 



6^8 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

in Spain. The Cortes, who were in possession of the reins of 
government, did all they could to keep the imbecile Ferdinand in 
check. At length came the denouement I The emperor of Russia 
could not behold without disgust and indignation the proceedings 
in Spain : a congress was convened at Verona, at which the three 
despotic sovereigns resolved that their ministers at the court of 
Madrid should remonstrate with the rulers of that country, and 
insist on such arrangements as might preclude the necessity of the 
interference of other powers. Ferdinand himself was also tutored 
to address the Cortes in a high tone, and to insist upon the relin- 
quishment of those revolutionary measures which menaced France 
with serious danger. The British minister at the court of Madrid 
protested against the right of foreign states to control an indepen- 
dent nation, or of dictating the system which it should adopt. 
The crowned despots, however, persisted in their unjustifiable 
course, and found no difficulty in prevailing upon Louis the 
Eighteenth to become the instrument of carrying their determina- 
tion into effect. 

Under the specious pretext of forming a cordon sanataire, an 
army of seventy thousand men was put in a state of requisition 
by the French government, and marched to the foot of the Pyre- 
nees. The command of the army was given to the Duke of 
Angouleme, who without much difficulty marched to Madrid. 
The Cortes were still sitting, and when informed of the advance 
of the French armies to the capital, they removed their sittings 
from Seville to Cadiz. Ferdinand at first expressed an unwilling- 
ness to accompany the deputies in their flight ; but, flushed with 
the expectation of a speedy rescue, he acquiesced in the measure. 

A most unaccountable paralysis at this critical moment seems 
to have seized the constitutionalists. Morillo and other distin- 
guished officers were seduced from the patriotic cause through 
the influence of French intrigue. Corunna and other towns were 
so feebly defended, that they were easily reduced. Balasteros was 
so harassed, that he was glad to submit. Riego was pursued and 
taken, and Mina driven into exile. Cadiz was besieged by the 
French forces ; and, to induce them to raise the siege, Ferdinand 
was restored to his liberty. Before he obtained this, however, he 
pledged himself to consign to oblivion the whole conduct of the 
constitutionalists, and pardon every offence of which the courtiers 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 679 

might accuse them. But no sooner had he emancipated himself, 
than he basely forgot all his promises, and, not content with 
annulling all their acts and proceedings, he threw many of them 
into prison, and put the brave Riego to death. Adverting to this 
base and abominable conduct, Mr. Brougham, at the opening of 
the session of parliament, indignantly held him up as an active 
agent for all the purposes of the holy alliance, insisting, and he 
defied any man to deny it, that he was more the object of con- 
tempt, disgust, and abhorrence of civilized Europe, than any other 
individual now living. " There he is," continued the learned gen- 
tleman, " a fit companion for the unholy band of kings who have 
restored him to the power which he has so often abused, in order 
to give him an opportunity of abusing it once more : there he 
is, with the blood of Riego yet dripping on his head, seeking 
fresh victims for the scaffold, and ready to proceed on the first 
summons to the torture of the helpless women and unoffending 
children whom fortune may have placed in his power." 

The cause of constitutional liberty in Spain, notwithstanding 
the vigorous efforts of her patriotic sons, is still in a very dis- 
couraging state. The demon of superstition still sits enthroned 
throughout the Peninsula, maintaining his leaden reign, and 
cursing with relentless fury every attempt to disturb his repose. 
It may be fairly questioned, however, whether the character of 
Ferdinand the Seventh, and the manners of the court of Madrid 
are well understood among us ; and as this is a subject of some 
little interest in the present day, and as without it we cannot 
form a proper estimate of the actual state of the country, and the 
probability of its emancipation from the shackles of despotism, a 
few pages shall here be appropriated to the purpose of placing it 
in a proper light. 

From a very intelligent traveller, who passed nearly the whole 
of the year 1830 in Spain,* we learn that the present king of 
Spain, in person, is like a lusty country gentleman, large almost 
to corpulency. His countenance is fat and heavy, but good- 
natured, with nothing of hauteur, still less of ferocity, in it ; it 

* See a very, interesting publication entitled " Spain in 1830," by Henry 
David Inglis, Esq., in 2 Vols. 8vo., dedicated to his cousin, the Karl of 
Buchan ; a book which every one should read who would know the present 
state of Spain. 



680 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

betrays, in fact, a total want of character of any kind. The queen 
is remarkably pleasing, and, indeed, a remarkably pretty woman ; 
and the charm of affability, which is universally granted to her 
by those who have had the honour to approach her person, shines 
conspicuously in her countenance. It is a general belief in 
England, that the king of Spain seldom trusts himself out of his 
palace, without a formidable guard ; but this idea is quite erro- 
neous — no monarch in Europe is oftener seen without guards than 
the king of Spain. He is often to be seen walking the Retiro 
with none but his valet, and in the public garden, of which some 
of the walks are extremely secluded, and where he would be in 
the power of any individual who might have harboured a design 
against him. But the fact is, that the king has not many ene- 
mies — many despise him, but few would injure him. " I have 
heard men of all parties,'' says the author above referred to, " the 
warmest Carlists, the most decided liberals, speak of him without 
reserve ; and all speak of him as a man whose greatest fault is 
want of character, as a man not naturally bad, good-tempered, 
and who might do better were he better advised. But an honest 
adviser, a lover of his monarch, and a lover of his country, 
Ferdinand has never had the good fortune to possess : on the 
contrary, he has been always counselled by men who desire only 
to enrich themselves, and to maintain their power — the conse- 
quence is, that he is constantly led to commit acts both of in- 
justice and despotism, which have earned for him the character 
of a tyrant." 

The man who possesses most of the king's ear is Don Fran- 
cisco Tudeo Calomarde, minister of justice, as he is called in 
Spain. The private opinions of Calomarde are decidedly apos- 
tolical, or, as we should say in England, those of an ultra Tory ; 
but the opinions of his colleagues being more moderate, he is 
obliged to conceal his sentiments, and to pretend an accordance 
with theirs. The ministers who are reputed to be moderate in 
sentiment are Don Luis Ballasteros, minister of finance ; Don 
Luis Maria Salagar, minister of marine, and generally considered 
the most able in the cabinet ; and Don Manuel Gonsalez Salmon, 
secretary of state, and nominally prime minister. To .these must 
be added two especial favourites of the king — namely, the Duque 
de Alegon, and Salsedo. The former was appointed, in the 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 681 

autumn of 1829, to the office of captain-general of the guard; 
an office that keeps him much about the king's person. This 
Alegon is a dissipated old man, long known to the king, and 
who, in former days, used to pander to his pleasures ; and though 
the doting fondness which the king bestows upon his present 
youthful queen supersedes any call upon the services of Alegon, 
the royal master does not forget the convenient friend of his 
former days, and has now thought of rewarding him. The other 
individual, who is justly considered the royal favourite par excel- 
lence, is Salsedo, who holds the office of private secretary. A 
dishonourable link formerly bound him to his sovereign, and he 
still retains his influence. It is generally known, that, previous 
to the marriage of the king with his present queen, the wife of 
Salsedo v/as in royal favour. Salsedo has held his present office 
for fifteen years or more, and is decidedly a man of tact, if not of 
talent ; his principles are understood to be moderate — at all events 
his advice is so, for he has sense to perceive that an opposite 
policy would probably accelerate the ruin of both his master and 
himself. So much for favouritism in the court of Madrid. 

But the prevailing opinion in Spain now is, that the rising in- 
fluence of the Queen will in due time discard every other influ- 
ence about court. No king and queen ever lived more happily 
together than the present king and queen of Spain. The kino- 
is passionately attached to his royal consort, and it is said she 
is perfectly satisfied with her lot. He spends the greater part 
of the day in her apartments, and, when engaged in council, 
leaves it half a dozen times, in the course of an hour or two, to 
visit his queen. The habits of the court are extremely simple : 
the king rises at six, and breakfasts at seven ; at half-past two 
he dines, always in company with the queen. Dinner occupies 
not more than an hour, and, shortly after, he and the queen 
drive out together. There is scarcely any gaiety at court : the 
queen is fond of retirement, and, excepting now and then a private 
concert, there are no court diversions. 

The great rival to the monarch's popularity is to be found in his 
brother Don Carlos, who is a mighty favourite among the lower 
orders. To ingratiate himself with them, he affects an appearance 
of simplicity and Spanish usage ; and for the same reason his wife 
generally appears in her mantilla. " One cannot look at the 

4s 



1.1 



682 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

spouse of Don Carlos, without perceiving that she covets a crown ; 
while, in the countenance of the queen, we read indifference to it."* 
This spirit of rivalship cannot fail to be productive of much evil to 
the country ; it is a fruitful source of plots and conspiracies, which 
are ever and anon on foot, and, were it not for the vigilance of the 
police, would lead to scenes of blood, perhaps to revolution. 

Independent, however, of this unhappy state of internal discord, 
it is well known that there have been, for several years past, a con- 
siderable number of Spanish patriots, now in a state of exile in our 
own and other countries, anxiously watching the current of events 
at home, and ready to lend their aid in liberating Spain from her 
degrading thraldom. In the month of January 1832, about sixty 
of these brave fellows fell victims to a most cruel and malignant 
conspiracy, whereby they were entrapped to their utter ruin ; and 
the subject is of sufficient interest to claim to be here recorded. 
We refer to the case of General Torrijos, who with his companions 
was treacherously slaughtered at Malaga. 

Torrijos was descended from one of the most distinguished 
families of Madrid. He received his education at the college of 
the king's pages : upon leaving this establishment, each student 
has his choice of becoming a canon or a captain, and Torrijos pre- 
ferred the army to the church. This was about the period of the 
French invasion, when all Spanish patriots were called to take arms 
for the defence of the country. He continued in the army as long 
as the war of independence lasted. He obtained the different 
grades with honour to himself, until he at last attained the rank of 
colonel on the field of battle. The regiment in which he served 
was called " Ferdinand VII." After the restoration, in 1814, Tor- 
rijos shared in the disgrace incurred by all those whose lives and 
exertions had rescued Ferdinand from captivity. Emulating the 
fame of Lacy and Porlier, who had fallen victims, and of Riego who 
had succeeded, Torrijos thought of nothing but the emancipation 
of his native country. His plans, however, were betrayed, and he 
was thrown into the dungeons of the inquisition at Murcia, where 
he languished for more than a year, when the revolution of 1820 
effected his liberation. In recompense of his services, the Cortes 
appointed him to the rank of Field-marshal, and Chief-commandant 
of Navarre and the Basque provinces. He took a most active part 
* Spain in 1830, Vol. I. p. 128. 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 683 

in all the political movements during the constitutional regime. 
When, upon an order from the congress of Verona, Louis the 
Eighteenth sent a hundred thousand Frenchmen to extinguish the 
infancy of liberty in Spain, Torrijos did not despair, until the last 
moment, of making a successful resistance. He signed a capitula- 
tion at Carthagena, after Cadiz had opened its gates, and would at 
last only allow General Mina the honour of forcing him to give up 
his arms. He lived in exile from the year 1823, until the glorious 
days of July, when a glimmering of hope shot across his mind, and 
the chance of saving his country from thraldom again excited all its 
energies. 

Torrijos and his companions were at Gibraltar in the latter part 
of the year 1831; and it was at first said, that they were compelled 
to quit that place by the severe police exercised in the fortress 
against refugees from Spain. The statement, however, is utterly 
unfounded : so far were the constitutionalists from having been 
driven from Gibraltar by the harsh proceedings of the governor of 
that place, they were repeatedly assured by him, that they might 
have passports and protection from the English government to any 
ports, except a Spanish one. The unfortunate party quitted the 
bay of Gibraltar without the knowledge of the governor, and sailed 
for Malaga. Their first intention was to have sailed for Algiers, 
when two Spanish officers came to them from Malaga, with assur- 
ances, that the troops quartered in that neighbourhood were so 
much dissatisfied with the government of Ferdinand, that they were 
ready to join the constitutional party. It has been further said, 
that Torrijos and Manoel declared with their dying breath, that 
they had been seduced into the attempt for which they suffered, by 
letters from the minister Sambrano himself ! But, whatever may be 
in this, a place of rendezvous was appointed, to which the emigrants 
were to repair, and to be then joined by the soldiers. Trusting to 
these assurances, Torrijos and his companions embarked in the 
night, and sailed to the place of their destination, on approaching 
which they were pursued by a Spanish garda-costa, and compelled 
to disembark at some distance from the place appointed. On 
landing, they proceeded to the farm-house where they were to be 
joined by the soldiers, after having made a tour round the town. 
They found the place, as they suspected, uninhabited ; and when 
they saw troops advancing towards them, they conceived it was the 



684 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

regiments that were to join them, nor had they any suspicion of 
the fraud practised against them till they were surrounded and 
made prisoners. They were immediately tried by a court-martial, 
and sentenced to be shot ; but the execution of the sentence was 
suspended until a messenger returned from Madrid, who was sent 
with an account of what had happened. The king confirmed the 
sentence, and it was carried into execution on the following Sun- 
day, at 10 o'clock. 

The noble prisoners were kept without food for fifty-four hours 
previous to their execution ! When Calderon, one of their num- 
ber, was brought out, he exclaimed — " The day will come, when, 
on the spot where this convent now stands, a monument will be 
raised to eternize the memory of those who are about to die, and 
those lands will become the patrimony of our posterity." 

When Torrijos finally left England, he considered it advisable 
that his wife should proceed to Paris ; to which arrangement she 
most reluctantly consented — and she never saw him more. On 
hearing of his death, she addressed a letter to a friend in London, 
of which the following is a copy : a more affecting document has 
rarely been published. 

"Paris, 19 June, 1832. 

" I received your affectionate letter ; and, though little capable 
" of writing, I cannot leave you without an answer, if it be only to 
" tell you that I am much better than I wish to be, or thought I ever 
" should be. You understand the loss that I have sustained; for 
" you know how we lived together. You can also judge of my 
" grief, and that I deserve not to survive the man who formed my 
" only happiness. 

" 1 am here in a foreign land, and without the means of sub- 
" sistence, but that is the last thing that occupies my thoughts ; 
" and although my friends are much alarmed for my future situation, 
" I am indifferent about the matter, since nothing henceforth can 
" make the least impression upon me, after having lost my beloved 
" Pepe and my country. 

" What I have now to beg of you is — that you will forward 

" to the editor of the , the accompanying letter from M. M — r ? 

" and, if you do not find it inconvenient, that you will also trans- 
" late it, with a view to its being inserted as soon as possible. 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 685 

" My sole object, during the sad remnant of life which I have still 
" to endure, is, to prevent any misrepresentation which might darken 
" the fame of my adorable husband ; and that, indeed, is the only 
" motive which compels me to answer the article in the above-men- 
" tioned journal. My bodily constitution, though strong, begins to 
" sink — a change which I rejoice at ; for the solitary hope which 
" now supports me is, to follow to the grave him for whose sake 
" alone life was once dear to me. 

" Return my best thanks to all the members of your amiable 
11 family, and particularly to my dear Charlotte — and pity, and pray 
" to God for your unhappy friend. 

" LUISA DE TORRIJOS." 

The following account of this amiable lady appeared in the 
" Spectator," No. 188 ; and as the editor of that journal pledges 
himself for its correctness, we shall here insert it. 

" Madame Torrijos, whose maiden name was Luisa Saenz de 
Viniegra, is the daughter of the late Don Manuel Saenz de 
Viniegra, the representative of a distinguished family of Andalusia. 
Her mother, who was of the house of Velasco, Dukes of Frias, 
was in her early youth a favourite attendant on the queen of 
Charles the Fourth ; and the queens of Spain, it is well known, 
are attended by those only of noble birth. On her marriage she 
left the court, and accompanied her husband to the province, 
where he held a high command, and devoted herself to the care 
of her family. After she had become the mother of five children, 
she happened to be travelling with them and her husband, escorted 
by a troop of soldiers, when, on stopping to make some arrange- 
ment about the carriage, one of the escort rested his musket 
against the back of it ; the piece went off by accident, and shot 
Donna Manuel through the body, and she expired almost imme- 
diately. At that time, Luisa was about six years old; so early 
did the misfortunes of her eventful life begin. The king and 
queen had been her sponsors, and the queen wished to take 
charge of her on her mother's melancholy death ; but Don 
Manuel preferred taking the education of his children upon him- 
self. Far from growing up in the ignorance which we are accus- 
tomed to attribute to Spanish ladies, Madame Torrijos acquired, 
under the care of her excellent parent, a degree oi' mental cul- 



■1 



686 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

tivation which would be accounted remarkable in an English- 
woman. The great qualities of her mind, in which were combined 
true heroism with the most feminine tenderness, were amply called 
forth by the trying circumstances in which almost the whole of her 
after life was passed. 

" In 1808, when she was about fifteen years of age, her royal 
protectors claimed her from her father, who consented to her 
removing to court. Every preparation had been made for her 
departure from her native province, when the revolution of Aran- 
juez broke out, which deprived Charles of his throne. Soon after 
that event, considering that the disturbed state of Spain rendered 
it an unsafe abode for his daughters, Don Manuel placed them 
at Gibraltar under the care of his friend, Admiral Valdez (the 
elder.). These ladies were there known to many of the English, 
and with not a few of them Madame Torrijos passed for the 
daughter of Admiral Valdez. Don Manuel was himself pre- 
vented leaving Spain with his children, by his official duties. He 
held at that time a situation which is nearly equivalent to that of 
judge-advocate-general ; and it obliged him to be at the head- 
quarters of the army. At a later period, he was governor of 
Seville. At the first dawn of comparative tranquillity, the young 
ladies returned to their father's protection ; and, soon after, the 
eldest became the wife of Torrijos, who then commanded Doyle's 
Legion, and whom she never after quitted — in danger, in victory, 
in prison, and in exile. One of the winters of her married life 
she spent in the highest inhabited spot of the Pyrenees ; and in 
that neighbourhood her only child (which lived but a few months) 
was born. At the battle of Vittoria, she was within hearing of 
the guns ; and on other occasions she has been within reach of 
them. 

" On Ferdinand's first overthrow of the constitutional govern- 
ment, in 1817, Torrijos was confined for three months in the 
castle of Alicant. During the whole of that time, this delicate 
and tenderly nurtured woman was in the habit of visiting the 
castle nightly on foot, in the dress of the lowest class of the 
people, to carry succour and consolation to her husband : she 
was admitted by the connivance of the soldiers, who were then 
devoted to Torrijos. After his removal to the prison of the In- 
quisition at Murcia, his wife was only allowed to see him once 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 687 

during three years' confinement, though she entreated to be 
allowed to share his dungeon. But she took up her abode 
hard by the prison, where she occupied herself entirely in pro- 
viding such comforts as she was permitted to send him. 

" The triumph of the constitution, in 1820, restored Torrijos to 
liberty, and gave him the command of Murcia. This seems to 
have been the most prosperous part of the life of Madame Tor- 
rijos ; and she, no doubt, enjoyed the more, for her previous cala- 
mities, the high distinction which her husband now attained. She 
was with him during his glorious but almost hopeless defence of 
Carthagena ; and, in 1824, after the capitulation, she came with 
him to England ; where the absolute retirement in which this 
high-minded pair continued to live, prevented their being known 
except to a very limited circle. During their residence in Eng- 
land, Madame Torrijos endured, with her husband, many priva- 
tions, but she endured them cheerfully. Educated, as she had 
been, in splendour and luxury, she thought no occupation too 
menial, no labour too great, which could add to the comfort, or 
cheer the mind, of her dear lord." 

The claims of Torrijos on the French government, under the 
shamefully violated treaty of Alicant and Carthagena, must have 
been great ; but he never urged them for himself, though he did 
for his companions in arms. His private fortune he had sacrificed 
in the cause of constitutional liberty ; nor did he recover either 
pay or allowance for many months before the occupation of his 
country by the French, as he devoted all that he might justly 
have claimed, to the payment of his troops, in order to keep 
together as long as possible that army which was the last hope 
of freedom in Spain. To the cause of Spain, Torrijos had de- 
voted himself; and for that cause, what has he not attempted, 
in his short life of thirty-nine years, seven of them spent in exile, 
and three in a dungeon ! 

No sooner was the fate of Torrijos known in England, than 
a subscription was set on foot for the relief of his widow, to- 
wards which the Duke of Bedford, Sir Francis Burdett, and 
many others liberally contributed ; and among them Sir Edward 
Codrington, who addressed the following letter to the editor of 
the Times, enclosing five pounds. 



£Li 



GSS THK AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

" Sir, 

" During some years of the late war, it became a prin- 
cipal part of my professional duty to encourage and promote the 
" patriotic resistance to oppression, which it was then the policy of 
" our government to excite in the Spanish nation. This has given 
" me the opportunity of bearing testimony to the sacrifices and the 
" meritorious services of many of those with whom I acted in con- 
" cert for the common good : and I cannot but deplore the cruel 
" persecutions which their constancy and devotion to the principles 
" they then imbibed, have subsequently brought down upon them. 
" In this feeling, I gladly tender the enclosed trifle, in aid of the 
" subscription which you have so laudably undertaken for the widow 
" of the unfortunate Torrijos ; and I lament that my pecuniary 
" means of alleviating her distress bear so small a proportion to rny 
" sympathy with her sufferings. 

" I remain, Sir, your very obedient servant, 

" Edward Codringtox, Vice-Admiral. 
" Brighton, Feb. 3." 

Turning our view from Spain to Portugal, a deeply interesting 
scene presents itself to our contemplation. That unhappy country 
has for several years past been the theatre of atrocities which are 
sufficiently laid open in the following state-paper, to render it 
unnecessary to go into any more ample detail. 

The following manifesto was issued by Don Pedro, previously to 
his departure to join the patriots at Terceira : — 

" Called by those fundamental laws of the monarchy, quoted in 
the charter and perpetual edict of the 15th of November, 1825, to 
ascend the throne of Portugal, as the eldest son and successor of 
the king, my august father, I was formally acknowledged King of 
Portugal by all the foreign Powers, as well as by the Portuguese 
nation, who, on this occasion, sent me a deputation to the court of 
Rio Janeiro, composed of individuals representing the three different 
branches of the state : thinking, at the same time, no sacrifices on 
my part too great which might tend to insure the welfare of my 
loyal subjects in both hemispheres ; unwilling, also, that the mutual 
relations of friendship, so fortunately established between the two 
countries by the independence of both, should in any manner be 
subjected to interruption by the fortuitous accumulation of two 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 689 

different crowns on the same head, I resolved to abdicate the crown 
of Portugal in favour of my very dear and beloved daughter, Donna 
Maria de Gloria, who was in like manner acknowledged by the 
/breign Powers, and by the Portuguese nation. 

" At the time of my abdication, both my duty and my private 
feelings towards the country which gave me birth, and the noble 
Portuguese nation, induced me to imitate my illustrious ancestor, 
Don John IV., by availing myself of the short duration of my 
reign, to restore to the Portuguese nation, as he had done, the pos- 
session of its ancient rights and privileges ; thus fulfilling, at the 
same time, the promises made by my august father, of glorious 
memory, in his proclamation of the 31st of May, 1823, and charter 
of the 4th of June, 1824. 

" To further this object, I promulgated the constitutional charter 
of the 29th of April, 1826, in which the ancient forms of the Por- 
tuguese government, and the constitution of the state, are virtually 
confirmed ; and that this charter might truly be considered a con- 
firmation and sequence of the fundamental law of the monarchy, I, 
in the first place, guaranteed the most solemn protection, and most 
profound respect, to the sacred religion of our ancestors ; I con- 
firmed the law of succession with all the clauses of the Cortes of 
Lamego ; I determined the periods for the convocation of the 
Cortes, in the same manner as it had already formerly been prac- 
tised in the reigns of their majesties Don Alfonzo V., and Don 
John III. I acknowledge two fundamental maxims of the ancient 
Portuguese government — viz., that laws could only be framed by 
the Cortes, and that in this assembly alone, and no where else 
out of it, should any matters be discussed relating to the imposts 
and administration of the public revenue and property ; and, lastly, 
I determined that the two branches of the state, nobilitv and 
clergy, should be united, so as to form one chamber, composed of 
the great dignitaries of the kingdom, ecclesiastic and secular, 
experience having demonstrated the disadvantages arising from the 
separate deliberation of these two branches. 

" I added some other provisions, all tending to consolidate the 
national independency, royal dignity and authority, the liberty and 
prosperity of the people ; and anxious to preserve these blessings 
from the hazards and inconveniency generally attending the mino- 
rity of a sovereign, I thought, that the best means of securing so 

4t 



i I ■ 



(390 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

desirable an object would be to unite my august daughter to a 
Portuguese prince, naturally supposing, that, both in consequence 
of the identity of religion and birth, no one could feel a greater 
interest for the complete realization of all those benefits with which 
it was my intention to felicitate the Portuguese nation ; persuaded 
also, that the good examples of my virtuous relation, the monarch 
in whose court he had resided, must have rendered him worthy of 
estimating the great confidence placed in him by a brother who did 
not hesitate to intrust to him the destinies of his beloved daughter. 

" This was the origin of the choice I made of the Infante Don 
Miguel. Fatal choice, indeed, which has made so many innocent 
victims join their sighs to my lamentations, and which will here- 
after be looked upon as one of the most disastrous epochs of Por- 
tuguese history ! 

" The Infante Don Miguel, after having tendered to me the oath 
of allegiance, as his natural sovereign, and to the constitutional 
charter, in the capacity of a Portuguese subject — after having 
solicited me to invest him with the regency of the kingdom of Por- 
tugal and Algarves, and its dominions, which I effectively conferred 
upon him, with the title of my lieutenant, by the decree of the 3d 
July, 1827, — after having commenced the discharge of such im- 
portant functions, tendered his free and spontaneous oath to main- 
tain the constitutional charter, such as I had bestowed it, on the 
Portuguese nation, and to deliver up the crown to her majesty 
Donna Maria II., as soon as she should become of age — dared to 
commit a crime unparalleled in history, from the circumstances 
with which it was attended. 

" Pretending to decide a case which neither de facto nor de jure 
was contentious, violating the constitutional charter, which he had 
iust sworn to maintain, he convoked the three states of the king- 
dom in the most illegal and illusory manner, thus abusing the 
authority with which I had entrusted him, and, treading under foot 
the respect due to all the sovereigns of Europe, who had acknow- 
ledged her majesty Donna Maria II., as queen of Portugal, he had 
it awarded by the mock representatives of the nation, who had 
assembled under his authority and influence, that to him, and not 
to me, the crown of Portugal ought to have passed at the death of 
his majesty Don John VI. Thus it was that Don Miguel usurped 
for himself that throne with which I had entrusted him. 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 691 

" The foreign powers stigmatized this act of rebellion by imme- 
diately withdrawing their diplomatic agents from the court of Lis- 
bon, and my ministers plenipotentiary, as emperor of Brazil, at the 
courts of Vienna and London, entered their two solemn protests, 
of the 24th of May, and the 8th of August, 1828, against all and 
every violation of my hereditary rights, and those of my daughter ; 
against the abolition of the institutions spontaneously granted by 
me, and lawfully established in Portugal ; against the illegal and 
insidious convocation of those ancient states of the kingdom which 
had become obsolete, and ceased to exist, in consequence both of 
long prescription, and of the new institutions above-mentioned ; 
against the aforesaid decision of the mock three estates of the king- 
dom, and the arguments on which they grounded it ; expressly 
against the false interpretation of an ancient law framed by the 
Cortes of Lamego, and of another passed on the 12th of September, 
1642, by his majesty Don John IV., at the request of the three 
states, and in confirmation of the said law of the Cortes of Lamego. 

" All these protests have been sealed with the blood which since 
has almost daily been shed by so many thousand victims of the 
most spotless fidelity ; and, in truth, this treacherous usurpation, 
placing the perpetrator in the path of illegality and violence, has 
brought upon the unfortunate Portuguese an accumulation of mis- 
fortunes greater than any nation every suffered. 

" In order to continue a government, boastingly said to emanate 
from the national wish, it has been necessary to erect scaffolds, on 
which have perished a great many of those who attempted to resist 
the atrocious yoke of the usurper. The dungeons throughout the 
kingdom have been crowded with victims ; thus inflicting the 
punishments reserved for malefactors on those who had preserved 
their loyalty, and known the sacredness of an oath. Innumerable 
victims have been banished to the horrible deserts of Africa ; others 
have ended their days in loathsome prisons, worn out by cares and 
sufferings ; and, lastly, foreign countries have been overrun with 
Portuguese emigrants, who have abandoned their country, com- 
pelled to endure, far from their homes, the sorrows of an unme- 
rited exile. 

" Thus it was that the land of my birth was overwhelmed with 
all the horrors that human perverseness can excite. The people 
oppressed by the outrages of their rulers — the pages of Portuguese 



692 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

history defiled by the lowering apologies with which the frantic 
government of the usurper has been compelled to atone for some of its 
acts of wanton atrocity against foreigners, in spite of their respective 
governments — all diplomatic and commercial intercourse with all 
Europe totally interrupted — in short, tyranny polluting the throne 
— misery and oppression stifling the most noble feelings of the 
nation. This is the pitiful picture of unhappy Portugal for the last 
four years. Nevertheless, afflicted as I am at the existence of so 
many dreadful evils, I still feel a consolation in discerning the 
visible protection which God, the dispenser of thrones, grants to 
the noble and just cause which we defend. 

" When I cast my eyes on Terceira, (the refuge and bulwark of 
Portuguese liberty, already illustrious in other periods of our his- 
tory,) and see how, in spite of every obstacle, Portuguese loyalty 
was enabled to preserve in that island the slender means with 
which her noble defenders not only have procured the obedience of 
the other islands to my august daughter, but also to gather together 
the forces on which we now depend, I cannot help acknowledging in 
all this the special protection of Divine Providence. 

" Trusting on its aid, and the present regency, in the name of 
her most faithful majesty the queen, having represented to me, by 
means of a deputation sent to the presence of her said majesty and 
of myself, the ardent wishes of the inhabitants of the Azores, and 
other faithful subjects of her majesty residing in those islands, that 
ostensibly taking upon myself the part which belongs to me in the 
affairs of her most faithful majesty, as her father, guardian, and 
natural defender, and as the head of the House of Braganza, I 
should take on so important a crisis those prompt and efficacious 
measures which the circumstances imperiously call for ; and, lastly, 
moved by the duties imposed on me by the fundamental law of 
Portugal, I resolve to abandon that retirement to which my present 
circumstances would lead me ; and, leaving on the continent those 
objects which are dearest to my heart, I depart to join those Portu-. 
guese who, by the greatest sacrifices, have made their valour 
triumph over all the efforts of the usurper. 

" When, after my arrival in the Azores, I shall have returned my 
sincere thanks to those individuals who composed the regency, 
(which I had appointed in consequence of my absence,) for the 
patriotism with which, in such arduous circumstances, they dis- 



"HE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 693 

charged their functions, I shall re-assume (for the reasons already 
mentioned) the authority with which the said regency was invested, 
which I shall preserve until the period when, the lawful govern- 
ment of my august daughter having been established in Portugal, 
the general Cortes of the Portuguese nation (which I shall imme- 
diately convoke) shall have decided whether it is convenient that I 
should continue in the exercise of those rights, expressed in the 
92d article of the constitutional charter ; and when resolved affir- 
matively, I shall take the oath prescribed by the same charter for 
the permanent exercise of the regency. 

" It will be then that the oppressed Portuguese shall see the end 
of those misfortunes which so long have weighed upon them : they 
shall not have to fear any re-actions or acts of revenge from those 
of their fellow-countrymen who hasten to deliver them from bon- 
dage. At the moment of their meeting, those who for so many 
years have been far away from their native soil, will deplore with 
them the calamities which they have endured, and will bury them 
in eternal oblivion. With respect to those miserable beings whose 
guilty conscience makes them shudder for the overthrow of that 
usurpation of which they were the instigators and abettors, they 
may rest assured, that, if the law can punish them by depriving 
them of those political rights which they so shamefully misused for 
the perdition of their country, no one of them shall be deprived 
either of his life, or his civil rights, or of his property (without pre- 
judice to the rights of others,) as so many honest men have been, 
whose only crime was to have defended the laws of their country. 

" I shall publish an amnesty clearly defining the limits of this 
act of oblivion, declaring, in the mean while, that no impeachment 
will be received respecting past events or opinions, avoiding, by 
appropriate measures, that no one may in future be molested under 
such a plea. 

" On these bases, I shall apply myself with the most unremitting 
zeal to the furtherance of many other no less important objects for 
the honour and welfare of the Portuguese nation, one of the 
uppermost in my thoughts being the re-establishment of the poli- 
tical and commercial relations which existed between Portugal and 
other states ; religiously respecting their rights, and scrupulously 
avoiding any compromise in matters of foreign policy, which may 
in future disquiet the allied and neighbouring nations. 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 

" Portugal shall enjoy all the advantages resulting from internal 
peace and consideration abroad. Public credit shall be re-esta- 
blished by the acknowledgment of all public debts, whether 
national or foreign, legally contracted ; and, together with this, 
means shall be provided for their payment, which must necessarily 
have their due share of influence on public prosperity. 

" I insure to that part of the Portuguese army which, having 
been artfully deceived, at present upholds the system of usurpation, 
that it shall be welcomed by me, if, renouncing the defence of 
tyranny, it shall spontaneously join the liberating army, an army 
which shall lend its aid to the maintenance of the laws, and shall 
be the strongest support of the constitutional throne, and of the 
welfare of their fellow- citizens. I equally guarantee to the officers 
of the militia, who shall refrain from sharing in the defence of 
usurpation, that they shall not be molested, and that they shall be 
immediately allowed to retire from the service, in order that they 
may return to the bosom of their families, and to their domestic 
employments, from which they have for so long a time been 
drawn away. 

" Not entertaining the least doubt but that these frank expres- 
sions of my sentiments will find an easy way into the hearts of all 
honest Portuguese, lovers of their country, and that they will not. 
hesitate in joining me and the ranks of their loyal and fearless 
fellow-countrymen who accompany me in the heroic enterprise of 
the restoration of the constitutional throne to her most faithful 
majesty, my august daughter, it behoves me here to declare, that I 
am not going to carry to Portugal the horrors of civil war, but 
peace and conciliation, planting on the walls of Lisbon the royal 
flag of the same august sovereign, in accordance with the mandates 
of eternal justice, and the unanimous voice of all civilized nations. 

" Don Pedro, Duke of Braganza. 

" On board the frigate Raynha de Portvgal, 
Feb. 2. 1832." 

Fixing his place of rendezvous at Boulogne-sur-la-mer, Don 
Pedro collected a military force of eight or ten thousand men, 
which he embarked in transports, and proceeded to the island of 
St. Michael's, one of the Azores, which had previously declared 



THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 695 

in favour of the claims of Donna Maria II., the legitimate sove- 
reign. There the squadron arrived in May last, and the troops 
were disembarked. On the 22d of June the embarkation of 
the troops again commenced, and the weather being fine, and 
all the necessary arrangements judiciously made, the important 
operation was soon completed. Before the troops left the shore, 
a grand religious ceremony took place, under the direction of the 
emperor's chaplain, and, immediately after mass, Don Pedro thus 
addressed the troops : 

" Soldiers — your afflicted country calls for you ; in recompense 
of your fatigues, of your sufferings, and of your loyalty, it offers 
you rest, gratitude, and acknowledgment. 

"Full of confidence in the visible protection of the God of 
armies, let us march, soldiers, to complete the enterprise we have 
so honourably projected. The fame of your incomparable valour 
— of your distinguished perseverance — go before you ; the decided 
love, which we all consecrate to our Queen Donna Maria II., 
accompanies us, as well as the enthusiasm we have for the con- 
stitutional charter ; the wishes of the agonized Portuguese nation 
follow us : Europe anxiously awaits the decision of the contest 
between fidelity and perjury — between justice and despotism — 
between liberty and slavery ; finally, soldiers, glory calls upon us 
to save our honour. 

" Let us go — let us embark, shouting Vivas for the Queen and 
the Charter, the palladiums of Portuguese liberty." 

It appears, however, that adverse winds and unfavourable 
weather prevented the sailing of the expedition, and it was not 
until the 10th of July, that the vessels came to anchor, near 
Oporto, and immediately landed without opposition at the small 
town of Matozinhos, three miles north of the bar. On the fol- 
lowing day (the 11th) the invading army, amounting to about 
7,500, moved towards the city, which they entered ; the governor, 
garrison, and magistrates, with the police, having evacuated 
the place, withdrew across the Douro to Villa Nova, and de- 
stroyed the bridge of boats. The Sicperb steamer and three 
schooners were got over the bar, and succeeded, on the 12th, 
after some loss, in driving the garrison from Villa Nova, who re- 
treated into the country; and at seven p.m. same day, 3,000 
of Don Pedro's troops crossed the Douro, possessed themselves of 



696 THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 

Villa Nova, and commenced the repairs of the bridge. Several 
officers and soldiers then joined the standard of Donna Maria ; 
the 9 th, 12th, and 22d regiments were known as prepared to do 
so, on an opportunity offering ; and one of their regiments having 
prematurely declared their sentiments, were immediately fired upon 
by other regiments of their own troops, and suffered much loss. 
The Stag frigate, Sir Thomas Trowbridge, saluted Don Pedro on 
his landing. It was understood that the squadron of Donna 
Maria were at once to proceed off Lisbon. All was quiet in that 
city on the 9th. 

In spite of all the vigilance and rigour of Don Miguel's satel- 
lites, means had been found to make known to the people the 
approach of the expedition, and to prepare them for its recep- 
tion. The press, which tyrants are ever eager to attack, proves 
always too powerful for them in the end. A number of papers, 
in the form of handbills, had been circulated among the troops 
and the inhabitants of Lisbon. They appear to be intended for 
different classes, and are sent forth under signatures suited 
to their respective destinations, as " Hum Fidalgo," " Hum 
Veterano," " Hum Ecclesiastico," " Hum Religioso," &c. They 
expose the falseboods of Don Miguel's Gazettes, vindicate the 
cause of Donna Maria, and are well calculated to produce the 
desired impression on the public mind. The soldiers are in- 
formed that the Duke of Braganza comes to restore the usurped 
crown to his daughter, — that the sacred Quinas, against which 
no true Portuguese will fire a shot, wave over the masts of his 
ships : and care is taken to assure them that Lord Grey is still 
minister of England, and that no power remains in the hands of 
the Duke of Wellington. In one paper, a friar expresses his 
deep regret at having contributed to deceive the people by 
preaching sermons in support of Don Miguel's legitimacy, and 
hopes to obtain pardon through a sincere repentance. It has 
been reported in some letters from Lisbon, that Don Miguel was 
making preparations for his escape to America, and the fact is 
stated in the secret bulletins circulated at Lisbon. 

To this subject, big as it is with the fate of Portugal, we 
purpose returning in a subsequent part of the volume, when we 
shall have an opportunity of recording the success or failure of 
the enterprise. 



STATE OF FRANCE. 607 

Section VII. — State of France since the Return of the Bourbons. 
Second Revolution. 

The French Revolution of 1789, already adverted to, after a 
reign of terror, anarchy, and confusion, during which millions of 
human beings fell victims to the sword and guillotine, ended in a 
military despotism, the most frightful in its career, and horrific in 
its effects, that the world ever beheld. It armed all the powers 
of Europe against itself, and in their own defence ; converted 
the whole of France into one martial camp; spread desolation 
and destruction throughout the entire Contment, from the Baltic 
to the Black Sea, and from the Tagus to the Volga ; marching, 
like a comet through the heavens, and converting the finest por- 
tions of the. earth into a barren wilderness. Such was the state 
of Europe from 1793 to 1814, when the colossal power which 
despotism had raised, suddenly gave way, and a reaction com- 
menced. The family of the Bourbons, which had so long found 
an asylum in England as to have almost become domiciliated, 
were suddenly recalled from their retreat, to the land of their fore- 
fathers, there to resume their wonted dignity. 

On the 30th of March 1814, Paris was surrounded by the 
armies of the allied sovereigns, who wished to enter the capital 
without having recourse to forced means ; and Prince Swartzen- 
berg, as their representative, 'issued a proclamation to the in- 
habitants, stating, that the combined armies were before the city, 
with the hope of effecting a sincere and lasting reconciliation with 
France, and that they looked to the city of Paris " to accelerate 
the peace of the world." On the same day, the emperor of 
Russia, by a declaration in behalf of himself and the other allied 
sovereigns, " invited the senate immediately to name a provi- 
sional government able to provide for the wants of the adminis- 
tration, and prepare a constitution suitable to the French people." 

On the following day, the senate nominated five persons to 
constitute a provisional government, namely, Talleyrand, Ber- 
nouvelle, Count de Jacour, Due d' Auberg, and Montesquieu. In 
a second sitting, the senate declared that the dynasty of Napoleon 
was at an end, that the French people were absolved from their 
oath of allegiance to him, and that the senate and legislative 

4 u 



STATE OF FRANCE : 

bodies should form fundamental parts of the constitution. In 
consequence of that declaration, the Emperor of Russia declared, 
" I leave the choice of the monarch and the government to the 
French people." On the 3d of April, the senate entered on its 
register that " a constitutional monarchy is, in virtue of the con- 
stitution, a social compact ;" and that, as Napoleon had violated 
his legal powers, he had forfeited the throne, and the hereditary 
right established in his family. One of their principal charges 
against him was, " that the liberty of the press, established and 
consecrated as one of the rights of the nation, had been con- 
stantly subjected to the arbitrary control of his police ; and that, 
at the same time, he had always made use of the press to fill 
France with misrepresentations, false maxims, and doctrines favour- 
able to despotism." 

On the 6th of April the conservative senate decreed the form 
of a constitution, by which constitution Louis the Eighteenth was 
called to the throne of France ; and the twenty-third article runs 
thus : " The liberty of the press is entire, with the exception of 
the legal repression of offences which may result from the abuse 
of that liberty. " On the 14th, the senate decreed as follows : 
" The senate offers the provisional government of France to 
his royal highness Monseigneur Count D'Artois, under the title of 
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, until Louis Stanislaus Xavier, 
of France, called to the throne of the French, has accepted the 
constitutional charter." The Count D'Artois replied, " Gentlemen, 
I have taken cognizance of the constitutional charter, which recalls 
to the throne of France my august brother. I have not received from 
him the power to accept the constitution, but I know his senti- 
ments and principles, and I do not fear being disavowed, when I 
assure you in his name he will admit the basis of it." 

From a principle of etiquette, the constitution was not pre- 
sented to Louis the Eighteenth, for his acceptance, while he re- 
mained in England, lest it should be supposed that he accepted it 
under the influence of the British government. This they de- 
clared " they considered to be due to his honour, because they 
tendered him the crown upon conditions." And herein they made 
a fatal mistake, of which they were soon made sensible. How- 
ever, quitting England, he proceeded, by way of Calais, and reached 
St. Ouen, where he published a declaration, on the 2d of May, 



RETURN OF THE BOURBONS. 699 

setting forth that he had attentively read the "plan of the con- 
stitution proposed by the senate," but that it contained many 
things which required revision ; and feeling himself secure under 
the protection of the allied armies, he reserved to himself the 
privilege of rejecting whatever he disliked. 

Finding himself constituted king of France, and secure in the 
palace of the Tuilleries, Louis the Eighteenth was in no haste to 
settle the affair of the constitution. The people now clamoured 
against the delay ; and at length the monarch, in order to pacify 
them, issued a manifesto, in which he declared that — " resolved 
to adopt a liberal constitution, willing that it be wisely combi- 
ned, and not being able to accept one that it is indispensable to 
rectify, we call together, on the 10th of June, the senate and the 
legislative body : we engage to place under their eyes the pains 
which we have taken, with a commission chosen out of these two 
bodies, and to give for the basis of that constitution the fol- 
lowing guarantees." 

On the 10th of June the senate and the legislative body met — 
and the people were swindled ! The constitution which they 
proposed for his acceptance placed Louis on the throne ; and as 
soon as he found himself upon it, he threw away the ladder — 
he rejected the principle of compact. According to the consti- 
tution, Louis the Eighteenth would have acknowledged that the 
people had rights, and that in the exercise of those rights they 
had called him to the throne. This doctrine he acquiesced in, 
until he was safe in his seat ; he then disclaimed their sovereignty, 
by setting up his own. The only right he acknowledged was 
right divine ; and, instead of ratifying the constitution, he issued 
a patent, what he called a charter, beginning " Louis, by the 
Grace of God, King, &c. "Whereas Divine Providence, in calling 
us," &c. A constitutional charter being solicited, we have, in the 
free exercise of our royal authority, agreed and consented to make 
concessions, and grant to our subjects," &c. Such was the 
Jesuitical sophistry used on this occasion, to badge the people as 
his hereditary property ! — it pleased the king " in the free exor- 
cise of his royal authority" to give them a charter ! The people, 
finding they could not help themselves, gradually became recon- 
ciled, and Louis the Eighteenth maintained his position upon the 
throne from this time till the 15th of September, 1824, when 



700 STATE OF FRANCE. 

death removed him, to make room for his brother and successor, 
Charles the Tenth. — The charter, nevertheless, though originating 
in a despotic principle, was in its operation a great benefit to 
the country, and, on any ministerial attempt at encroachment, 
the people referred to it as to a text-book. 

The late king is said, on his death bed, to have advised his 
successor to " govern legally," that is, to adhere to the charter ; 
but on Charles the Tenth, good advice was thrown away. In the 
hands of a host of priests and Jesuits, he was a mere puppet. In 
his conduct towards his subjects, he seemed without a moral sense. 
He was superstitious in the extreme. The rights of kings, and 
the " mild" rule of his ancestors, were ever before him. Nothing 
was to be yielded to the people, for nothing belonged to them — 
not even their patent rights under their charter. To strengthen 
himself in the chamber of peers, he increased it by creations; 
to weaken the people, he invaded the elective franchise, and 
shackled the press. 

In August, 1829, Charles X., dismissed M. Martignac's admini- 
stration, because it would not go all lengths against the people, 
and appointed another, of ultra royalists, under his natural son, 
Prince Polignac. A cabal of priests and court minions prevailed — 
the charter was invaded — the journals resisted — and the ablest 
writers in behalf of constitutional rights were prosecuted : the press 
was to be gagged, and the people enslaved. In March, 1830, the 
chambers met, and the first act of the deputies was an address, 
praying the king to dismiss his ministers. This was termed an 
" insolent" address ; the king answered it haughtily, and dissolved 
the chambers. A new election of the deputies succeeded, and, not- 
withstanding the intrigues of the ministry to control the elections, 
the majority of deputies against the ministers was greater than 
before. The charter had limited the period within which the ses- 
sions was to commence, and the chambers were convoked for the 
3d of August. 

Polignac, a rash and feeble-minded man, and Peyronnet, a man 
as depraved in private as he was unprincipled in public life, were 
the leaders of the administration devoted to the king's designs. 
Every reflecting person in France knew it to be impossible that 
the government of Charles X. could go on, unless he would 
" govern legally," which he was determined not to do. In the 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 701 

mean time, the expedition against Algiers was undertaken, in the 
hope of diverting the minds of the people from their causes of 
complaint at home ; but the manoeuvre was too obvious to escape 
the observation of the liberal press, and accordingly it produced no 
effect. Up to the time of the dismissal of Messrs. Chabrol and 
Courvoisier, the only popular members of the government, and the 
appointment of Peyronnet, the most unpopular member of the most 
unpopular administration which had been in office since the resto- 
ration, no serious apprehensions of open attack on the charter had 
been apprehended : the timid and vacilling character of Polignac 
rendered it tolerably certain that he would take no step which 
would place him in too great danger. But the case was now 
widely different ; Peyronnet was known to be a man totally desti- 
tute of principle, but possessing both talent and intrepidity, and 
his accession to power gave the country every thing to fear for the 
welfare of the people. Contrary, however, to expectation, he 
affected a tone of moderation, and spoke of warm attachment to 
the charter, and enmity only to its abuses. Every one was waiting 
the meeting of the chambers, in perfect tranquillity, when the fatal 
blow was struck, which hurled Charles X. from his throne. 

On the 22d and following day of July, the usual notices sum- 
moning the members to meet on the 3d of August, were circu- 
lated in the ordinary manner. On Sunday July 25th, the king 
and his seven ministers held a council at St. Cloud, when three 
ordonnances were agreed on and signed. These documents, while 
they pretended to adhere to the forms of the charter, which gave 
the king power to direct, by ordonnance, the mode in which the 
laws should be executed, virtually abrogated all its most important 
provisions. The first of these ordonnances abolished the liberty of 
the press ; the second dissolved the chamber, which had not yet 
assembled ; and the third altered the law of election in such a 
manner as almost to throw the nomination of the members into the 
hands of the ministry. 

On the following morning, (Monday,) these ordonnances appeared 
in the " Moniteur," the official paper; and some time unavoidably 
elapsed before they were generally known. As the fatal intelli- 
gence gradually spread, anxious groups were seen assembled in the 
Palais Royal, discussing the probable results of the measures. 
Gloom and despondency appeared the prevalent features in their 



702 STATE OF FRANCE I 

aspect, and it was not until late in the evening, when the mechanics 
had left off work, and learnt what had been done, that any thing 
like a tumultuous assembly took place. It is said, that about ten 
o'clock in the evening of Monday, the gardens of the Palais Royal 
were filled with citizens, murmuring imprecations on the ministry, 
but wholly unarmed ; and that in an attempt made by the gens- 
d'armerie to compel them to disperse, the people had the advan- 
tage, and remained in the gardens until the usual hour of retiring, 
when they proceeded in groups through the Rue de Nivoli, and 
the Rue Neuve des Capuchines, hooting as they passed the resi- 
dences of the different ministers, but not attempting any violence. 
This commotion, however, was quite local. During the day, the 
principal journalists had a meeting, in which a spirited remon- 
strance was agreed to, and it was resolved to publish the papers as 
usual the next morning, notwithstanding the prohibition — a resolu- 
tion which received the judicial sanction of M 8 de Belleyme, pre- 
sident of one of the tribunals. 

In the morning of the 27th, (Tuesday) the presses were forcibly 
seized by the police, as well as all the copies printed that could be 
found, and all public reading-rooms and coffee-houses were threat- 
ened with the severest penalties, if they retained a copy of any of 
those obnoxious journals. The following specimen has been given 
of the style of some of these suppressed publications — it is an 
extract from the " Figaro," a paper distinguished by the force and 
brilliancy of its sarcasms. " The government of Algiers promised, 
on payment of a certain subsidy, to allow our ships the free navi- 
gation of the seas : The ministers of the king of France agreed, 
on sufficient security being given, to allow the press the privilege 
of thinking and publishing with freedom. In contempt of the 
treaty, the pirates of Algiers seized vessels which had submitted to 
pay the subsidy : In contempt of the laws, the ministers of the 
king destroy the presses of journals which have given the required 
security. Twenty days were sufficient to overthrow the govern- 
ment of Algiers." — The effects which were produced on the minds 
of the French people by writings of this description is incredible. 

It was not till about noon of Tuesday, that matters began to 
assume a very hostile appearance. The morning had been busily 
occupied by the police in breaking open the printing-offices, 
destroying the presses, and seizing what papers they could find. 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 703 

But now the troops began to pour into the city, and fill the streets — 
agitation prevailed throughout Paris, the Bourse was crowded to 
excess, and inflammatory papers were distributed, " Death to 
ministers, and infamy to the soldiers who defend them !" " Aux 
armes, Francois !" The funds of course dropped, as popular excite- 
ment heightened. Enthusiastic persons, mounted on chairs, or 
from the windows of houses, read copies of the suppressed journals; 
the streets resounded with shouts of " Vive la Charte !" " Down 
with the king !" " Death to Polignac I" " Death to Peyronnet !" 
" Liberty or death !" " Vive la republique V 9 

A deputation of peers left Paris for St. Cloud ; but the court 
had taken a headlong course, and obstinately persisted in enforc- 
ing obedience to its mandates. The deputies, who were in town, 
assembled, and wete said to have unanimously resolved that the 
ministers had placed themselves out of the pale of the law ; that 
the people would be justified in refusing the payment of taxes ; 
and that all the deputies should be summoned to meet on the 3d 
of August, the day first appointed for the convocation. About 12 
o'clock on Tuesday, there were at least 5000 people assembled in 
the Palais Royal, and their number was every moment increased 
by printers thrown out of employ in consequence of the suppres- 
sion of the journals, and workmen dismissed from the manufac- 
tories. Tradesmen shut up their shops; all work was abandoned; 
and detachments of artisans, with large sticks, traversed the streets, 
which were now patrolled by troops of gens-d'armes in full gallop, 
to disperse the accumulating crowds. The king was at the 
Tuilleries. 

About four o'clock of Tuesday afternoon, the contest may be 
said to have commenced by the prefect of police ordering the 
Palais Royal to be cleared by the gens-d'armerie. They charged 
with the flat of their sabres, drove the people out pell mell, and the 
gates were closed. The chairs lying about the walks in heaps were 
evidence of the general confusion. Towards 5 o'clock there was a 
tumult in the Place du Palais Royal. The military fired, and the 
exasperated people killed one of the soldiers. This was the signal 
for a general rencontre; and about 7 o'clock, bodies of discharged 
workmen rushed into Paris from the environs, dispersing them- 
selves throughout the city. They began to unpave the streets, and 
overturned waggons in the middle of the narrowest parts, to form 



704 



STATE OF FRANCE : 



an entrenchment. A band of artisans bore the corpse of one of 
their fallen comrades through the streets, and their cry of " ven- 
geance" was terrible. " To arms ! to arms !" was now the 
general cry, and the common feeling of determined resistance por- 
tended an awful and decisive struggle. 

Polignac was closeted with the relentless monarch during the 
greater part of the day, but neither he nor the King durst shew 
themselves in public for a moment. At night he gave a grand 
dinner to his odious colleagues, under the protection of a battalion 
and ten pieces of artillery. Despatches were sent by the govern- 
ment in every direction, to hasten the march of troops towards 
the capital ; but by the time that these orders had been carried 
into effect, several departments were in arms against the ordon- 
nances, and the mayors and prefects were obliged to throw them- 
selves on the mercy of the citizens, and to leave the question of 
military force and military arrangements to the inhabitants. In 
the mean while, the deputies had applied themselves to consider 
the measures necessary to be adopted, and one of their resolutions 
was that the National Guard should be instantly organized. 

At this crisis, big with certain ruin either to the government of 
Charles the Tenth, or the liberties of the people, an important 
document was issued, entitled " Manifesto to the French — to all 
people — and to all governments." It began by reciting the con- 
ditions on which the Bourbon family were invited to resume the 
royal authority in 1814, the oaths they had taken at different 
times, and the imperious obligations they had contracted to pre- 
serve inviolate the charter. It declared that all these oaths they 
had violated during the last sixteen years, and by a system of 
misrule had exhausted the national patience ! It then came to 
the ordonnances of the 25th of July, which it characterized in the 
most indignant terms ; and then added, that " by these ordon- 
nances, the chief of the government has placed himself above 
the law — therefore he has put himself out of the pale of the 
law." " In consequence, Charles-Philip Capet, formerly Count 
of Artois, has ceased in right to be King of France, and the 
French are released from all their obligations to him in that 
character." 

The manifesto then thus proceeded : " All the ordonnances 
which he may promulge, will be, like those of the 25th, null, 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 705 

and as if they had never been given. The ministers composing 
the government of the ex-king, named Polignac, Peyronnet, 
Montbal, D'Haussez, De Chantelause, and Guernon Ranville, are 
declared attainted, and convicted of high treason. It is the duty 
of all Frenchmen to resist, by every means in their power, the 
orders of Charles-Philip Capet, or his agents, under whatever 
denomination they may present themselves — to refuse payment 
of all imposts — and to take arms, if it should be necessary, to 
put an end to a government de facto, and to establish a new 
government de jure. 

" The army is released from its oaths of fidelity to the ex- 
king — its country invokes its concurrence. Charles-Philip Capet, 
his self-styled ministers or counsellors, their abettors and adherents, 
the generals, the chiefs of regiments and officers, are responsible 
for every effusion of blood resulting from the resistance of the 
government de facto to the national will. 

" Louis Philip of Orleans, Duke of Orleans, is called upon to 
fulfil, under the present circumstances, the duties which are im- 
posed upon him, and to concur, with his fellow-citizens, in the 
re-establishment of a constitutional government ; and, on his 
refusal to do so, he must, with his family, quit the French ter- 
ritory, until the perfect consolidation of the new government has 
been effected." 

It does not appear by whom this paper was drawn up : it 
merely purported to be " Voted in Session at Paris, 27th of July, 
1830," and signed T. S., provisional President, with the signa- 
tures of two provisional secretaries. Such a manifesto, however, 
could not be circulated at Paris, at such a perilous moment, 
without producing stupendous effects, and the result demonstrated 
the truth of this : all that followed was in course. 

On Wednesday the 28th, the battle raged with violence. The 
inhabitants had armed themselves with paving-stones and missiles 
of every description, with which they annoyed the troops as they 
entered, particularly from the Port St. Denis, which was the scene 
of the most obstinate conflicts throughout the day. In the Place 
de Victoires, a numerous body of the people had assembled, 
headed by several of the national guard in full uniform. These 
formed on one side of the square, and presently a body of the 
mounted gens-d'armerie were seen advancing down the Rue Neuve 

4 x 



/06 STATE OF FRANCE : 

de Petits Champs, supported by the 5th and 53d regiments of 
the line, and a small party of chasseurs. The people waved their 
hands to them as they advanced, a salutation which the soldiers 
appeared to return ; and on their arrival at the Place de Vic- 
tories, the chasseurs took up a position as if to defend the Bank, 
and the troops of the line fell in with the national guard and the 
people. In a little time, however, a rapid firing commenced — 
the people were dispersed — and the troops formed in line were 
firing upon every one who came in sight ! This piece of treachery 
cost the people a number of lives, and was worthy of the general 
(Marmont) by whom it was directed. 

At the Pont Neuf, the contest raged with great violence. At a 
very early hour the people gained possession of nearly all the 
detached corps de garde, by which means they were partially 
supplied with arms, and had hoisted the tri-colour flag on the 
towers of Notre Dame. They then marched on the Hotel de Ville, 
which was garrisoned by a large body of gens-d'armerie, horse 
and foot. Here the insurgents attempted a parley, but those who 
advanced for that purpose were fired on by the armed force. 
Goaded to fury by this wanton cruelty, the people, though more 
than half-unarmed, rushed on the bayonets, and succeeded in 
putting the enemy to flight, and hoisting the national colours on 
the Hotel de Ville. This triumph, however, was but of short 
continuance ; in about half an hour, a detachment of the garde 
royale was seen marching towards the Place du Greve, and 
formed in front of the Hotel de Ville. A sharp fire was kept up 
on both sides, and another body of the people having advanced 
by the bridge of Notre Dame, and attacked the royal troops in 
flank, they were obliged to take flight after considerable loss. 
The victory now seemed to be secure, when nearly 2,000 men, 
composed of troops of the line, supported by a squadron of cui- 
rassieurs and four pieces of cannon, advanced to the attack, and 
after a murderous fusilade, succeeded in gaining possession of the 
Hotel de Ville. The people, however, were not discouraged ; 
numerous bodies poured in from every quarter, and, in the course 
of the day, the contested post was thrice taken and retaken. 
" At the time I passed the bridge" says an English gentleman 
then resident at Paris, " the royal troops were in possession of 
the Place de Greve 7 and of all the avenues leading to it in the 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 7W 

direction of the river. The firing was incessant, and the carnage 
immense. The troops of the line, however, appeared to ab- 
stain as much as possible from taking any part in it, contenting 
themselves with forming a line across the bridge, so as to pre- 
vent access from that quarter, and leaving to the garde royal e 
the office of butchering their fellow-citizens, which they did without 
remorse. 

" Leaving the scene of this conflict, I proceeded along the 
quay, until I reached the Morgue, which I entered, and beheld 
a spectacle of horror which I shall never forget. In the midst 
of battle, men fell unregarded ; amidst the universal excitement 
of conflict, hundreds may fall without exciting even a passing sigh 
from those by their side : but here it was widely different — all was 
tranquil and still. Eleven bodies, stripped and laid out on boards, 
remained to await the recognition of their friends. They were 
citizens — they had perished in the contest which I still heard 
roaring around me — their wounds were various ; one was a woman, 
apparently in the seventh or eighth month of her pregnancy ! 
A ball had entered her left eye, and penetrated to the brain ! 
Another was a boy, about ten years old, that had been transfixed 
with a lance. Among those whom curiosity had assembled round 
the ghastly group, I observed a young man, about 17 or 18, whom 
Salvator would have chosen as a model for a young bandit. 
Never did I see a countenance in which beauty and ferocity were 
so singularly blended. He had around him a girdle, in which 
were two pistols and a hanger — in his hand he had a broad 
two-edged knife, the blade of which glittered in the sun-beams. 
He entered hastily, cast one look of unutterable expression on 
the corpses, as if to whet his fury, and rushed out with a yell of 
defiance in the direction of the Greve, where the conflict was then 
raging the fiercest." 

During the day, contests had been going on in various parts 
of Paris, in all of which the people had been victorious. The 
pupils of the polytechnic school distinguished themselves in every 
quarter by their cool and determined bravery. During Wednes- 
day night, the troops in the neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville 
were called in, and the whole royal force was concentrated in the 
Louvre, the Place du Carousel, and the Tuilleries. In the course 
of the night, the people had so completely barricaded every street 



708 STATE OF FRANCE: 

in Paris, as to render them quite impassable, and able to furnish 
a siege, if requisite. The 5th and 53d regiments of the line, 
that had from the first shewn an unwillingness to fight against 
their fellow-citizens, had openly joined the people ; and on the 
morning of Thursday, the 29th, the national colours were seen 
floating on almost every public edifice in Paris. The word 
" Royale" was effaced from the theatres, and every shop bearing 
the royal arms had carefully removed the obnoxious emblem. 
Yet so blind were the ministers to their real situation, that even 
on Wednesday afternoon, when Monsieurs Lafitte, Gerard, and 
Cassimir Perrier ventured through the fire to the Tuileries, in 
order to have an interview with the Duke of Ragusa, the com- 
mander-in-chief, and proposed to him to guarantee the immediate 
cessation of all tumult, if the ordonnances were revoked, and the 
chambers assembled as usual, Polignac refused even to enter into a 
negociation with the deputies, on any terms but those of uncon- 
ditional submission on the part of the rebels, as he was pleased to 
term the people. 

Up to this time, little, if any thing, was said about a change 
of the dynasty — a return to the charter was all that was asked. 
But on Thursday morning, when it was become evident that the 
king would continue blind to his own interests, it became 
necessary to take some decided step. The re-organization of the 
national guard was the first object, and the venerable General 
La Fayette, ever foremost in the cause of rational liberty, imme- 
diately accepted the command, and establishing his head-quar- 
ters at the Hotel de Ville, issued his first proclamation, while both 
the Louvre and the Tuileries were still in possession of the royal 
troops. In the course of the forenoon, the Louvre was invested 
by the people ; but they had to encounter the Swiss guards, who 
were stationed on the upper story of the building, occupying the 
whole of its immense length, and protected by the columns which 
are between the windows. From five in the morning they had 
kept up a constant fire of musketry upon all who came within 
their reach : on the other hand, the people returned the fire from 
the windows of the surrounding houses, and from the portico of 
the church of St. Germain d'Auxerrois, but with little effect — not 
many of the Swiss fell. About eleven o'clock, two men from the 
Rue de Poulets rushed through the fire, and succeeded in obtain- 



SECOND REVOLUTION 70^ 

mg the shelter of the lower wall which surrounds the enclosed 
wall of the Louvre — four others rapidly followed, and one of 
them succeeded in planting a tri-colour flag on the exterior 
railings. This was received with a shout of exultation from the 
people, and a volley of general musketry from the Swiss. In a 
short time, some hundreds of people had made their way to the 
gate of the Louvre, where they stood the fire of the garrison till 
nearly twelve o'clock, when they forced an entrance, and, after a 
short but decisive struggle, succeeded in repulsing the Swiss ; 
the most of whom escaped by the northern and western gates, to> 
take refuge in the Tuileries. 

From the Louvre the people proceeded without delay to the 
Tuileries, which being invested on every side made but a feeble 
resistance ; a short but murderous conflict took place on the Pont 
Royale, in which the people completely routed the guards, and 
instantly forced the gates of the palace. On taking possession 
of the Museum, the utmost care was taken to preserve every thing 
from injury ; but the picture of the coronation of Charles the 
Tenth was torn into tatters, while no other was touched. In the 
Louvre, every picture and bust of Charles the Tenth was instantly 
destroyed, but those of Louis the Eighteenth, the author of the 
charter, were respected ; the people only covered his largest bust 
with a veil of black crape. Every one had unrestrained access to 
the palace, and not a single article of value was purloined. 
The clothes and ornaments of the Duchess d'Angouleme were 
thrown contemptuously out of the window, and one of her white 
satin petticoats soon figured as part of a tri-coloured flag on the 
garden gate. Every thing in the apartments of the Duchess of 
Berri was scrupulously respected : so minute were the shades of 
distinction which appeared to regulate the movements of this self- 
guided populace at the moment of their wildest enthusiasm ! 

The occupation of the Tuileries by the people was much facili- 
tated by a circumstance which does not appear to have been 
generally known at the time. During the early part of the 
morning, the Tuileries gardens, the Rue de Rivoli, and the Place 
Vendome were occupied by a very strong body of the royal troops, 
supported by several pieces of ordnance. Between ten and eleven 
the cannon were brought into the Rue de Rivoli in such a man- 
ner as to command all the approaches in the direction of the 



710 STATE OF FRANCE: 

Place du Carousel, and the soldiers were drawn up in the gardens 
and across the Rue de Rivoli in fighting order. A little after 
eleven, two commissioners, in court dresses, arrived in the Place 
Vendome, and informed the troops, that a suspension of arms 
had been agreed to by the Duke of Ragusa. The intelligence 
was received with an universal burst of joy. All the knapsacks 
were instantly taken oft, the arms piled in the garden, and pre- 
parations made for relieving themselves from the state of almost 
starvation 'n which they had been for the last two days. Num- 
bers of people approached the gardens, and shook hands with the 
soldiers through the railings. The latter seated themselves around 
huge caldrons containing joints of meat and other provisions, 
and were thinking of nothing less than hostilities, when a terrific 
shout was heard in the direction of the palace, which inspired a 
universal panic. The soldiers rose instanter, left the mess on 
which they had scarcely entered, and retreated, in many instances, 
without ever stopping to take their arms and knapsacks. 

The noise which had thus alarmed them arose from the cry 
of the people, who, having gained the Louvre, were rushing on to 
the attack of the Tuileries by the Place de Carousel. Had these 
troops not been thus thrown ofT their guard by the absurd conduct 
or the Duke of Ragusa, in proclaiming a suspension of hostilities 
before he was aware whether it would be acceded to by the other 
party, a dreadful carnage must have taken place, from the num- 
ber of pieces of ordnance which were ready to be brought to 
bear on the advancing people. But, indeed, the conduct of 
the Duke of Ragusa, throughout the whole of this affair, is quite 
inexplicable. 

The victory was now complete. Three days had sufficed to 
render Paris free ; and in the evening of the third day, every thing 
was as tranquil as before the disturbances commenced. The barri- 
cades were carefully guarded, and every facility afforded to passen- 
gers. Lights were placed along the front of every house, to supply 
the place of lamps. Seventy thousand men of the lowest class 
were in arms about the city, and not a single outrage to person or 
property was heard of, except in one single instance, when a man 
being detected in secreting some valuable property, he was 
instantly shot by his comrades in the Place de la Bourse ; and the 
most timid female might have traversed Paris from one end to the 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 71 1 

other, in the most perfect safety. A young pupil of the polytechnic 
school was placed in the apartments of the Tuileries, to guard the 
property during the night : his guard consisted of twelve men, all 
mechanics, who appeared in the greatest state of pecuniary distress. 
The articles of value which lay scattered around them, were far 
more than sufficient to have enriched them for life ; there was 
nothing to prevent their taking them, and detection was impossible. 
The young chief afterwards admitted, that he felt for a moment a 
little uneasy at his situation ; but an idea of personal interest never 
seems even to have crossed the minds of the brave fellows : they 
passed the night in talking of what they had done, and in the 
morning returned tranquilly each to his usual employment, as if 
nothing had happened. And here is the marked feature of this 
revolution — a populace unaided, unguided, unofficered, by the 
mere force of moral and physical courage, in three days achieve 
for themselves the possession of absolute power : the first and only 
use they make of that power is to divest themselves of it, and place 
it in the hands most qualified to wield it for the true interests of 
their country. This circumstance it is which makes this revolution 
stand alone in the annals of the world, and afford a lesson, both to 
kings and people, which can never be mistaken or forgotten. 

On Friday the 30th of July, the deputies having again assembled 
at the house of M. Lafitte, resolved to offer to the Duke of Orleans 
the title of Lieutenant- General of the kingdom ; a title which (as 
Francis II., told the Duke of Guise, when he pressed him to 
bestow it on him at Amboise,) conveys the real monarchy of 
France. A deputation was accordingly sent to the duke at Neuilly, 
and in the evening he arrived at Paris, and accepted the office ; on 
which generals La Fayette and Gerard, the members of the pro- 
visional government, resigned the reins of authority into his hands, 
the former only retaining the command of the national guard. 

During the day, the king sent to General La Fayette, stating 
that he had revoked the ordonnances, and discharged his ministry : 
but it was too late, and no notice was taken of the communication. 
On the same night, after an ineffectual attempt to make his troops 
to march against Paris, the king retreated from St. Cloud to 
Trianon, and thence to Rambouillett. On Saturday the 31st, a 
small body of Parisians, headed by some of the pupils of the poly- 
technic school, defeated the lancers who were left at St. Cloud, and 



712 STATE OF FRANCE : 

took possession of the chateau. In the mean time all the neigh- 
bouring towns and villages hoisted the tri-coloured flag, and sent in 
their submission to the Lieutenant-General. 

On Monday, Paris exhibited no signs of what had passed : the 
shops were open as usual ; the barricades were destroyed, and the 
streets repaired ; the heroes of the revolution had disappeared ; the 
carpenter had betaken himself to his chisel, the mason to his 
mallet, and the blacksmith to his forge ; and but for the flags 
which waved from their eminences, and the graves of the noble 
victims who had fallen for their country's liberty, the events of the 
preceding week might have passed for a dream. 

On Tuesday, the 3d of August, the day originally appointed 
for the purpose, the chambers met, and the lieutenant-general 
communicated to them a letter from Charles X., in which both 
himself and the dauphin renounced all claim to the throne, in 
favour of the little Duke de Bordeaux. This letter was deposited 
in the archives of the house, and the chambers proceeded to the 
deliberative business of the session. By another letter, the king 
nominated the Duke of Orleans, Lieutenant-General, and demanded 
to be safely conducted to some port whence he might leave France, 
and applied for money for the purpose. Thus did this infatuated 
monarch, by the futile weakness of his concessions in adversity, 
forfeit even the slight tribute of respect, which firmness and dig- 
nity might have extorted from those whom his former conduct had 
forbidden to esteem him. 

On the evening of the 3d, finding that a large body of Parisians 
were preparing to march upon Rambouillett, in consequence of 
the haughty yet vacillating manner in which he had received the 
commissioners appointed to attend him to the coast, the ex-king 
hastily surrendered the crown jewels, which he had endeavoured 
to retain in his possession, and started, with a guard of about 
twelve hundred men, for Cherburg, whence he sailed for England, 
and landed at Poole, in Dorsetshire. He then proceeded to Lul- 
worth castle, where he took up his residence for a time, and after- 
wards removed to Holyrood House, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, 
where he is probably destined to end his days, being now at the 
advanced age of seventy-five. 

At the moment those extraordinary events were transpiring in 
France, a new election was on the tapis in our own country. 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 713 

When Mr. Brougham, now lord-chancellor, visited Sheffield as a 
candidate for the county of York, the measures of Charles X., and 
his ministers had just become known ; and Mr. Brougham's opinion 
being asked, he thus answered, with a power and energy peculiarly 
his own — " Alas ! the news has reached us, that a frantic tyrant, 
(for I can call him nothing else,) bent upon mischief, and guided 
by an ignorant and besotted priesthood, led by the most despica- 
ble advisers, forgetful of the obligation he owes to his people, 
forgetful of the duty he owes to that Providence which restored 
him to his throne, has, in the face of that Providence, and in 
defiance of that people, declared that he will trample on the 
liberties of his country, and rule thirty millions of its people by the 
sword. I heartily pray that his advisers may meet with that 
punishment which they so richly merit. The minister who could 
give such counsels, deserves that his head should be severed from 
his body, and rolled in the dust. If it were possible that any one 
could dare to give such advice to our king, the same punishment 
ought to be inflicted upon him ; and his head should roll in the 
dust the same day, before sun-set, on which he gave the counsel. 
Gentlemen, it is no business of ours to interfere with that country : 
the French have their own liberty in their own keeping, and no 
nation ever shewed itself more disposed to keep it, or seemed to 
me to have more right to possess it. And I pray to heaven that 
they may speedily crush their enemies, and establish their liberties." 
A decree of attainder against the late ministers having been 
carried in the chambers, they for some days lay concealed, but 
were at length discovered at a distance from the capital, in different 
disguises, and arrested. Polignac was taken at Granville, where 
he had assumed the character of a servant ; and, on being brought 
in strict custody to St. Lo, he wrote a letter to Baron Pasquier, 
which amused the public not a little. He tells the noble Baron 
that " at the moment when he was flying from the sad and deplor- 
able events which had just taken place, and seeking an opportu- 
nity to retire to the island of Jersey, he had been arrested, and had 
surrendered himself a prisoner, &c. What steps the chamber of 
peers might take on this subject, he did not know ; or whether it 
would charge him with the lamentable events of the two days, 
which," says he, " / deplore more than any man — events which 
came on with the rapidity of the thunderbolt in the midst of the 

4 Y 



/14 STATE OF FRANCE : 

tempest, and which no human strength or prudence could arrest, 
since in those terrible moments it was impossible to know to whom 
to listen, or to whom to apply, and every man's efforts were 
required to defend his own life. My only desire, M. la Baron, is, 
that / may be permitted to retire to my own home, and there 
resume those peaceful habits of private life which alone are suited 
to my taste, and from which I was torn in spite of myself, as is 
well known to all who are acquainted with me. If I cannot obtain 
this, I entreat to be allowed to withdraw into a foreign country 
with my w T ife and children. Lastly, if the chamber of peers deter- 
mine to decree my arrest, I solicit that they will fix as the place of 
my detention, the fortress of Ham in Picardy, where I was for a 
long time in captivity in my youth, or in some other fortress at 
once commodious and spacious." 

The reading of this part of the letter, in the chamber of peers, 
convulsed them with laughter. The writer then proceeds to speak 
of the misfortunes of an upright man, and how barbarous it would 
be to bring him into Paris, at a time when so many prejudices had 
been raised against him, &c. But it is needless to dwell on this 
subject further than to record, that, of the seven ministers, four 
were tried, convicted, and sentenced to solitary imprisonment for 
life, which they are now undergoing. 

On Monday, August 10, the new king swore to the charter, 
which had undergone some modifications and alterations for the 
better, and ascended the throne amid the acclamations of the 
people, under the title of Louis Philippe I. The late king staked 
his crown against the liberties of the people. He lost it fairly ; 
and the nation, having won it, have exercised their paramount 
right of bestowing it on whom they pleased. This the present king 
knows, and is proud to acknowledge that " the choice of the 
people," not " divine right," is the motto of his diadem. 

The situation of the new king has certainly not been that of a 
bed of roses, during the two years that he has held the reins of 
government. He called to his assistance a liberal cabinet, well 
affected to the rights of the people, and the interests of the coun- 
trv ; but they have had to stem the torrent against a strong repub- 
lican party. Scarcely had they got seated in office, before a 
clamour was raised for a reform of the chamber of peers, or, in 
plain terms, the abrogation of hereditary peerage, and the appoint- 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 715 

ment of a senate, whos^ members shall possess in themselves, and 
from their own charac* , a solid and admitted claim to considera- 
tion. In the summer of 1831, at the time of the elections, La 
Fayette published a long address, in which he strongly advocated 
the propriety of a peerage for life only ; and it had its desired 
effect, for subsequently the measure was carried. 

Towards the close of the year (1831) some very serious dis- 
turbances took place at Lyons, by the rising of the silk-weavers 
against their masters. On the 21st of November, the former 
assembled with a determination to extort from the latter the rise of 
wages, which had been agreed to by the prefect : the masters also 
assembled, determined not to concede what was demanded. 
Violent feelings produced violent words, and these led to violent 
actions on both sides. It would seem that the masters were most 
in fault : they first lost their patience, then their reason, and fired. 
The mob, with their advantage of position and numbers, pressed 
forward on the national guard that was opposed to them, broke 
their ranks, seized their arms, turned the weapons so obtained 
against the garrison ; and the garrison, deprived of the assistance 
of the national guard, and hard pressed by the weavers, found 
themselves under the necessity of withdrawing from the town, and 
of taking up a position at a neighbouring fortress. The weavers, 
in undisturbed possession of the town, seem to have at once 
settled down into sober citizens, and their leaders to have assumed 
the tone and manners of staid and loyal municipal authorities ; 
while order returned as strangely as it had been chased away. 

When the intelligence arrived at Paris of these tumultuous pro- 
ceedings at Lyons, great interest was excited by them. A council 
immediately assembled, and every measure, required by the ur- 
gency of the occasion, was taken. His royal highness the Duke of 
Orleans, the king's eldest son, requested his majesty to be per- 
mitted to proceed to Lyons, which was granted him, accompanied 
by Marshal Soult, entrusted with an extraordinary commission to 
put down the riots, which appear to have been over before they 
arrived. The confusion appears to have continued from Monday 
till Thursday or Friday, but on Sunday every thing was tranquil. 
The number of killed and wounded was stated to be about twelve 
hundred. 

Since this fracas was over, some persons have pretended to find 



716 STATE OF FRANCE : 

the real occasion of it in causes remote from the alleged one, and 
we shall briefly state what those causes are. They tell us, that 
it cannot fail to be perceived by all men who reflect, that the 
revolution of the three days, above mentioned, has very little 
changed the formal position of Frenchmen and France. The 
public journals are free, the charter is respected, opinion is power- 
ful, gross acts of oppression dare not be perpetrated ; but with all 
these essential goods, the legal expression of the wants and wishes 
of the nation, is nearly as much narrowed as it was under 
Charles X. In a word, the revolution, formally, has been a revolution 
for the rich, not for the poor. The great mass of the middle classes, 
and all the lower, have neither part nor lot in it. The whole con- 
stituency of France does not exceed two hundred thousand persons, 
in a population of thirty millions. The object of a practical states- 
man, in extending the political franchise, is to insure the making 
of good laws, by giving the nation on which they are to operate a 
voice in their formation ; and to insure their execution, by giving 
the nation an interest in their observance. But, apart from the 
more palpable advantages of free government, there is, and always 
will be, a mighty sum of general satisfaction diffused wherever it 
prevails. Give men an interest in the state, and they will feel 
an attachment to it, as they do to all things in which they have an 
interest — not for the mere profit, but because it is their own. The 
revolution of July, 1830, great as were its benefits, and cheaply 
and speedily as they were purchased, had its drawbacks of stag- 
nated trade, interrupted commerce, and broken credit, as all revo- 
lutions have. The whole nation felt these more or less ; but the 
wealthy part of it got place and power, as a salve to their sores : 
the poor got no places, and no power ; they had all the evil, and 
none of the good. Can we wonder, then, that they should be dis- 
satisfied ? Nothing can give permanence and stability to the throne 
of Louis Philippe, or to any throne which seeks to found itself on 
the approbation of sensible men, but the engaging in its defence 
the sympathies of a great majority of its subjects. Let the fran- 
chise be extended, in France, from 200,000 to 2,000,000 of men, 
and there will be an end to all apprehension of political tumult ; 
for law will then effect what tumult is always meant to effect — the 
redress of widely-felt political grievances. Masters and workmen 
will continue to dispute, as long as wages are opposed to profit ; 



SECOND REVOLUTION. J\J 

but they will not fight, because they will be sure of getting all that 
either is entitled to, without fighting. 

There has recently been an insurrection in favour of the exiled 
Bourbons. La Vendee, that ancient citadel of honest bigotry — 
the Highlands of France — has again been forced to bare its weak 
bosom to the national bayonets, in order to gratify the lust of 
power of a silly, selfish, and contemptible race. Subsequent to 
the Marseillois attempt at insurrection, the district of La Vendee 
was kept in an unsettled state by patrolling bodies of Chouans, 
whose predatory excursions render travelling insecure. 

On the 23d of May, 1832, an attempt was made to rear the white 
flag near Parthenay, on the part of some needy lawless men, 
headed by two individuals, formerly in the Bourbon guards. 
They were captured by the sub-prefect ; and a detachment of the 
63d regiment was cantoned in the disturbed district. Several 
arrests took place on the 25th and 26th, and the national guard 
shewed itself every where on the alert. On the 27th, a rencontre 
took place between some Chouans and a body of troops of the 
line and national guards, which was stubbornly contested, but 
terminated in a victory for the patriots. By a royal ordonnance 
of the 1st of June, the arrondissement of Laval, Chateau-Gontier, 
and Veivre, were declared subject to martial law. It was soon 
discovered that the priests were deeply implicated in these com- 
motions, and several were arrested, as well as different individuals 
of the resident nobility (chatelains.) Some persons, and among 
them three subordinate officers of the king's household, were ar- 
rested in Paris, accused of participation in the Carlist manoeuvres. 
A number of forged notes had been for some time in circulation, 
and some were finally traced to the possession of a nobleman who 
was known to have paid several visits to Holyrood. The emis- 
saries of government were, in the mean time, actively engaged 
in La Vendee, tracing the origin of the insurrection. On the 
30th of May, a lieutenant of gens-d'armerie, with a detachment of 
twenty-eight men, accompanied General Dermoncourt to the 
Castle of La Carline, which they found already surrounded by a 
detachment of fifty men from the 32d regiment of the line. These 
troops were looking for deserters ; and their report of some sus- 
picious circumstances about the castle, induced the general to 
institute a search. M. Laubepin, the proprietor, who was repre- 



/18 STATE OF FRANCE : 

sented as absent, was discovered hiding in a secret chamber. A 
number of papers was found in the apartment, sufficiently indi- 
cating the existence of a treasonable correspondence, together 
with some arms, a military dress, and several pieces of white 
cloth marked with black crosses and fleurs-de-lis. The most 
important document was the scroll of a letter from Laubepin, 
warning Madame that she had been led to entertain exaggerated 
notions of the support she was likely to meet with in La Vendee. 
The writer represented the inhabitants as possessed of only a small 
quantity of arms, and unable to compete with the friends of the 
new system, unless the attention of government were distracted 
by foreign aggression. 

From the letters of the Duchess of Berri, it appears that orders 
had been distributed throughout France to the partisans of the exiled 
family, commanding them to take up arms on the 24th of May. 
She complains that these orders had not been complied with in 
La Vendee. The letter of the old Vendean, and another from a 
nameless young enthusiast, shew that the leaders were unwilling 
to move; they saw the hopelessness of the struggle, but the 
Duchess would listen to nothing but her own will, and declared 
that she would regard the cause of her family as lost, were she 
obliged to retire. Bourmont, who had landed with the Duchess 
near Marseilles, and accompanied her to La Vendee, was con- 
vinced of the insufficiency of the preparations, and urged her to 
re-embark, but in vain. As regent during her son's minority, 
she issued proclamations — one to the army of Algiers, promising 
the decorations which had been withheld from it ; another to 
the French nation, announcing that the country was oppressed 
by the expense of an unnecessarily numerous standing army; 
and a third, to the adherents of her son, declaring that he would 
be their companion in arms. 

On the 4th of May, the King of the French, by the advice 
of his ministers, declared the four departments of Maine and 
Loire, La Vendee, Loire Inferieur, and Les Deux Sevres, within 
the circle of which the Duchess seemed to confine her motions, 
in a state of martial law. The soldiers of the line and the 
national guard pursued with unremitting ardour the straggling 
bodies of Chouans. The courts-martial s commenced their sittings 
about the 9th, but were for some time exclusively occupied by 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 7^9 

preliminary investigations. By that time the armed bands had 
been beaten at all points, and many were voluntarily surrendering 
themselves. The Duchess of Berri was understood to be still 
concealed in the district ; but repeated defeats, the exasperation 
of the public mind against the claims of her family, and the 
patriotism of the national guards, had blasted the hopes of her 
adherents. The war was at an end. 

While these events were occurring in the west, the capital 
itself was the scene of disturbances, not perhaps of more import- 
ance in themselves, but, from the line of policy into which they 
had deluded the king, likely to prove the origin of more marked 
changes. On the 28th of May, upwards of forty members of 
the chamber of deputies assembled at the house of M. Lafitte, 
to affix their names to a declaration of the principles upon which 
they had opposed the measures of government during the pre- 
ceding session ; including a detailed account of the principal 
subjects discussed. The main charge against the advisers of the 
king was, their departure from the principles of the revolution. 
They were said to have acted as if the dynasty of Louis Philippe 
were but a continuation of the system of the restoration ; while, 
in truth, his throne was based on the triumphant principles of 
the great revolution of 1789. This accusation was followed up 
by a strongly expressed disapprobation of the maintenance of 
the same extravagant expenditure as under the former dynasty ; 
of the delay in the institution of popular schools ; and of the 
mode of organizing the army. The signature of General Lamarque, 
then on his death-bed, was appended to this document by proxy. 
He died on the evening of the first of June. That same day, 
the government, which had been for some time keeping a jealous 
eye on the proceedings of a society which assumed the title of 
" Les Amis du Peuple," ordered the doors of their place of 
meeting to be sealed up. Some of the members, conceiving 
the process to be illegal, broke off the seals, and opened the 
doors. Several other members came in, and business was about 
to be commenced, when the sergens de ville rushed in, arrested 
all the persons present, thirty-one in number, and conveyed them 
to the prisons of the prefecture, where they were detained au 
secret. This unconstitutional stretch of power naturally produced 
a strong sensation in Paris. 



720 STATE OF FRANCE : 

Tuesday, the 5th of June, was the day on which the remains of 
Lamarque were to quit Paris for the hero's native district. His son. 
was anxious that the departure should take place privately, in 
conformity with the general's wishes. The importunities of friends 
induced him to alter this intention. Government regarding this 
as an overt act of defiance, an attempt to give greater eclat to the 
funeral of an opposition deputy, than had attended that of Casimir 
Perrier, and likewise afraid that the enemies of the established 
dynasty might seek to turn so large an assemblage of people to 
account, ordered no funeral honours to be paid to the deceased 
beyond what were his due as a general and member of the cham- 
ber of deputies. The ecole polytechnique was forbidden to attend. 
Considerable bodies of troops were assembled at various points, as 
a precaution against a rising of Les Amis du Peuple. Every 
means, however, had been taken by the friends of Lamarque for 
securing an imposing attendance of national guards and other 
citizens. The crowd, both of foreigners and natives, which fol- 
lowed the remains of the liberal deputy, with banners of all kinds, 
was immense, notwithstanding the rain which fell during the early 
part of the day. The refusal of the piquet at the etat-major to 
present arms while the procession was passing, excited the discon- 
tent of the people. The refusal of the Duke of Fitz-James to 
uncover when the body was borne past him, was the signal for 
breaking the windows of the house in which he was. Opposite 
the Port St. Denis, a scuffle took place between one of the sergens 
de ville and a decore of July, in which the latter was wounded. 
All these events took place before the procession reached the 
bridge of Austerlitz ; and are of consequence, as indicating a 
degree of irritation against the authorities on the part of many who 
took a share in the funeral ceremony, and a promptness to take 
offence on the part of the government forces, unworthy of those 
whose office it was to preserve peace. Opposite to the bridge of 
Austerlitz, a scaffold had been erected, hung with black, and cano- 
pied with flags, for the accommodation of the orators, upon whom 
had devolved the duty of pronouncing the eulogium of the 
deceased. Just before the head of the procession reached this 
point, a considerable number of young men of l'ecole polytech- 
nique, who had succeeded in making their escape by scaling the 
walls of the school, arrived upon the ground, and were received 



SECOND REVOLUTION. 721 

with loud acclamations. The speeches pronounced over the body, 
on account of their warm eulogiums of the political sentiments of 
General Lamarque, were received as censures of the government, 
with that applause that evinced a stronger feeling of the political 
object of the meeting, than of its funeral character. While the 
ceremony was proceeding, several disputes had arisen between the 
individuals forming the outskirts of the procession, and the troops 
assembled to overawe them. Mutual insults had led to such a 
degree of excitement, that Lafayette concluded his speech by calling 
upon the people not to sully, by an act of theirs, the sanctity of the 
occasion. He immediately afterwards entered a hackney-coach, 
from which the people took the horses, to draw him to his home in 
triumph. 

By the time Lafayette reached the Place de la Bastile, the 
mutual exasperation of the people and the soldiery had reached 
its height. The coach in which he was had just passed, when 
a body of cavalry, without apparent new ground of offence, 
charged the unarmed mass following it, and, first discharging their 
pistols, proceeded to use their sabres. The cry " Aux armes /'* 
was immediately heard from the crowd ; and, like a spell, it in- 
stantaneously brought to the spot a man on horseback, who had 
made a conspicuous figure in the procession, carrying what some 
represent as a red flag, with the inscription !" Liberte ou la Mort," 
and others as the " Bonnet rouge." The rappel was beat at all 
the guard-houses ; but the disarmed guards, taken by surprise, 
were unwilling to side with either party, and a great number of 
them retired to their homes. The majority joined the troops, 
but a few, it is said, made common cause with the people. 
Within a few moments from the first attack of the military, barri- 
cades were formed at the end of the Bridge of Austerlitz, at the 
entrance of the roads on each side of the canal and across 
the quay. The contagion spread, and barricades were formed in 
the streets of St Antoine, St. Denis, St. Martin, Montmartre, and 
St. Croi. A few attempts were made to unpave the streets, but 
without effect. The populace broke open several armourers' shops 
in the employment of government, and made themselves masters 
of the powder magazine on the Boulevard de THospital. The 
young men of 1' ecole polytechnique, who had joined the pro- 
cession, found on their return the gates closed upon them. Some, 

4z 



722 STATE OF FRANCE : 

by the aid of the citizens, scaled the walls, but others remained ex- 
cluded, and were thus forced to take a part in the proceedings of 
the night. The Rue Montmartre and the Rue St. Denis were the 
scenes of the most obstinate contests ; owing, however, to the want 
of concert and organization among the people, the troops pressed 
rapidly onward, suppressing the revolt. A violent fall of rain aided 
materially to the restoration of order. By midnight, the firing on 
both sides had almost entirely ceased. 

The king arrived from St Cloud late in the evening, held a 
council of ministers, and reviewed the national guard on the 
Place du Carousel. During the night, seals were placed, by 
order of the police, on the presses of the Tribune, Quotidienne, 
and the Courier de l'Europe. The numbers of the National 
Courier Francois, Journal de Commerce, and Corsaire, containing 
the narrative of the disturbances, were seized at the post-office. 
The first step was a literal execution of the ordonnance, for issu- 
ing which Charles the Tenth was forced to make room for the 
monarch of the barricades. The shops continued shut during the 
forenoon of Wednesday ; all business was at a stand. The 
Bourse, it is true, was open and crowded, but nothing was done : 
Paris had the appearance of a city taken by storm. In the 
course of the afternoon, the people again attacked the soldiery 
at the Place de la Bastile and along the Boulevards, but were 
repulsed after a sharp contest. Several meetings of the deputies 
present in Paris were held at the house of Messrs. Lafitte, in 
the course of the day ; and a deputation, consisting of Messrs. 
Lafitte, Odillon-Barrot, and Arago, were appointed to wait upon 
the king. 

On Thursday morning three ordinances appeared in the " Moni- 
teur." By the first, Paris was declared in a state of siege — by 
the second, the artillery corps of the national guard was dis- 
solved — by the third, the pupils of the polytechnic school were 
disbanded. The declaring Paris in a state of siege was justified 
by no better authority than a decree passed by Napoleon in 1811. 
But even the harsh precedent was exceeded, for its effect was 
declared retrospective. Amid these unconstitutional proceed- 
ings, the funds continued to advance ; but this was attributed to 
government's bringing in secret resources into the market, in 
order to force up their price. The liberal deputies in vain per- 



BRITISH WEST INDIA COLONIES. 7*23 

suaded the king to convoke the chambers, and proceed by con- 
stitutional means. Friday and Saturday were spent in domiciliary 
visits of the police, and increasing exasperation on the part of 
the people. Government began to reap the fruits of its tyran- 
nical conduct, in the absurd reports that were propagated re- 
specting its measures, and the ready credence which they met 
with. An attempt was made by ministers to force medical men 
to give evidence respecting all wounded persons under their care ; 
but this violation of the sacred duty of the physician was so 
strongly protested against by that respectable body, and excited 
such horror and loathing in the public mind, that it was desisted 
from. Forty of the most eminent members of the bar published 
an opinion, that the attempt to give retrospective effect to the 
ordinance, declaring Paris in a state of siege, was illegal. 

Thus, then, is Louis Philippe's government at present circum- 
stanced. The Carlists are a nonentity, too contemptible to be 
noticed. The republicans are a growing party, consisting of 
men with clear definite notions, and, in general, all the energy 
of youth. The mass of the population of France is tired of com- 
motion, and longs for a firm and settled government, but cares not 
for the present king. He has not the military glory of Napoleon, 
nor the legitimacy of the Bourbons, to dazzle the nation as to 
the real nature of his title to the throne. His personal character 
is, to say the least, not fascinating ; and the memory of his 
father is repulsive. Yet, under these circumstances, seated on 
a throne, the blood shed to cement which is not yet dry, he 
dares to suspend the rights of the citizens — to delay the convo- 
cation of their representatives — to insult their favourite opinions — 
and to substitute military despotism for regulated freedom. 

Section VIII. — State of the British Colonies in the West Indies. 

Leaving, for the present, the European continent, at which how- 
ever, we may possibly have occasion to glance again in a subse- 
quent part of this history ; we now proceed to notice the events 
that have recently transpired in our West India glomes, where 
it is evident a crisis is rapidly approaching, of fearful import to the 
mother country. And to assist the reader in forming a more 
accurate judgment of the progress of events, it may not be unne- 



724 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

eessary to prefix to our report, an account of some recent transac- 
tions between these provinces and the general government. 

An order in council was passed on the 2d November, 1831, for 
improving the condition of slaves in British Guiana, Trinidad, 
Saint Lucia, Mauritius, and the Cape of Good Hope. This order 
was intimated to the governors of these colonies, by a despatch 
from Lord Goderich, bearing date the 5th of the same month. On 
the 10th of December, his lordship again addressed the governors 
of the crown colonies, intimating the intention of government to 
bring forward, at the earliest possible period, a fiscal arrangement 
for the relief of such of them as should be found to have obeyed 
the order, and of such colonies, possessing legislative assemblies, 
as should have declared its provisions to have the force of law. A 
circular of the same date, from his lordship, to the governors of the 
West India legislative colonies, conveyed a similar intimation. He 
entered, in that document, into a detailed defence of the conduct 
of government in substituting this mode of enforcing an ameliora- 
tion in the condition of the slaves, for the course of authoritative 
admonition, which had been pursued for nine years, without pro- 
ducing any effect. In a circular to the same authorities, dated the 
16th of December, he requests each of them, if the assembly of his 
colony be not in session at the time of his receiving the order, to 
convoke that body, together with the council, at the earliest 
period, for the purpose of taking so important a question into 
consideration. The despatch including the order in council was 
received in Demerara on the 19th of December. The court of 
policy met on the 10th of January, 1832, and agreed to memo- 
rialize the governor on the expediency of postponing the publication 
of the order. Their memorial was presented next day. The 
governor, holding that no discretionary power was left him, issued 
a proclamation in terms of the order on the 12th. Sir Lewis 
Grant, governor of Trinidad, as soon as he received the order in 
council, forwarded a copy to Mr. Jackson, chairman of the com- 
mittee of proprietors, suggesting that it might be productive of 
beneficial effects, were the colonists to anticipate in practice the 
changes proposed. This gentleman replied on the 31st December, 
requesting, in the name of the committee, that certain provisions of 
the order should be modified. On the 4th of January, the Cabildo 
(the municipal body of Port d'Espagne) memorialized the governor 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 725 

requesting him to delay the promulgation of the order till such 
time as they might receive an answer to their intended petition to 
the throne. The prayer of this memorial was refused, on the 
ground that the Cabildo, in arrogating the right to present it, had 
exceeded its constitutional functions. The proclamation was 
issued on the 5th ; copies being, at the same time, forwarded to 
the commandants of quarters, and the principal proprietors of 
sugar estates ; while, at the same time, a sufficient number was 
printed for the use of all proprietors and managers. The proprie- 
tors met on the sixth, and petitioned for a modification of some pro- 
visions of the order ; which was refused, as out of the governor's 
power. 

While these transactions were going on, the slaves on two 
estates in the colony refused to work, on the plea, that, at the 
time of their removal from Tortola, ten years ago, they were 
promised their freedom in seven years. Their stay had much to 
corroborate, but not sufficient to establish its truth. The slaves 
were tranquillized, on the promise of an open trial. Sir Lewis 
addressed government on the 18th, recommending compliance with 
some of the suggestions of the proprietors, whose conduct and 
language he has, from the first, described as being, with one 
or two exceptions, highly correct and moderate. The order in 
council was proclaimed in St. Lucia on the 24th of .December. 
This step was attended with disturbances, partly originating in 
other causes, which will be found detailed below. The governor 
of Barbadoes, in compliance with Lord Goderich's circular of 
the 16th of December, lost no time in convoking the council 
and house of assembly ; to both of which bodies he transmitted 
copies of the despatch. The speaker of the house of assembly 
acknowledged the receipt of his excellency's message on the 17th 
of January, and intimated the intention of the house to give the 
subject due consideration. Sir E. J. Murray Macgregor's despatch, 
dated 28th of January, 1832, intimates that the local legislature 
of Dominica being in session when the circular arrived, the order 
in council had been immediately laid before them. Both the 
council and house of assembly pledged themselves to give it serious 
attention. The latter body adjourned, to afford the members 
time for mature consideration, but the governor expresses a de- 
gree of confidence, that their resolutions will be satisfactory. 



726 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

In Granada, both branches of the legislature met on the 26th 
of January, and appointed a joint-committee to take the matter 
into consideration. The house then adjourned till the 6th of 
March. The house of assembly at Antigua intimated to the 
governor on the 25th of January, that, " It feels itself compelled 
to decline to entertain the speculative opinions which have been 
so authoritatively addressed to it on this occasion ; involving, as 
they do, the introduction of a code of innovations, ruinous in their 
effects, being compatible neither with the safety of the colony, nor 
with a fair and equitable consideration of the rights of property." 
The board of council, in like manner, declared, on the 2d of 
February, that, " It feels itself called upon to decline its com- 
pliance with the determined and ruinous conditions submitted 
by his Majesty's government to our unmodified adoption. " — Sir 
George Hill writes from St. Vincent's on the 28th of January, 
that he has summoned the legislative bodies for the 1 Oth of Feb- 
ruary ; and that he will employ the intermediate time in " ascer- 
taining the views and dispositions of the gentlemen of property 
and influence, and in a sincere endeavour to obviate such ob- 
jections as they may oppose to his lordship's powerful reasoning in 
support of the proposed measures." — Governor Nicolay writes from 
St. Christopher's about the same time, that he will immediately 
submit his lordship's communications to the legislatures of that 
island, Nevis, and the Virgin Islands. — Meanwhile, the West 
India interest in this country has not been idle. Mr. Marryat 
transmitted to Lord Goderich, on the 23d of February, " Obser- 
vations upon the Circular Despatch, transmitting the Order in 
Council of the 2d of November, 1831," agreed to at a meeting 
of the committee of crown colonies. This document, although 
long and elaborate, contains nothing new. 

In the course of February, accounts of the Jamaica insurrection 
reached this country. The privy council was immediately con- 
vened, for the purpose of determining upon the best measures to be 
adopted in such an emergency. The result was an announcement, 
on the part of Lord Goderich, to Lord Belmore, that the instruc- 
tions on the subject of negro slavery could not be revoked. His 
lordship was authorized, in case events had obliged him to sus- 
pend the execution of the orders he had received, to continue that 
suspension until the restoration of general tranquillity. At the 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 7^7 

same time he was instructed to seize the earliest occasion, after 
internal peace had been restored, to direct the attention of the 
council and assembly to the subject. This despatch was followed 
up by on the 10th by another, addressed to the governors of the 
West India colonies, with the exception of Jamaica and Hon- 
duras. It alludes to the disturbances in the first mentioned 
colony ; adverts to the intemperate discussions of last year, as 
the most probable cause ; and transmits a copy of a proclamation 
drawn up for Jamaica, to be used if necessary. This document 
requests the governor to warn the proprietary body of the danger 
of publicly imputing to government resolutions which it has never 
adopted; to enjoin upon the magistates to convey the earliest 
intelligence of every movement indicating a rebellious spirit ; and 
to check the progress of delusive hopes among the slaves. 

The West Indians at home still continue to agitate. They con- 
vened a meeting of the planters, merchants, shipowners, manu- 
facturers, tradesmen, and others interested in the preservation of 
the West India colonies, on the 5th of April, which was crowded 
to excess. A great many long speeches were made, and twelve 
wordy resolutions agreed to ; the sum and substance of which 
is as follows : — " That the West India Islands are a valuable pos- 
session for Great Britain ; that the conduct of this country to- 
wards the planters has been most unjust, and is likely to draw 
down the loss of these colonies ; that the negroes are spoiled 
children, and would be ruined by being withdrawn from under 
the whip of the overseer ; that a bonus ought to be given to the 
planters for the promotion of slavery; and that the opponents 
of that system are lying fanatics." We were nothing moved at 
hearing such sentiments from the older and more hardened advo- 
cates of slavery, but to see at their head the nephew of Lord 
Daer ! Is this boy, scarcely escaped from the ferula, not con- 
tented with blazoning his apostacy from the principles of his 
family in his constitutional seat, that he seeks an ultraneous oc- 
casion of shewing at how early a period the heart may get hard- 
ened to the sufferings of humanity ? 

On the 6th, the West India merchants of London transmitted 
to Lord Goderich a protest against the order in council. They 
declared, that the order of the 2d of November, 1831, is unjust, 
inconsistent with the parliamentary resolutions of 1823, and 



7*28 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

destructive of the right of property ; that the enforcement of 
the order by fiscal regulations is only paralleled by the attempt to 
tax America, which occasioned her revolution ; that property in 
slaves ought not to be meddled with before a fund is prepared 
for compensation ; that they do therefore throw all the respon- 
sibility of these measures upon the British government, and pro- 
test against them. Here, for the present, the matter rests. The 
colonists are entitled to every possible alleviation of their bur- 
dens — to freedom from the shackles of commercial restriction. 
We claim for them the same immunities we demand for ourselves. 
But the slaves have the same hold upon them, " How can they 
expect justice, rendering none?" The West India interest is in 
a deep decline, and nothing can cure it but the introduction of a 
healthy state of society — liberty to the peasant, and free trade to 
the planter. 

Jamaica is the colony in which recent events seem to call most 
particularly for commemoration. On Friday, the 16th of December, 
1831, the negroes on the Salt Spring estate, parish of St. James's, 
evinced a spirit of insubordination ; and two constables, sent to 
apprehend and convey the ringleaders to Montego Bay, were 
assaulted, and deprived of their pistols and mules. The town was 
in a state of alarm, and a thousand confused rumours floated about 
on Saturday and Sunday. On Monday, immediately after sun-set, 
the reflection of conflagrations was seen immediately above the 
horizon, in seven different directions. On the 23d, the trash- 
houses of York estate in Trelawny parish were fired ; and a strong 
spirit of insubordination was evinced by the slaves on several other 
estates. Up to the 30th, the number of fires in the parishes of St. 
James and Trelawny continued on the increase. Nine-tenths of 
the slave population refused to work. The militia had been called 
out on the 20th, and parties despatched to different stations where 
insurrectionary movements were expected. At first, wherever they 
appeared, the negroes retired to the woods. The latter, however, 
continued to harass their pursuers, and, growing bolder by degrees, 
the parties of militia were withdrawn, lest they should be cut off in 
detail ; and the effective force of the regiment was concentrated in 
Montego Bay. Lord Belmore, the governor, who received intelli- 
gence of these occurrences on the 22d, immediately made applica- 
tion to Commodore Farquhar, who, at his request, despatched 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 729 

ships of war to Port Antonio, Montego Bay, and Black River. On 
the 29th, Sir Willoughby Cotton embarked with two companies of 
the 84th regiment for Montego Bay, on board the Sparrowhawk. 
On the 31st, Commodore Farquhar followed in the Blanche, with 
300 men of the 33d and 84th regiments, and twelve artillery men 
with two field-pieces and rockets, &c. On the 29th, the governor 
having convened a council of war in due form, martial law was 
regularly proclaimed. Orders were at the same time issued to the 
St. Anne's western regiment, to assemble at Rio Bueno ; the Claren- 
don regiment, on the confines of Trelawny ; the Westmoreland and 
Hanover regiments, on the confines of St. James's. The object of 
this arrangement was to cut off all communication between the 
disturbed districts and other parts of the island. These orders had 
scarcely been given, when intelligence was received from General 
Robertson, that the insurrection had spread into the parish of St. 
Elizabeth. The general expressed an opinion, that his whole force 
was unable to suppress the insurgents. Accordingly, fifty men of 
the 77th were sent on board the Rose on the 3d of January, and 
despatched, under the command of Major "Wilson, to Black River. 
Sir Willoughby Cotton proceeded, immediately on his arrival at 
his destination, to arrange an organized system of operations, in 
which he was readily seconded by all the militia, with the excep- 
tion of the Trelawny regiment, of which he found much reason to 
complain. He succeeded in opening a communication with 
Maroon Town, and obtained essential assistance from the Maroons, 
in tracking the negroes, most of whom retired to the woods. By 
the 6th, Sir Willoughby was able to write to the governor, that the 
neck of the insurrection was broken in that district. There have 
been partial risings at various points since, but the spirit of the 
negroes seems subdued ; and, with the exception of a few of the 
boldest, they are returning to work : such of the ringleaders as fell 
into the hands of the military have been shot, the others flogged or 
pardoned. The amount of lives lost, and property destroyed, is not 
known, except from vague rumour. Mr. Box, a Wesleyan mis- 
sionary, was apprehended, but liberated by the governor, there 
being no tangible accusation brought against him. On the 31st of 
December, the governor received intelligence from the custos of 
the parish of Portland, that the negroes on three estates had 
refused to work, and betaken themselves to the woods. Captain 

5 A 



730 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

Tathwell, with thirty men of the 33d regiment, was accordingly 
embarked on board the Hyacinth, for Morant Bay, with directions 
to march thence to Manchioneal, where he found the regiments of 
Portland, St. George, and St. Thomas in the East, already assem- 
bled. At the same time, forty men of the 77th were conveyed in 
the boats of the Champion, from Port Antonio to Manchioneal. 
The command of the district was given to Colonel M'Leod, with 
the rank of lieutenant-general of militia. No further movements 
were attempted on the part of the slaves ; the burning of a trash- 
house, which occurred, being apparently accidental. The Maroons, 
however, sent in pursuit of the absconding slaves, found thirty-one 
houses erected in the deepest recesses of the woods — an indication 
that their measures must have been taken some time before. The 
king's proclamation, when read to the negroes in Manchioneal, 
was treated with undisguised contempt. 

On the 14th of January, symptoms of insubordination shewed 
themselves on an estate in St. Ann's parish. This was a quarter in 
which nothing of the kind had been looked for. An example was 
made of a ringleader ; and two companies of the St. Catherine's 
militia were marched upon that point, to preserve quiet. Great 
preparations were made at Kingston, but nothing transpired to 
shew their necessity. No occurrence has as yet justified the asser- 
tions of the planters, that the insurrection was prompted and 
organized by the sectarian missionaries. The threats against them 
were, nevertheless, so audacious, that the Wesleyans found them- 
selves under the necessity of claiming the governor's protection. 
In an interview which three of their number had with his lordship, 
at St. Jago, on the 7th of January, this was frankly promised. 
Lord Belmore returns to England, and is succeeded by Lord 
Mulgrave. This arrangement was made some time ago. 

On the 6th of January, Sir W. Cotton had felt himself war- 
ranted to write to Lord Belmore " that the neck of the insur- 
rection was broken." It would be in vain, were we to attempt 
a sketch of the numberless small operations which ensued, having 
for their object to trample out the sparks left behind by the 
flame just quenched. The Maroons volunteered their services 
to hunt down their black brethren, and were gladly employed. 
It is customary for these barbarians to substantiate their tales 
of the slaves they have slaughtered in the mountains, by pro- 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 7^1 

dueing the ears of their victims. The militia, recovered from 
their first panic, breathed nothing but blood. A negro woman, 
who was in company with a body of rebels, when surprised by 
the militia, held up her child, as a flag of truce. She was imme- 
diately brought down with a shot ; and the monster who per- 
petrated the act made it a matter of boast, that his aim was so 
nice as to kill the mother without hurting the child. The com- 
mander-in-chief was obliged to issue an order forbidding negroes, 
taken prisoners, to be shot without trial. He seems, however, to 
have been but indifferently obeyed. On the 12th of January, 
Lieutenant Gunn of the Trelawny regiment was tried by a court- 
martial for shooting a negro-driver belonging to Luina estate, 
where the slaves, although not working, had not joined the insur- 
gents. The deed was known to have been done in cold blood, 
no resistance having been offered by the man when apprehended. 
The commander-in-chief had visited the estate a few hours before, 
and promised the negroes protection. The court declared the 
charge " not proved." Pfeiffer, a Moravian missionary, was ar- 
rested, accused of accession to the rebellion, tried, and honourably 
acquitted. Burchell, a Baptist missionary, just arrived from 
England, was arrested on the 17th of January; but nothing was 
found to criminate him. It appeared, however, that some ne- 
groes had been heard to say, " that he was to bring their free- 
dom out," and he received orders to remain on board the ship in 
which he sailed from England. 

On the 21st, the governor summoned a council of war, at which 
it was unanimously resolved that martial law should be continued 
in operation. On the 25th, certain Wesleyan missionaries waited 
upon his excellency, and preferred complaints against the militia 
stationed at St. Anne's Bay. On the 29th, Lord Belmore em- 
barked from Montego Bay, it having been judged expedient for 
him to visit in person the disturbed districts. He found, as indeed 
he had been previously informed by letters from Sir W. Cotton, 
and the custos of St. James's, that affairs were ripe for issuing a 
conditional amnesty. He accordingly issued a proclamation on 
the 3d of February ; but the overseers, not having returned to their 
estates, the ringleaders had not been ascertained with accuracy, 
and the document was necessarily vague. It was nevertheless so 
effective, that in a few days the number of slaves absent from their 



732 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

estates in Hanover parish, amounting, at Lord Belmore's arrival 
in Montego Bay, to 1,600, was diminished to 400. This step 
produced a good deal of discontent among the whites ; and their 
mutterings increased, when a restriction was laid upon the trials 
by courts-martial. Although an immense number of half-starved 
wretches had been killed in the woods, and shot or hanged by 
awards of military tribunals — although the gaol at Montego Bay 
contained, at that moment, 500 prisoners, crowded into the 
court-house, which, having been used as a prison, was, in the 
words of the Jamaica Royal Gazette, becoming so obnoxious from 
the noisome stench arising from so many unkept and filthy human 
beings, as likely to create pestilence — they were yet unsatiated 
with the sufferings of their victims, and still clamoured for blood. 

On the 5th of February, the governor, by proclamation, de- 
clared that martial law had ceased. He issued, at the same time, 
a militia general order, under the 48th Geo. III. c. 4., commonly- 
called the Party Law ; by which the governor is entitled to order 
out parties of militia in times of insurrection and rebellion. The 
object of this step was to enable the overseers to return to their 
estates, where the negroes had for some time been working with- 
out any whites to superintend them. On the 6th of February, 
Lord Belmore set out upon a progress through the disturbed dis- 
tricts. He proceeded that day to St. Lucia. The next to Savannah- 
la-Mar ; and on the 9th, continued his route to New Savannah. 
He every where found the prisons crowded, and adopted the same 
humane measures as in Montego. On the 11th, he returned to 
Montego Bay by the western interior road, visiting several of the 
estates which had been the scenes of violence, and addressed the 
negroes, On his excellency's return to Montego Bay, he found 
that a new scene of disorder had occurred during his absence. 
A large mob had assembled, and razed the Baptist chapel to the 
ground. He soon after learned that the Baptists' chapels at 
Falmouth, St. Lucia, and Savannah-la- Mar, had shared the same 
fate. On the 13th, his lordship published a proclamation against 
the rioters. 

No authentic intelligence of a later date has yet reached this 
country, but more serious outrages against the missionaries are 
apprehended. Lord Belmore's conduct has hitherto been every- 
thing that could be wished. We trust, therefore, that the same 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 733 

stern and inexorable justice which has been meted to the slave, 
shall be measured out to the freeman likewise. A curious example 
of the temper of the slaveholders is afforded, by the proceedings 
of a court of inquiry, held in St. Anne's parish, on the 23d of 
January : a Mr. Watkins, one of the two coloured members re- 
turned to the last assembly, was accused of the atrocious crime 
of having remarked to an acquaintance, under the seal of secrecy, 
" that the insurrection to leeward was some of the sweets of 
slavery." Of course, this gentleman was immediately sent to 
Coventry : with a view to redeem himself from which unpleasant 
situation, he demanded the investigation in question. The charge 
was, however, completely established against him, and he still 
suffers the punishment due to his offence. 

Demerary and Essequibo.— The order in council, dated 2d No- 
vember, 1831, was published in this colony on the 12th January, 
1832. A protest was immediately drawn up, and signed by the 
great majority of the proprietors and overseers ; a note was 
appended to this document, authorizing certain individuals to 
appear for the interest of the subscribers, and execute the protest 
at the colonial secretary's office. They protest, against the order 
in council, as an infringement upon the fundamental laws of the 
colony, and upon the rights of private property ; they protest 
against all authorities, and parties concerned in promulgating and 
enforcing the order ; they protest against any obedience, they may 
be forced to yield to its provisions, being interpreted into acquies- 
ence or voluntary submission. The paper is eminently charac- 
terized by that confusion of language^ and that blundering repeti- 
tion of strong expressions, unavoidable when people are in a tower- 
ing passion. 

St. Lucia. — The promulgation of the order in council was fol- 
lowed by a refusal to furnish government with provisions and other 
necessaries. A vessel was fitted out, to procure the requisite sup- 
plies from the neighbouring islands. The colonists endeavoured 
by the same vessel to forward letters to their correspondents, 
requesting them not to furnish the government with what it wanted. 
The letters were opened by the acting govt iior, Lieutenant-colonel 
Boyon, and an embargo laid upon all vessels from the 18th to 
the 23d of January. All shops were shut up, and trade of every 
kind at a stand-still : the negroes were refusing to work. 



734 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

The proceedings which followed the proclamation of the 
order in council of the 5th of November, 1831, in St. Lucia, 
have their rise partly in discontents, previously rankling in 
the breasts of the planters : to explain which, we are under the 
necessity of going so far back with our narrative as the begin- 
ning of August last. On the first of that month, three members 
of council addressed a memorial to the acting governor, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Boyon, requesting a reduction of public salaries, &c, 
and desiring him to forward it to the colonial secretary. Their 
request was complied with on the 19th ; Colonel Boyon forward- 
ing, at the same time, a representation from Mr. Bustard, chief 
secretary of the colony, pointing out some inaccuracies of the 
memorial. Lord Goderich's answer bears date the 5th of Novem- 
ber. His lordship promises, that so soon as a commission for a 
new governor shall have been issued, arrangements shall be made 
for conferring upon the council " every proper authority for the 
exercise of financial control." An insinuation in the memo- 
rial, that the crops of the land have decreased in consequence of 
the improvement in the condition of slaves, is disproved, by re- 
ference to the annual reports. Several suggestions of the memo- 
rial are adopted. Before the representations of the council ar- 
rived in this country, the hurricane occurred which swept so 
destructively over Barbadoes, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent. The 
same three gentlemen lost no time in again addressing govern- 
ment. Colonel Boyon, in transmitting their representation, com- 
plained of a want of courtesy evinced by the late period at 
which it had been forwarded to him. Lord Goderich's reply con- 
tained a gentle hint that justice required that all complaints 
against the local authorities ought to be communicated to them, 
with a view to enable them to state their defence. This despatch 
is dated the 17th of November. The order in council of the 2d 
of November was published on the 26th of December, with notice 
that the same would be in operation fourteen days thereafter. 
Mr. Hunter, the most influential man on the island, with two 
others, waited upon the governor on the 28th, requesting per- 
mission to call a meeting of the inhabitants : their petition was 
granted. The meeting was held on the 4th of January ; much 
violent language was uttered to a committee appointed to memo- 
rialize the governor on the expediency of delaying the enforcement 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 7^5 

of the order. The medical practitioners resolved the same day 
to cease practising if the order in council were enforced, and the 
merchants to furnish the planters with provisions or clothing', 
except for ready money. 

The governor replied to the memorial of the committee of in- 
habitants on the 6th, stating his inability to suspend the order in 
council. On the 7th of January, Mr. Hunter threw up his com- 
mission as assessor of the royal court. On the 9th, the medical 
reporter to the government resigned. The island continued ha- 
rassed by alarming reports of burnings and insurrections of the slaves 
up to the 16th of that month. They all proved groundless, and 
are understood to have been invented for the sole purpose of 
harassing the government. On the morning of the 16th, the 
merchants shut up their shops, and refused to transact any busi- 
ness until the order was suspended. On the 17th, the keeper 
of the prison reported that he had only two days' provision on 
hand. The slaves found themselves unable to purchase provisions, 
and a rebellion was expected.* The governor summoned a coun- 
cil, at which it was resolved to despatch a vessel to Martinique, 
for the purchase of £400 of provisions. The governor of that 
island refused to sanction the transport of any provisions, on the 
plea, that certain run-away slaves had been harboured in St. 
Lucia — an allegation apparently groundless. The merchants, the 
medical and legal practitioners, seized this moment of alarm, to 
harass the governor with fresh remonstrances against the heavy 
taxation of the island. Towards evening, the admiral on the 
Barbadoes station, alarmed by the report of a slave-insurrection, 
appeared off the island with two frigates, but immediately set sail, 
on learning that it was a false alarm. Next day, an unusual 
anxiety to despatch a sloop, the Jane, to Martinique, was dis- 
played ; and the governor, fearing that the object might be to 
dissuade the merchants of Martinique from furnishing provisions, 
laid an embargo on all the vessels in port. A proclamation was 

* That such a result was actually contemplated by the planters, appears 
from Robert Hannay's letter, seized on board the Jane. " All the slaves have 
been shut up since you left this, and as tranquillity may reign but a short 
time, while Quashy gets hungry, I see no harm why we should not be pre- 
pared with ' defencibles ;' and I wish you would see the price of a pair of 
small pistols." 



/36 STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES 

at the same time issued, declaring the combination entered into 
by the merchants to withhold supplies illegal. At night a boat 
belonging to the Jane, attempted to break the embargo. Letters 
from seventeen of the most influential persons on the island, to 
their correspondents in Martinique, were found on board. Their 
tenor was, that the inhabitants had resolved to starve the govern- 
ment into a compromise on the subject of the order ; and in all 
of them the merchants of Martinique were exhorted not to deal with 
the governor's envoy, and to obstruct and detain him by every 
means in their power. 

On the 23d, the governor agreed to defer the payment of the 
taxes complained against, until the meeting of the privy council 
of the island, which was summoned on the 30th ; and the mer- 
chants re-opened their stores at the same time. Next day the 
governor arrested Mr. Stephen Williams, a principal merchant, 
Messrs. Vosson and Kossack, second-class merchants, and Mr. 
Walker, a clerk to a commercial house, with a view to their being 
proceeded against according to law, for conspiring against govern- 
ment. Lord Goderich, in his despatch to the new governor of 
St. Lucia, approved of Colonel Boyon's proceedings. In the 
question of taxation, right is apparently on the side of the colo- 
nists ; but their attempt to evade an act of justice to the coloured 
peasantry, by a line of conduct which rendered insurrection, in 
their own opinion, inevitable, is as wanton and flagitious a crime 
as can be well conceived. The conduct of the French governor 
in abetting the colonists was most reprehensible. 

Trinidad. — In this colony, as we have stated above, the order 
in council was, after a modest opposition, submitted to, and a 
petition for some modification of its provisions transmitted to 
government, On the 30th of December, Mr. Marryat, M.P., 
transmitted a petition from the colonists for an elective legislature. 
To this petition, the secretary for the colonies adverts, in his 
despatches of the 14th and 30th of January. He admits the 
disadvantages laboured under by the island in consequence of 
the taxes being imposed by the executive, but justifies the refusal 
of a constitution, on the ground of so large a portion of the popu- 
lation being in a state of slavery. This is just. The home govern- 
ment, by giving the colonists a house of Assembly, would weaken 
its power of interfering in behalf of the slave. As soon as all 



IN THE WEST FNDIES. 7^7 

the inhabitants of Trinidad are equal before the lav/, they will 
have an undeniable claim to a constitution. To procure it, they 
have only to emancipate their slaves. As they love cheap govern- 
ment, let them instantly complete this act of justice. 

Before we take leave of this article, it may not be amiss to 
state, that a bill was introduced into the British parliament, on 
the 23d of March, 1832, " to authorize the commissioners for 
auditing the public accounts of Great Britain, to audit accounts 
of the receipt and expenditure of colonial revenue." The ope- 
ration of this bill is of course restricted to the crown colonies. 
As its object is to reduce the number of unnecessary officials, 
and as it bears marks of the wise system of gradual centralization 
and simplification of accounts which the present ministers have 
adopted, we hail it as a token for good to both countries. It is 
to a pervading reform of our system of administration, that the 
colonists, as well as the mother country, must look for relief from 
their real distress. To this they are entitled ; a fact which ought 
not to be forgotten amid our squabbles with them in vindication 
of the rights of their black population. A bill was introduced, 
on the 18th of April, " to allow the importation of lumber, and 
of fish and provisions, duty free, into, the islands of Barbadoes, 
St. Vincent, and St. Lucia, and to indemnify the governors and 
others of those islands for having permitted their importion, duty 
free. This fact ought to convince the planters and slave-holders 
that all their real grievances and distresses are readily listened 
to by the people of this country, and, as far as is possible, 
promptly remedied or relieved. That we extend the same good 
will to the sable victims of their oppression^ is out of regard to 
the sacred rights of the slave, and not out of enmity to the 
master. They may have some reason to complain of our legis- 
lature, for fettering them with unnecessary taxes and restrictions. 
On the other hand, they have conceded to us at least a mediative 
right in their internal arrangements, in return for the protection 
afforded them by our fleets and armies. This they seek to evade 
in the question of negro-emancipation, under the pretext that 
" slaves are not subjects ;" thus endeavouring to remove those 
unhappy beings from the protection of the laws. — There is, we 
fear, but little ground to hope that they will see the danger which 
surrounds them, till they have pulled down upon themselves a 

5b 



738 PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 

heavier judgment than has lately overtaken them in the island of 
Jamaica ! 

Section IX. — History of the Passing of the Reform Bills. 

The important measure of parliamentary reform, which has now 
held the public mind in a state of intense anxiety daring the long 
period of eighteen months and more, has been already adverted to 
in a preceding volume,* where the first introduction of the bill, 
by Lord John Russell, and the proceedings consequent thereon, 
are briefly narrated up to the end of the year 1831. Neverthe- 
less, as many of the subscribers to the present volume may not 
have access to the former, as well as that the reader may have the 
whole of this most interesting subject before him in one unbroken 
narrative, we shall take up the matter from the beginning, sketch- 
ing, however, in a very compendious form, the events of the 
past year. 

On the 1st of March, 1831, Lord Russell moved for leave to 
bring in a bill, and in an elaborate speech explained to the House 
of Commons the plan which his majesty's government had digested 
and agreed upon, with the view of amending the state of the repre- 
sentation of the people. A debate arose, in which the whole 
strength of the house was brought into action, and which by 
repeated adjournments from day to day was continued until the 
9th of that month, when the noble lord obtained leave to bring in 
his bill, which was accordingly done upon the 14th of March. 
On the 21st the second reading of the bill was moved, when Sir 
Richard Vyvyan, one of the members for Cornwall, concluded a 
lengthened address to the house, with moving, as an amendment, 
that it should be read that day six months. On this amendment 
the house divided, when there appeared for the amendment 301 — 
against it 302 — leaving Lord Russell a majority of one only, in a 
house of six hundred members. 

On Monday, April 18th, Lord Russell moved the order of the 
day, after an elaborate and energetic speech, that the house should 
go into committee on the bill ; when General Gascoyne, one of the 
members for Liverpool, endeavoured to get rid of the bill, by a 
motion for counteracting one of its essential clauses. This pro- 
* See the " Life and Times of William the Fourth/' p. 657, &c. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. J39 

duced a vehement and contentious debate which was adjourned to 
the following day, when, upon a division, ministers were found in a 
minority of eight, and this led to a dissolution of parliament ; one 
alleged reason for which was, that the commons had on the same 
day refused to grant the supplies necessary for the exigencies of 
the state. Of the disgraceful proceedings on the part of the Tories 
in both houses of parliament, antecedent to the prorogation, this 
is not the place to speak at large. The intemperate speeches of 
Sir Robert Peel, Sir Richard Vyvyan, and others, in the Commons, 
and the conduct of the Marquis of Londonderry, Lord Wharn- 
cliffe, the Earl of Mansfield, and others in the House of Peers, can 
only be recorded for the purpose of perpetuating their disgrace, 
and therefore are best passed over sub silentio. The king went 
down to the House of Peers in person, and prorogued the parlia- 
ment to Tuesday, May the 10th ; but on the succeeding day it was 
dissolved, and a new parliament appointed to meet on the 14th 
of June. 

The whole empire was now thrown into a state of extraordinary 
agitation and excitement, in the view of an election ; and though 
the boroughmongering system still remained unimpaired, wherever 
any thing of the nature of a popular election took place, it was 
almost universally to the discomfiture of the Tories, and in aid of 
the ministers. General Gascoyne was thrown out for Liverpool, 
Sir Richard Vyvyan lost his election for Cornwall, Mr. Banks for 
Dorsetshire, and almost every where the popular cause was 
triumphant. 

The new parliament met on the 14th of June, but, a week being 
occupied in swearing in the members, and choosing a speaker, it 
was not until the 21st that the king opened the session, which he 
did in person, by a speech which he read with considerable firm- 
ness : at the conclusion of which he descended from the throne, 
and returned to St. James's amidst the most enthusiastic greet- 
ings of the people. On the 24th, Lord Russell again brought 
forward, in the name of the government, the all-absorbing ques- 
tion, the measure of reform. The bill was brought in, read a first 
time, and the further consideration postponed till Monday, 
July 4th, when, after a protracted and adjourned debate, a division 
took place, in which the result of the late elections was fully 
demonstrated, to the satisfaction of the whole country : the num- 



740 HISTORY OF THE 

bers being 367 for the bill, and 231 against it, thus leaving a 
majority of 136 in favour of ministers. 

On the 12th of July, Lord Russell proposed the house going 
into committee on the bill, when a scene arose unprecedented in 
the history of parliament. Lord Maitland rose to oppose the dis- 
franchisement of the borough of Appleby, and moved that counsel 
be heard against the bill, as far as regarded the interests of that 
place. After a stormy debate, the motion was negatived by a 
majority of 97, the numbers being 187 for it, and 284 against it. 
An adjournment of the debate was then moved, and disposed of in 
a similar manner. The original motion, that the speaker do leave 
the chair, being again put, an amendment was proposed, that the 
house do now adjourn, which produced another vehement alterca- 
tion, the result of which placed ministers in a powerful majority. 
After five more distinct motions for an adjournment of the debate, 
all of which were defeated, the bill got into committee, and the 
house broke up at half-past seven in the morning. 

The bill continued in committee, where it was discussed clause 
by clause, subject to all the vexatious harassings which the Tory 
faction could by possibility inflict upon it, from the 12th of July to 
the 15th of September, when it was ordered to be engrossed. 
On the 19th of the same month, Lord Russell moved the third 
reading of the bill, when there appeared 113 for, and 58 against it. 
Two days more, however, were occupied in debating the question 
that the bill do pass, in the course of which several speakers 
exerted their eloquence, but with little novelty of argument — 
and on coming to a division, the numbers were, ayes 345 ; noes 
236 : leaving a majority of 109 for the bill. The next day, Lord 
Russell, accompanied by a number of members, appeared at the 
bar of the upper house, and delivered the bill into the hands of 
the lord-chancellor, when it was read a first time pro forma ; and 
ordered to be read a second time on the 3d of October. 

Public attention was now directed towards the House of Peers, 
in an intense degree, and the universal cry was, What will the 
lords do with the bill ? Petitions from every part of the empire 
poured in upon them in great abundance, imploring them to pass 
it without mutilation. Previous to the bill being debated on Mon- 
day, October 3d, the lord-chancellor presented sixty-three of these 
petitions — Earl Radnor fifty-three— the Marquis of Cleveland eight 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 



741 



— Earl Grey a considerable number — also Lord Poltimore, Lord 
Clifford, the Dukes of Norfolk, Sussex, and Grafton. When these 
petitions had been disposed of, Earl Grey rose to move the second 
reading of the reform bill for England. His lordship was much 
and deeply affected at the commencement of his speech, when he 
alluded to the difficulty of his task, and the length and arduous- 
ness of his labours in the cause of reform, and for a few minutes 
was obliged, amidst the sympathizing cheers of the house, to 
resume his seat. The substance of his speech has been already 
given,* and we cannot afford room to repeat it. The debate con- 
tinued for five nights in succession, when, on the morning of Satur- 
day, October 8, a division took place at five o'clock, and the bill 
was lost by a majority of 41. There were for the second reading ; 
present 128, and proxies 30 — making a total of 158. Against it ; 
present, 150, and proxies 49 — total 199. The speakers were, 

For the Bill. Against the Bill. 

Monday, Oct. 3. Earl Grey 

— Earl Mulgrave 

Lord King 

Tuesday, 4. Viscount Melbourne 



Wednesday, 



5. Marq. Lansdown 

— Viscount Goderich 

— Earl Radnor 



Thursday, 



6. Earl of Roseberry 
— Lord Plunkett 



Friday, 



7. Lord Brougham 

— Duke of Sussex 

— Marquis of Hastings 

— Lord Barham 



Wednesday, 



Earl Grey, in reply 

The speeches against the bill, 



Monday, Oct. 3. Lord Wharncliffe 

Earl of Mansfield 

■ Marquis of Bute 

Tuesday, 4. Earl of Winchelsea 
E ar l Harrowby 

— Duke of A^ellington 

5. Earl Dudley 

— Marq. Londonderry 

— Earl of Haddington 

6. Viscount Falmouth 

— Earl of Carnarvon 

7. Lord Wynford 

— Earl of Eldon 

— Lord Lyndhurst 

— Lord Tenterden 

— Abp. of Canterbury 

— Duke of Gloucester 

— Earl of Harewood. 



Thursday, 



Friday, 



which produced the greatest 



impression on the house, were those of Lord Wharncliffe, Earl 
Harrowby, and the Earl of Carnarvon; of those in its favour, 
the more remarkable were, the introductory and concluding ad- 
dresses of Earl Grey, the Marquis of Lansdown, Earl Radnor, 
Lord Plunkett, and the Lord Chancellor. The sole argument 
of principle urged by the opponents of the bill was, the alleged 
tendency of the ministerial plan, to concentrate the power of the 
state in the Commons, to erect the latter into a chamber of 
* Life and Times of William the Fourth, p. 714—16. 



/42 HISTORY OF THE 

delegates, and thus to pave the way for the destruction not only of 
the peers, but of the monarchy. 

It has been well remarked by a shrewd observer, that, on the 
whole, the arguments, general and particular, which were brought 
forward on this occasion, against the reform bill, both in the 
Lords and the Commons, go to establish the following conclu- 
sions — That though the grand virtue of the British constitution is 
its representative character ; yet, that the most valuable portion of 
it is its non-representative part ! — That though the independence 
of the three states of the kingdom is essential to their existence \ 
yet, neither King nor Lords can exist, unless they control the 
Commons ! — That, though the wishes of the people ought always 
to be attended to ; yet, neither petitions nor votes can be received 
in proof of what they want ! — That when the people ask earnestly, 
they are not to be heard ; because that shows excitement ! — That 
when they do not ask earnestly, they are not to be heard ; because 
that shews re-action! — That whether they are excited, or not excited, 
the only way to satisfy them is to give them little or nothing ! 
Such is the upshot of Tory politics, and the substance of all the 
speeches that were made against the passing of the reform bill. 

When the public were made acquainted with the decision to 
which noble lords had come, and that the bill was lost by a ma- 
jority of forty-one, the intelligence produced an extraordinary 
sensation throughout the country. Meetings were convened in 
the metropolis almost contemporaneous with the rejection of the 
bill. One was held at the Thatched- House Tavern, consisting of 
all the members who had supported the bill in its passage through 
the Commons. With equal promptitude the common-council of 
the city of London met. This was followed by a meeting of 
the merchants and bankers at the Mansion House, on the follow- 
ing Monday, when resolutions were entered into, approving of the 
conduct of ministers, pledging themselves to their support ; and 
petitions to the King that he would continue his ministers, and 
have recourse to a new creation of peers, in number sufficient to 
carry the bill. 

On the same evening, Monday, October 9th, Lord Ebrington 
in the House of Commons, moved a resolution, declaratory of 
their unabated confidence in his Majesty's ministers, and their 
determination to adhere to the reform bill ; which being carried 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 743 

by a majority of 131, secured the continuance of ministers in 
office. Parliament continued to sit till the 20th of October, when 
his Majesty prorogued it till the 22d of November, and, both in 
his way to the house, and returning from it, was enthusiastically 
cheered. Addresses without end were poured in upon him from 
all parts of Great Britain and Ireland. The Lord Mayor and the 
corporation of the city of London went up to St. James's with an 
address to the throne, accompanied, it was supposed, by sixty 
thousand persons! But the grandest movement that appeared 
on this occasion was at Birmingham. The meeting took place 
on Monday, October the 9th, and is said to have consisted of a 
hundred and fifty thousand persons, constituting the Birmingham 
Political Union — and it exhibited one of the most sublime spec- 
tacles of power and peace ever seen in this or perhaps in any 
country. 

Thomas Attwood, Esq. being called to the chair, delivered an 
address to this vast multitude, in the open air, in which he ob- 
served, that — 

" When the Union was first formed, they were told by his friends, that they 
would have no power — that the Oligarchy were too strong for them, and that 
all their efforts would be in vain. But when he had been informed that the 
Union would not be able to control the Oligarchy, he had said, ' We will 
get two millions of strings, and we will place each string in the hands of a 
strong and brave man, and we will twist those strings into a thousand large 
ropes, and we will twist those ropes into one immense cable, and by means of 
that cable we will put a hook in the nose of Leviathan, and guide and govern 
him at our pleasure/ Now/' continued Mr. Attwood, " have we not put a hook 
in the nose of Leviathan, and have we not twisted the strings and the ropes 
and the cable well— have we not thwarted that atrocious influence behind 
the throne, which, Lord Chatham said, was stronger than the throne itself? 
(Cheers.) He would explain that atrocious influence of the Oligarchy which 
had governed the King, the Lords, and the People. He did not say it was 
the House of Lords — that honourable and illustrious house, composed of an 
aristocracy associated with so many great and glorious recollections — but it 
was a junta of one hundred and fifty individuals, and some of whom were 
members of that right honourable house, and who had secretly and fraudu- 
lently usurped the powers of King, Lords, and Commons, and had in fact 
governed every thing in England with a despotic sway. These were the 
men who were rightly called ' oligarchs/ and whose dominion was now 
coming to an end. In accomplishing this great work, no violence was re- 
quired. ' By obeying the law,' said Mr. Attwood, ' we become powerful to 
control the law.' They had united two millions of men peaceably and 
legally in one grand and determined association, to recover the liberty, the 
happiness, and the prosperity of the country ; and he should like to know 
what power there was in England that could resist a power like this." He 
concluded his address thus — 

" It is to the King, personally, that we owe more in this great work of 
Reform than to any other human being in existence. An ancient philo- 
sopher has said., that to see an honest man struggling with adversity, and 



744 HISTORY OF THE 

preserving his integrity, was a sight which the gods themselves might con- 
template with satisfaction. This is undoubtedly true ; but it is equally true 
that to see a King looking down from his throne, and feeling for the miseries 
of his people, and determining to relieve their miseries and redress their 
wrongs, is a sight which Providence might well be supposed to contemplate 
with satisfaction. I now call upon you to exhibit a spectacle, and that spec- 
tacle shall be one of loyalty and devotion. I am about to ask you to cry out 
the words, ' God bless the King !' I therefore desire that you will all of you 
take off your hats, and that you will look up to the heavens, where the just 
God rules both heaven and earth, and that you will cry out, with one heart 
and with one voice, ' God bless the King !' " 

The spectacle which here presented itself, say the reports of the 
meeting, was sublime. Every head was uncovered, every face 
was turned up to heaven, and at one moment a hundred thousand 
voices answered to the exhortation, " God bless the King." 

The continuance of Earl Grey and his colleagues in office had 
doubtless a powerful effect in preserving the peace of the country : 
his lordship having pledged himself that the present bill, or one 
of equal extent, should certainly be carried, if he remained in 
office. The King also declared that he had the highest con- 
fidence in his ministry, and that every means in his power should 
be used to ensure the success of a measure so essential to the 
interests, happiness, and welfare of his people. 

Parliament did not re-assemble until the 6th of December, 
when the King went in state to the House of Peers, and delivered 
an elaborate speech, in the course of which he recommended to 
them " a speedy and satisfactory settlement of the Reform ques- 
tion, which became daily of more pressing importance to the 
security of the state, and to the contentment and welfare of the 
people." But to accomplish this, a new bill must necessarily be 
introduced, which was accordingly done, by Lord John Russell, 
in a few days afterwards, but with some material improvements.* 
This new bill was again subjected to the fiery ordeal, but, on a 
division taking place, the second reading was carried by a ma- 
jority of two to one in favour of ministers ; on which the house 
adjourned to Tuesday, the 17th of January, 1832. 

Parliament met, pursuant to adjournment, and Lord John Rus- 
sell pushed his bill into committee, where it was again assailed 
by Mr. Croker, Sir Robert Peel, Sir R. Vyvyan, and a host of 
others, with all their original hostility towards a measure of 
reform. In particular, the clause which proposed to confer eight 
* See Life and Times ot William the Fourth, p. 749. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 745 

additional members on the metropolis, or metropolitan districts, 
met with violent opposition. The Marquis of Chandos, after an 
elaborate speech, in which he contended that to extend the elect- 
ive franchise in the metropolis would lead to great excite- 
ment, and give the capital a predominating influence over 
the rest of the country, moved an amendment against the clause ; 
on which the house divided, when there were for the amend- 
ment, 236, and against it, 316. Majority for ministers, 80. 

It would be trifling and tedious to pursue the progress of the 
bill through the Commons ; it got out of the committee about 
the middle of March, and on Monday, the 19th, Lord John 
Russell moved the third reading of the bill, which was opposed 
by Lord Mahon, who moved that the bill be read a third time 
that day six months. A warm debate ensued, which was ad- 
journed to the following day, and on this occasion, one of the 
most singular scenes presented itself, that ever was witnessed in 
the House of Commons. In the midst of their debate, Mr. Spencer 
Perceval arose, and commenced preaching to the honourable 
house a sermon of a singular complexion, after the manner of 
the well-known Edward Irving. It happened to be the evening 
preceding the day appointed for a national fast. In despite of 
every remonstrance, this pupil of enthusiasm still persisted in his 
harangue, telling them he was sent in God's name to warn them 
of impending destruction. After various efforts had been made 
to silence the poor man without effect, this strange speech was 
terminated by Lord Sandon observing, that he saw strangers in the 
house; on which the Speaker proceeded to enforce the standing 
order. Mr. Perceval sat down while the gallery was clearing ; 
and during that time the motion for adjournment was put and 
carried. 

Two days afterwards, the debate on the third reading was 
resumed, and with renewed vigour. Sir George Rose, Sir Edward 
Sugden, Lord Porchester, and Sir Robert Peel vehemently op- 
posed the bill ; but they were triumphantly answered by Mr. Robert 
Grant, Sir John Cam Hobhouse, and Mr. Stanley, when the house 
divided — 355 for the third reading— 239 against it. Majority for 
the bill, 116. 

Oh Monday, March the 26th, the reform bill was carried to the 
upper house by Lords Russell and Althorp, accompanied by an 

5 c 



746 HISTORY OF THE 

unusual number of members, and delivered into the hands of the 
chancellor, who on receiving it announced the message of the 
Commons, and immediately read in the hearing of their lordships 
the title of the bill with peculiar emphasis. The important part of 
the reception of the bill was the declaratory speeches of Lords 
Wharncliffe and Harrowby, who announced their intention of 
voting for the second reading — both the noble lords having 
obtained an accession of wisdom since their rejection of the former 
bill. His grace of London was also become a convert, to it — all 
which petrified with astonishment the Duke of Wellington and the 
Marquis of Londonderry, who found nothing in this new bill which 
should reconcile them more to it than to the former. 

Previous to the second reading of the reform bill, on Monday, 
April 9th, several petitions were presented, some for and others 
against it. The Duke of Buckingham, in presenting a petition 
against it, took occasion to give notice, that, in the event of the 
second reading being rejected, he would, after Easter, introduce a 
measure of reform. He described the bill which he intended to 
introduce, as a bill for giving two representatives in parliament to 
those large towns which by their opulence and commercial import- 
ance were entitled to be represented, although at present they were 
not represented. This would be the first object. A second object 
of the bill would be, to conjoin and consolidate certain boroughs, 
each of which now returned two members to parliament, so as to 
return two members for the consolidated boroughs ; the purpose 
of this being, to prevent the inconvenience of an addition to the 
present numbers of the House of Commons, by the introduction of 
members for places not before represented. And a third provision 
of the bill would be, to extend the elective franchise to persons not 
now entitled to vote, so as to prevent the abuse of the elective 
franchise in boroughs. His grace moved the insertion of the notice 
on the journals, as evidence of the sincerity of his intention. 

Earl Grey rose at six o'clock to move the second reading of the 
reform bill, which he did in a speech courteous and conciliatory, 
although not destitute of firmness. After briefly noticing the im- 
portant nature of the bill — its great and interesting object — the 
large majority that had sent it up — the unequivocal support it had 
received from the people — he adverted to the Duke of Bucking- 
ham's notice of motion. This, he said, relieved him from the 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^7 

necessity of defending the principle of his own bill, for it was a 
principle now universally conceded ; he did not think he was 
called on to except even the Duke of Wellington, since the last 
declaration of the duke upon the subject seemed to imply that he 
thought some degree of reform necessary. The noble earl then 
went on to notice, in detail, the alterations which had been intro- 
duced into the bill, defended the £10 franchise from some objec- 
tions that had been raised against it, and concluded his address 
with a very affecting appeal to their lordships on the attacks which 
had been made upon him, and the great injustice done him, for 
having proposed a measure which he considered his duty to his 
sovereign and the country required him to propose — a measure 
which was now in its principle generally admitted to be necessary, 
and about which the only difference was as to its extent. Earl 
Grey concluded — - 

" All that I desire is, that we should now proceed with this discussion in 
such a manner as may lead to a happy and to a speedy termination — speedy, 
indeed, I may well say, for happy it cannot be without that other ingredient 
being added. The opportunity of doing this is now afforded to your lord- 
ships ; and I hope that it will not be lost : I hope it, my lords, the more, as 
that opportunity, once let slip, it will not be easy to recover it. I hare been 
accused of using on a former occasion the language of intimidation — I dis- 
claim the intention of using any such language. Nothing could be further 
from my wish than to influence your lordships by any improper or unworthy 
fears, in deciding a question which should rest alone on your most deliberate 
judgment. But surely it is not the language of intimidation, if I wished to 
address to your lordships that which any honest counsellor might address to 
the most despotic sovereign on the face of the earth — my humble advice on 
the subject ; and I am sure that all I ventured to state to you was, that no 
influence, no authority, no power, was sufficient safely to set at defiance that 
unanimous demand which was founded on public opinion. My lords, I never 
counselled you to yield to any hasty or temporary outcry ; I never advised 
you to give way to the exorbitant and unruly demands of clamour ; but what 
I did then say, and what I now repeat, is, that the deliberate sentiment of a 
great and intelligent people, expressed after long time being allowed for 
reflection, is entitled to your lordships' attention — and the house will give me 
leave to say, to your lordships' respect also. I can assure the house, that I 
feel the deep and vital consequence of this measure to the country, to your 
lordships, and to myself. I feel its consequence to the country, as connected 
with all those interests on which its power and its prosperity depend; I feel 
its consequence to your lordships, as connected with that confidence and 
reliance which I would ever have the people place in your judgment, and 
without which this house can never hold that station which ought truly to 
attach to it. My lords, I admit that we have of late heard none of that outcry 
on the part of the people, which first marked the progress of this bill. In its 
place, a fearful silence at present prevails — a silence which may, perhaps, 
lead some foolishly to imagine that the people are no longer looking at this 
question with the same feelings of interest. But I caution your lordships to 
beware how you form that opinion. You may rely upon it, that though the 
people are silent, they are looking at the deliberations of this night with no 
less intenseness than that which has marked them from the very first day of 



748 HISTORY OF THE 

the agitation of this question. I know that it is pretended by some, that the 
nation has no confidence in this house, because there is an opinion out of 
doors that the interests of the aristocracy are separate from those of the people. 
On the part of this house, however, I disclaim all such separateness of inter- 
ests ; therefore I am willing to believe that the silence of which I have spoken 
is the fruit of a latent hope still existing in their bosom. With respect to my- 
self, I am very sensible that no one ever stood before parliament with the 
same personal responsibility as that with which I am invested. I have been 
made the subject of attack — I have been laid open to what I believe to be 
great injustice — I am sure that I have been the subject of much undeserved 
suspicion. And why ? — Because I have proposed that which I thought my 
duty to my sovereign and to my country required me to propose — a measure, 
which is now in its principle generally admitted to be necessary, and about 
which the only difference is as to its extent. All that I can say upon this 
subject is, that I exercised the best of my judgment. I believed (again to 
use the words of my noble and learned friend) that a large measure of reform 
— an efficient measure of reform — such as should meet the just expectations of 
the people, was necessary, if we wished to enable this country to resume that 
peaceful and prosperous situation to which it is impossible for it to return, so 
long as this agitation and anxiety pervade the public mind. My lords, I 
knew well the difficulties that I should have to encounter ; but I was led by 
my sense of duty to disregard them. I hope that I may be allowed to say, 
that in all the progressive stages of this measure, I have never deviated from 
that steadiness of purpose which I believed would finally lead to success ; 
and that as, on the one hand, 1 have not been deterred by threatened difficul- 
ties from proposing this bill, so, on the other, I have not suffered myself to be 
forced by clamour into the prosecution of it by means to which I could not in 
my best judgment consent, unless in a case of the last necessity. Under 
these circumstances, and feeling that this may possibly be the last time that I 
shall have to press this measure on your lordships' attention, I must confess 
that I look with something like hope to that which appears to be a sort of 
approach to a favourable decision on the part of this house. If, however, on 
the other hand, I should sink under the struggle, I shall at least have the 
consolation of feeling that I did, to the best of my judgment, that which I 
thought right and fitting, regulating my actions according to the sincere dic- 
tates of my conscience, with the one sole object of effecting that which should 
be best calculated to promote the interests of my country. All that I pray for 
is, that if misfortune is to follow this measure, it may be confined to one — 
that I may be the sole victim of it. I pray that my sovereign, my country, 
and your lordships may remain untouched ; and, above all, that your lord- 
ships may be enabled to form that union with the people which is so neces- 
sary to the welfare of the whole, as well as to that sentiment upon which 
your lordships' influence and weight in the country are based." 

Lord Ellenborough now rose, and commented on the bill with 
much severity, and at considerable length — after which he con- 
cluded with moving that the bill be read a second time that day six 
months ; which gave rise to a very animated debate. The Bishop of 
Durham, Earls Bathurst, Wicklow, and the Marquis of London- 
derry opposed — and Lords Melbourne, Stourton, and Gage 
defended it. The discussion being adjourned to the next day, the 
debate was opened by the Earl of Shrewsbury, who declared himself 
at some loss to discover from what evils, the constitution, of which 
some persons seemed to be so enamoured, had saved the country. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 749 

We had had expensive wars ; we had eight hundred millions of 
debt ; we had had rebellion and revolution , great and frequent 
commercial embarrassments, and the strange picture of an intelli- 
gent and active population, idle and starving in the midst of 
abundance. The only way to test the value of the constitution, 
was to pass a measure which should give its merits fair play. By 
passing the bill now before the house, their lordships would restore 
their connexion with the people, and their power of doing good, 
the only power they ought to enjoy. They must either consent to 
right the people, or the people would right themselves. The 
clergy, who, his lordship said, had too frequently been " the 
willing agents of the worst systems of tyranny, and participators in 
all acts of extravagance, spoliation, and corruption," ought to be 
the first to come forward to discharge their duty to the country. 
He concluded by asserting the necessity of ministers possessing in 
the House of Lords a considerable majority of votes, else their 
resignation was inevitable. 

This bold and manly address gravelled the Earl of Limerick not 
a little. It was one of the notable fruits, he said, of Catholic 
emancipation, which measure he deeply regretted having ever lent 
himself to. Little did he expect, in a year or two after its passing, 
to find one of the first peers of the Catholic religion pronouncing a 
philippic, not only against all existing peers, but against all that 
had existed for the last century. The Earl of Mansfield and the 
Duke of Wellington reprobated the bill in unmeasured terms; and 
not the bill only, but Lords Harrowby, Wharncliffe, and Hadding- 
ton also, who were accused of deserting their banners,, by voting 
for a second reading. The two former of these noble lords ably 
defended themselves, and retorted on their opponents. A second 
adjournment took place at one o'clock in the morning. 

The Earl of Winchelsea resumed the debate on Wednesday, and 
spoke with great indignation against a creation of peers, declaring 
that if such a measure was had recourse to for the purpose of 
carrying this bill, he would no longer submit to sit in the house ; 
he would retire and " bide his time, until the return of those good 
days, which would enable him to vindicate the insulted laws of his 
country, by bringing such an unconstitutional minister before the 
bar of his country." He was followed by the Duke of Bucking- 
ham, who after quoting Shakspeare's Macbeth, to remind noble 



/50 HISTORY OF THE 

lords of the caldron, and the ingredients, and the witches, and all 

that, went on to remind them of the case of Charles I., after which 

the " dear duke" digressed to the subject of the Tower-hamlets, 

and other metropolitan districts. 

" They had heard of Paris constituting all France, and now they were to 
hear of London constituting all England. And what, he asked, was Lon- 
don ? Were they to look for the purity of representation in the hallowed 
shades of the Tower-hamlets — in the classical haunts of Billingsgate — and the 
modest precincts of St. Marylebone ? They had heard of Westminster's 
pride, and England's glory ; but he believed it would be difficult to bestow 
an eleemosynary penny in the Strand, without hazarding the appearance of 
bribing a Westminster elector ; and if a short-sighted candidate happened to 
overlook a beggar, he might have to mourn over the loss of a vote. Why, 
the cholera was nothing to the risk of this contamination — the pestilence wa3 
nothing to it — and yet, this was the way in which the representation of 
England was to be purified." 

The Bishops of Lincoln and Exeter, and also the Earl of Fal- 
mouth and Marquis of Bristol, opposed the bill ; but were ably 
answered by the Earl of Radnor and Marquis of Lansdown, toge- 
ther with the Bishops of London and LandafT — on which Lord 
Kenyon moved a third adjournment. On Thursday evening the 
debate was resumed by Lord Wynford, in a very prosy speech, 
after which Lord Durham rose, and delivered the brilliant oration 
which has been already given in a preceding part of this volume* — 
and in which he so successfully chastized the Bishop of Exeter. 
He was followed by the Earl of Carnarvon, Lords Eldon, Tenter- 
den, and Lyndhurst, with the Bishops of Rochester and Gloucester, 
against the bill — and by Lord Goderich and the Lord Chancellor, 
in its favour. Earl Grey commenced his reply, at five o'clock on 
Friday morning ; and in the course of his observations, he thus 
noticed the attack which Dr. Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, had 
made on him. 

" I have been congratulated by a learned and right reverend prelate, that I 
have rejected with scorn and indignation the stigma of revolution. The 
charity of that sneer and of that insinuation is not lost upon me ; but I tell 
the right reverend prelate, that 1 have a long life to appeal to, which even 
those who know me not in private will think sufficient to justify me in the 
opinion of my countrymen from the foul and malignant charges which he, in 
his christian charity, has thought proper to produce against me. (Great 
cheering, and cries of l Order !') I have a stake also in the country, perhaps 
as large a one as he has. I have also given pledges to my country — pledges 
which must prove my sincere desire to transmit to my posterity the property 
which I have received from my ancestors — pledges which ought to satisfy the 
country that I shall not, with my eyes open, undertake any thing that is dan- 
gerous to the constitution. The right reverend prelate threw out insinuations 
about my ambition. Let me tell him calmly, that the pulses of ambition may 

* See the Life of Lord Durham, p. 440. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. /51 

beat as strongly under sleeves of lawn as under an ordinary habit. (Immense 
cheering.) I wish not to pursue farther a subject on which I feel strongly ; 
but a speech more unbecoming the situation of a christian bishop — a speech 
more inconsistent with the love of peace — a speech more remote from the 
charity which ought to distinguish a clergyman of his order — a speech more 
replete with insinuations and charges calculated to promote disunion and dis- 
cord in the community — never was uttered within the walls of either house of 
parliament." He concluded — 

" He would take leave to say one word on a question which had been 
frequently discussed out of doors, and in which he was in some degree per- 
sonally concerned. He alluded to the probable creation of peers. All the 
best constitutional writers had admitted, that although the creation of a large 
number of peers for a particular object was a measure which should rarely be 
resorted to, yet that in some cases, such as to avoid a collision between the 
two houses, it might be absolutely necessary. It was true that he had been, 
for many reasons, exceedingly averse to such a course ; but he believed it 
would be found, that in cases of necessity, such as he had stated, a creation 
of peers would be perfectly justifiable, and in accordance with the best and 
most acknowledged principles of the constitution. ( i Hear ! hear !') More 
than this, he would not say at the present moment. " 

After a few words of explanation from Lord Carnarvon and Dr. 
Phillpotts, their lordships divided — 

For the motion — present, 128; proxies, 56: — total 184. 
Against it — present, 126 ; proxies, 49 : — total 175. Majority 
for the bill 9. The bill was then read a second time ; and, on the 
motion of Earl Grey, it was ordered to be committed on the first 
day after the recess. 

Small as was the majority for the second reading of the bill, it 
was everywhere throughout the country hailed with gladness, as a 
favourable omen, presaging its ultimate success. It was generally 
understood and believed, that Earl Grey had the King's full per- 
mission to create as many new peers as should be deemed neces- 
sary for carrying the bill — but that that measure was to be resorted 
to only in the last extremity ; and now the clamour for this crea- 
tion became excessive. The lords broke up for the Easter holidavs 
on Tuesday, April the 17th, and the commons on the following 
day. On the previous Monday, the 16th, the Duke of Wellington 
thought proper to enter a protest against the second reading of the 
reform bill, on the journals of the House of Lords, and it was 
immediately signed by seventy-four other peers, including the 
Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester, and the Bishops of Roches- 
ter, Exeter, Bristol, Carlisle, Gloucester and Armagh — but not by 
Lord Lyndhurst. 

The length of this protest renders it inconvenient for insertion ; 
let it suffice to say, that it embodied all the stale objections, a hun- 



752 HISTORY OF THE 

dred times repeated, and as often refuted, in both houses of parlia- 
ment — such as, that it went to violate the sacredness of chartered 
rights and vested interests, and thereby endangered the highest of 
our institutions — that by the creation of the metropolitan boroughs, 
the popular voice must be increased in an incalculable degree — 
and insure a perpetual recurrence of popular excitement, and — 

6. Because the exorbitant increase of the democratic element of the British 
constitution designed by this bill must give additional strength and impetus 
to a principle which, while duly restrained and tempered by the checks pro- 
vided in the existing constitution of parliament, is the source of that genuine 
spirit of disciplined and enlightened freedom which is the proudest distinction 
of our national character, but which, without those checks, or other equiva- 
lent restraints, could not fail to advance with augmented and accelerated 
force, till, all other powers being drawn within its vortex, the government 
would become a mere democracy ; or if the name and form of a monarchy 
were preserved, all that could give independence to the sovereign, or protec- 
tion to the subject, would be really excluded." 

If other parts of the protest partake of the marvellous, this 
may with truth be said to partake of the incomprehensible ! All 
attempts to analyze it, and reduce it to the principles of common 
sense, must fail : e. g. power drawn into the vortex of a principle 
advancing with augmented force by the increase of an element ! 
This is unanswerable. 

The parliament stood adjourned to Monday, May the 7th, 
and it will be proper in this place to give some account of the 
state of the country during this interval of three weeks — a me- 
morable period indeed, and far too important to be passed over 
slightingly in this history. It will in a particular manner be 
expected that some notice should he taken of the proceedings of the 
Political Unions, which had been called into existence for the pur- 
pose of carrying their measures of reform into completion. 

On this occasion, the borough of Leeds appears to have taken 

the lead. Tremblingly alive for the fate of the bill, on account 

of the small majority by which the second reading was carried, 

the people of Leeds called a meeting on Thursday, April the 1 9th, 

when John Marshall, junior, was called to the chair. A number of 

able speeches were delivered, and the following address was voted 

unanimously. 

"To the King's Most Excelllent Majesty. 

•'The humble Address of the Inhabitants of the Borough of Leeds, 

in the county of York, in public meeting assembled, on the 9th of 

April, 1832. 

"Sire, — You are our sheet-anchor — our refuge in the storm. The last 

necessity appears to be at hand. Resistance to reform, and the consequent 



PASSING OF THE REFORM EILLS. 7^3 

delay, have unhappily produced deep injury to the most important national 
interests ; our commerce and manufactures are already in an alarming state 
of stagnation ; and the mutilation of the bill would issue in great public 
dissatisfaction and indignation, perhaps tumult. Your Majesty fears nothing, 
and has nothing to fear. You wisely identify yourself with the interests of 
your people. We know and venerate your Majesty's paternal solicitude for the 
peace and happiness of your subjects. Some of the Lords of Parliament 
know but little of the people : they imperfectly appreciate their sentiments 
and their rights, and appear to misconstrue the use and constitution of their 
own house. Respect for the House of Peers would not be impaired, either 
by an addition to its numbers, or by an alteration of its political sentiment, 
which indeed has become necessary to the pure administration of public 
affairs. 

li We, therefore, most humbly implore that your Majesty, in this emer- 
gency, will, at the proper moment, by a fearless and liberal exercise of 
your royal prerogative (in the creation of peers,) at once protect us from an 
oligarchy, and with the aid of your present Ministers, who alone possess the 
confidence of the public, secure the safety of the bill, and the conservation of 
the constitution."' 

At Birmingham a special meeting of the Political Union was 
held at the rooms of the Union, in Great Charles-Street, on Friday 
the 27th of April, Thomas Attwood Esq. in the chair, when the fol- 
lowing resolutions were agreed to. 

" This Council, considering that the enemies of reform, and of the peace 
and order of society, have held out the most unfounded representations 
respecting a re-action, an indifference, and an apathy in the public mind, in 
the great cause of Parliamentary Reform ; and considering that a grand 
exhibition of public feeling and determination is thereby rendered absolutely 
necessary, in order to contradict and refute such false and unfounded repre- 
sentations, and in order to assist in enabling our most excellent King and 
his patriotic Ministers to accomplish their great designs for the happiness of 
the people, and to carry the great measure of reform into a law, uninjured 
and unimpaired in all its great parts and provisions : 

a It was resolved unanimously — 

" 1. That a general meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham and its 
neighbourhood be held in the open space at the foot of Newhall-hill, on 
Monday, the 7th day of May next, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, for the 
purpose of petitioning the House of Lords to complete the great work of 
national liberty and reconciliation, and of agreeing to such further resolu- 
tions as the Council may recommend, and the meeting may approve. The 
chair to be taken at 12 o'clock precisely. 

" 2. That this council having heretofore declared that they will ' cease 
to labour in the great work of exciting the public mind to political objects, 
when the bill of reform shall have become law, and when the prosperity of 
the lower and middle classes of the people shall have been restored,' do 
now think it their duty to recommend to their fellow-countrymen to declare, 
most positively, that if the bill of reform should be rejected, or in any way 
injured or impaired in its great parts and provisions, they will never cease 
to use every possible legal exertion in their power to obtain a more complete 
and effectual restoration of the rights of the people, than the bill of reform is 
calculated to give. 

" 3. That this Council, feeling deeply grateful to the inhabitants of the 
town and neighbourhood of Birmingham for their uniform peaceful, legal, 
and loyal conduct upon so many occasions, do earnestly urge and enjoin all 

5 D 



754 HISTORY OF THE 

persons attending the meeting, as they value the great objects which they 
meet to promote, strictly to respect the law, since nothing can tend so 
much to endanger the cause of reform, and the happiness of the people, 
as any disorderly conduct or illegal act upon this occasion of unprecedented 
importance. 

"4. That the Council do walk in procession from the rooms of the Union, 
in Great Charles-street, to Newhall-hill, at 11 o'clock in the morning of the 
intended meeting, and that the members and friends of the Union be invited 
to join in the procession. 

" Thomas Attwood, Chairman. 
" By order of Council, "Benjamin Hadley, Hon. Secretary." 

In pursuance of these resolutions, a meeting was held on the 
7th of May, of which the following is an authentic report : — 

At the foot of Newhall-hill, is a large piece of waste ground lying to the 
north of Birmingham, and exceedingly well adapted, from its vast size and 
amphitheatrical form, for the purposes of a public meeting. The hustings 
were erected at the lowest point of the ground, so that the speakers could 
be seen, if not heard, at the farthest parts of the field. At a very early hour 
in the morning, large bodies of people began to collect in the space in front 
of the hustings, while the more distant points of view were occupied by 
wagons and temporary scaffoldings, from which a number of banners, with 
various inscriptions in favour of Reform, the King, and his Ministers, and 
condemnatory of the anti-national anti-reform faction, were floating. 

About 10 o'clock, the Political Unions of Wolverhampton, Coventry, "War- 
wick, Stratford, Dudley, Bilston, Kidderminster, Studley, Redditch, Wil- 
lenhall, Walsall, Wednesbury, Stourbridge, Darlaston, &c, accompanied by 
great numbers of the country people, began to enter Birmingham in sepa- 
rate companies, preceded by banners and bands of music ; and the following 
has been given as an authentic statement of the numbers which came into 
the town of Birmingham from the surrounding districts : — Grand Northern 
Division, headed by Mr. Fryer, the banker, including Wolverhampton, Bilston, 
Wednesbury, Sedgeley, Walsall, Willenhall, Darlaston, West Bromwich, 
and Handsworth. This division may at the very lowest be estimated at 
100,000 people. The procession extended over four miles ; there were 
upwards of 150 banners, and eleven bands of music. — Grand Western Divi- 
sion, including Stourbridge, Dudley, Harbourn, Cradley, Lyevvater, Old- 
bury, Rowley, and Halesowen. The procession extended two miles, and 
was accompanied by nine bands of music and seventy banners ; and the 
number of the people was 25,000. — Grand Eastern Division, including 
Coventry, Warwick, Bedworth, Kenilworth, Leamington, Solihull, &c, 
consisted of 5,000 people, with eight bands, and thirty banners. — Grand 
Southern Division, including Worcester, Bromsgrove, Redditch, Studley, 
Droitwich, and Alcester, consisted of 20,000 people, with six bands of music 
and twelve banners. The preceding estimate is exclusive of the 140,000 in- 
habitants of Birmingham and its immediate vicinity. Upwards of 200 
bands of music were in attendance, and from 700 to 1,000 banners waved 
over the assembled throng. 

As each company entered Birmingham, they were met by large bodies 
of the townspeople, and loudly cheered. The different Political Unions 
having collected at the Birmingham Union Rooms, they moved off in pro- 
cession to the plaoe of meeting, where they arrived at a quarter to twelve 
o'clock ; and some idea of their numbers may be conceived from the fact, 
that they continued to descend the hill in one dense and unbroken line 
from that time until twenty minutes past twelve o'clock, amidst the loud 
cheers of the people who had already collected there. At this moment 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^5 

there roust have been upwards of 200,000 persons present, and in a short 
time the numbers were still further increased by the arrival of more Unions. 
Besides this, numbers of people, who could obtain no place in the field, 
which was now completely filled, loitered about the neighbourhood, and 
thronged the streets of Birmingham. Nothing could be more animated and 
picturesque than the scene which Newhall-hill at this moment presented. 
The fineness of the weather, the number and variety of the banners which 
floated in the wind, and the immense multitude of men and women which 
filled the rising ground, and occupied even the most distant points of the 
surrounding hills, contributed to form a most interesting and imposing 
spectacle. 

Among the company on the hustings were Napoleon Czapski, a Polish 
nobleman ; Count Rechberg, Secretary to the Austrian embassy ; H. Acland, 
Esq., James West, Esq., Arthur Gregory, Esq., H. Boultbee, Esq., W. All- 
sop, Esq., of Derbyshire, Stubbs Whitick, Esq., R. Fryer, Esq., the Hon. 
Godolphin Osborne, William Collins, Esq., &c. 

At half-past 12 o'clock the commencement of proceedings was announced 
by the sounding of a bugle ; when 

Mr. Attwood was, on the motion of Mr. Edmonds, placed in the chair, 
amidst the loud cheers of the people. 

Mr. Attwood then rose amidst loud cheering, and addressed the meeting as 
follows : — " Men of Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire — my 
dear friends and fellow-countrymen — I thank you most sincerely for the im- 
mense, glorious, and magnificent assemblage which you now present in the 
hour of your country's need. To see the call of the council of the Political 
Union answered in such an effectual way, not only by the inhabitants of Bir- 
mingham, but, as it were spontaneously, by the inhabitants of twenty towns 
and districts around them, is to me a subject of the deepest and sincerest gra- 
tification. (Cheers.) The enemies of the liberties of their country have 
spoken of re-action and of indifference in the public mind towards the great 
cause of reform — how are they answered by the people of the midland coun- 
ties ? We have had but to stamp upon the earth, as it were, and instantly, 
from above the ground and from beneath the ground, 100,000 brave men, 
determined to see their country righted, present themselves at our call. 
(Great Cheering.) We had determined never again to petition the House of 
Lords ; but feeling, as we do, the greatest respect and veneration for the 
ancient and honourable aristocracy of the land — for such men as Lords West- 
minster, Cleveland, Shrewsbury, and Radnor — we have not hesitated to call 
this meeting, for the purpose of petitioning their lordships, as soon as ever we 
saw that the calumnies and misrepresentations of the enemies of the people, as 
to the state of public feeling and opinion, rendered such an exhibition neces- 
sary. (Cheers.). We, who professed to be the ministers of peace and recon- 
ciliation among all classes of his majesty's subjects — we would be the first to 
offer the right-hand of fellowship to the House of Lords, the very moment we 
see a disposition in that right honourable house to support our privileges in 
the same degree as we wish to support theirs. The enemies of the people 
have told their lordships that the country is indifferent in this great cause= 
If we hold no meetings, they say that we are indifferent — if we hold small 
meetings, they say that we are insignificant — and if we hold large meetings, 
they say that we are rebellious, and wish to intimidate them. (Laughter.) 
Do what we will, we cannot do right, it seems. Now, God forbid that I 
should wish to intimidate them ; I only wish to speak the plain and simple 
truth, which my duty compels me to speak ; and it is this, I would rather die 
than see the great bill of reform rejected or mutilated in any of its great parts 
or provisions. (Immense cheering, which lasted for a considerable time.) I 
see that you are all of one mind upon this great subject. Answer me, then, 
had not you all rather die, than live the slaves of the boroughmongers ? ('All, 
all.') We are told, indeed, of apathy and indifference in the public mind. 
Now, I have some means of understanding what public feeling is, and I say 



/56 HISTORY OF THE 

that the people of England stand at this very moment like greyhounds on the 
slip ; and that if our beloved King should give the word, or if this council 
should give the word in his name and under his authority, the grandest scene 
would be instantly exhibited that ever was witnessed on this earth before. 
(Loud cheers.) Now, I beg, my fellow-countrymen, that you will not think 
the House of Lords are your enemies, because they do not happen to under- 
stand your interests, and your wants, and wishes. The House of Lords are, 
in my opinion, taken as a body, kind-hearted and humane men ; but I am 
sorry to say, that they are excessively ignorant of the state of this unfortunate 
country. Not many days ago, a noble lord, of the highest character, assured 
me that there were not ten individuals in that right honourable house who 
knew that the country was in a state of distress. Amazing as this ignorance 
is, it is the natural result of their position in society. They come into no 
contact with you and your wants and interests ; they are surrounded by a few 
lawyers and clergymen, and by bands of flatterers and sycophants, whose 
interest it is to prophesy ' smooth things' to the very last ; and thus the lords 
are shut out from any knowledge of the real state of the country. It was but 
the other day that another noble lord assured a friend of mine, that the 
demand for reform arose from the riches and prosperity of the middle classes, 
who had become jealous of the aristocracy. Never upon this earth was there 
a greater error. The middle classes had been literally scourged with whips — 
they had then been scourged with scorpions — and they had then been scourged 
with red-hot iron, before they had ventured to interfere in any powerful and 
effectual manner. Here, then, is a proof of the absolute necessity of parlia- 
mentary reform. Give us a House of Commons who are identified with the 
commons, and with the feelings and interests of the commons, and every 
thing will be right in England. The House of Lords had been accustomed 
to look upon society as if the warts and excrescences of the social body were 
every thing, and the great limbs and interests — the heart, the head, the body, 
and the powerful arms — nothing. When we obtain reform in our own house, 
we shall teach them a very different view of this important subject. 

Now, my friends, I must beg leave to explain to you the absolute necessity 
of the peace, the order, and the strict legality which you have always exhi- 
bited. But for these great qualities, our cause would have been lost. "Within 
the law, the people are strong as a giant — beyond the law, they %re weak as an 
infant. See now the prodigious strength which this meeting has peacefully 
and legally accumulated, and compare it with the failures, which, for want of 
due attention to these great principles, have been exhibited in other quarters. 
On the late fast day, about 30,000 worthy and well-meaning men met together 
in London, for the purpose of holding a harmless procession. A few indi- 
viduals began to hiss and to hoot, and to throw stones, and thus the meeting 
was made illegal, and the leaders of an innocent procession were brought to 
punishment, and sentenced to different periods of imprisonment. So also in 
Manchester lately, a considerable meeting was held, which it is probable had 
no illegal views or objects ; but a few individuals among them having made 
use of violent, inflammatory, and illegal observations, the whole meeting was 
thereby rendered illegal, and the leaders of it were now imprisoned in Lan- 
caster castle, for different periods. The different meetings had no power to 
prevent the punishment of their leaders, because they were guilty of violations 
of the law. If they had strictly obeyed the law, no power upon earth could 
have injured a hair of their heads. It was the knowledge of this great truth, 
which made the Duke of Wellington complain very pathetically, a few years 
ago, that the Irish people would not break the law. Under the wise and 
discreet management of that distinguished member of our Union, Daniel 
O'Connell, the Irish people refused to break the law, and yet they moved 
onward in a sullen, patriotic, and determined course, until they had accom- 
plished their object. I told you, my friends, three years ago, at a great meet- 
ing at Mr. Beardsworth's repository, that the Duke of Wellington had taught 
us how to command reform ; and under the great lesson which his grace has 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7*>7 

taught us, we have gone on in England step by step under the sanction of the 
law, until at last we have made the earth too hot for the soles of the feet of 
our enemies. (Great cheering.) See, now, the prodigious power which this 
association has obtained. Under the sanction of the law, we have here pro- 
duced probably 200,000 human beings in one great assembly, not half of 
whom, I am afraid, can come within the hearing of my voice. Hitherto our 
exertions have been confined in direct operation to this town and neighbour- 
hood. Suppose now we should erect the standard of the Birmingham Union 
in London — that glorious standard which acts so terrifically upon the mind of 
his grace the Duke of Buckingham — I can tell you, and I can tell his grace, 
that if we should so act, nine-tenths of the whole population of that immense 
city would instantly rally round the sacred emblem of their country's freedom. 
(Cheers.) The same would be the case in Newcastle, Manchester, Glasgow, 
and Dublin. The whole of the British people would answer to the call, 
wherever the standard of the Birmingham Union should be unfurled, under 
the sanction of the King and of the Law. (Cheers.) This is the power which 
we have gathered up under a strict and dutiful obedience of the law, and 
therefore I do strictly urge and enjoin you to continue still the same dutiful 
and legal conduct which you have hitherto exhibited, and never to suffer any 
circumstance whatever to seduce you into any illegal or violent proceeding. 

When I had the pleasure of meeting you here in October last, I asserted 
that eveiy honest workman in England had as good a right for reasonable 
maintenance in exchange for his labour as the King had to the crown upon 
his head. A noble lord (Lord WharnclifFe) is reported to have contradicted 
this assertion in a high qtiarter ; I therefore beg to repeat it most positively, 
and to state most distinctly, that every honest workman in England does, 
in fact, when in full employment, produce more than four times the com- 
forts and necessaries of life which he and his family can possibly consume. 
If, then, the giving to his country more than four times the quantity of com- 
forts and necessaries which he himself requires, is not sufficient to constitute 
a right, I know not what is. The laws of God and of nature have ordained 
that man shall live by the sweat of his brow ; the labour of man's hands 
produce in England four times as much as his humble wants require, and 
therefore I insist upon it, that of all the rights in civilized life, the oldest 
and the strongest, and the most righteous, is the right of living by honest 
labour. (Cheers.) If the great reform which we are now about to ob- 
tain does not have the effect of establishing this right, and of confirming 
it for ever, it will never satisfy me. (Cheers.) My friends, I will trouble 
you no more. Your destinies and the destiny of our country are at this 
moment in the hands of the House of Lords. We have met this day for 
the purpose of discharging our duty to them. If that august assembly should 
neglect to discharge their duty towards us and our country, upon their heads 
alone will rest the awful responsibility of the tremendous consequences which 
may ensue. A nation may advance in the cause of liberty, but to go back 
is not possible. (Cheers.) 

While Mr. Attwood was speaking, the Warwick and Bromsgrove Unions 
arrived on the spot, and were seen entering in a distant part of the field, and 
were received with deafening shouts of applause. 

Mr. Attwood proposed, that in order to greet their distant friends, a song 
called, " The Gathering of the Unions,'' should be sung ; which was accord- 
ingly done by the whole assembly. It ran thus — 

'' Lo ! we answer ! see, we come ! 

Quick at Freedom's holy call ; 
We come ! we come ! we come ! we come ? 

To do the glorious work of all : 
And hark ! we raise from sea to sea. 
The sacred watchword Liberty. 



/58 HISTORY OF THE 

" God is our guide ! from field, from wave, 
From plough, from anvil, and from loom, 

We come, our country's rights to save, 
And speak a tyrant faction's doom : 

And, hark ! we raise from sea to sea, 
The sacred watchword Liberty. 

" God is our guide ! no swords we draw, 
We kindle not war's battle fires ; 
By union, justice, reason, law, 

We claim the birthright of our sires : 
We raise the watchword Liberty, 
We will, we will, we will be free ! 

A string of resolutions was now moved, seconded, and carried, 
and a number of able speeches delivered by Messrs. Scholefield — 
Munts — G. Edmonds — Rev. Mr. M' Donald — Parkes— De Boscoe 
Attwood — Boultbee, &c. Mr. T. C. Salt, in moving a resolution 
of thanks to the various branch Unions, thus addressed them — 
" I call upon you to repeat, with head uncovered, and in the 
face of heaven, and the God of justice and mercy, the follow- 
ing words after me." The speaker then slowly gave out the 
following words, which were repeated in a loud voice by the 
assembled multitude : " With unbroken faith, through 

EVERY PERIL AND PRIVATION, WE HERE DEVOTE OURSELVES 

and our children to our country's cause." This reso- 
lution was followed by loud cheering and waving of hats for 
several minutes. 

The following resolution and petition were read and carried 
unanimously. 

" To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parlia- 
ment assembled. The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the Town 
and Neighbourhood of Birmingham, assembled in a great meeting at 
Newhall-hill, this 7th day of May, 1832. 
" Respectfully sheweth, 

" 1st. That your petitioners are impressed with a due sense of the wisdom 
and justice displayed by your Lordships in carrying the great Bill of Reform 
through its second reading in your Right Honourable House. 

"2d. That your petitioners are decidedly of opinion that the speedy 
passing of the Bill of Reform into a law is essentially necessary to the 
contentment of the public mind, and to the preservation of the peace and 
order of society. 

3d. That your petitioners think it their duty respectfully to assure your 
Right Honourable House, that there is no foundation whatever in the reports 
which have been circulated respecting a re-action or "indifference in the pub- 
lic mind towards the great cause of reform, for your petitioners are quite 
convinced that the attachment of the people of the United Kingdom to the 
Bill of Reform now before your Right Honourable House, is more general", 
more deliberate, more enthusiastic, and more determined than ever. 

"4th. That your petitioners beg leave respectfully to represent to your 
Lordships, that the Bill of Reform having been twice brought forward by 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7&9 

his Majesty's Government, and having been twice approved and passed by 
the House of Commons, it is not to be expected that this great and mighty 
nation, always attached to the principles of liberty, can now be induced, by 
any human means, to forego or abandon any essential part of its principles 
or provisions ; and therefore your petitioners do most earnestly implore your 
Right Honourable House to continue the wise and patriotic conduct which 
your Lordships have adopted, and to carry the great Bill of Reform into a 
law, uninjured and unimpaired in the £10 franchise, and in every other of 
its great parts and provisions, in the hope of healing the wounds of the 
nation, and of reconciling and conciliating all classes of his Majesty's sub- 
jects with the state of society, and with each other. 

" 5th. That your petitioners confidently disclaim any wish or disposition on 
their part, or on that of their fellow-countrymen at large, to contract or 
weaken any of the constitutional privileges of your right honourable house ; 
but your petitioners feel it to be their duty most respectfully to remind your 
Lordships, that the interference of Peers of Parliament in the elections of 
members of the House of Commons, is not recognized by the constitution, 
and that, in the opinion of your petitioners, it is equally unconstitutional for 
the House of Peers to exercise their authority for the purpose of thwarting 
regulations which are deemed just and expedient by the House of Com- 
mons, respecting the manner in which the members of that honourable house 
are to be chosen, and the places from which they are to he sent. 

" 6th. That your petitioners anxiously and earnestly implore your right 
honourable house not to drive to despair a high-minded, a generous, and a 
fearless people ; nor, by the rejection of their moderate claims, to urge them 
to demands of a much more extensive nature — demands which would most 
certainly follow the rejection or mutilation of the Bill by your Lordships ; 
and in particular not to teach them the fatal lesson, that moderate demands 
and peaceable demeanour are not to entitle them to the consideration of their 
rulers, or to procure for them the redress of their manifold and grievous 
wrongs. 

" 7th. Your petitioners do, therefore, humbly and most earnestly pray that 
your right honourable house will be pleased forthwith to pass the Bill of 
Reform into a law, uninjured and unimpaired in any of its great parts and 
provisions, and more particularly uninjured in the clauses relating to the 
£10 franchise. 

" And your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray." 

The council of the Birmingham Political Union now declared 
their sittings permanent, until the fate of the reform bill was 
decided. 

Similar meetings were held about the same time at Liverpool, 
Manchester, Sheffield, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Edinburgh, Glas- 
gow, Paisley, Dundee, Dumfries, Dunfermline, &c, as well as 
throughout the south of England ; at all of which, resolutions were 
passed expressive of their unabated confidence in Earl Grey and 
his colleagues ; and petitions were drawn up and voted to the King 
and House of Peers, beseeching them to pass the bill unmutilated. 
The meeting at Edinburgh was a proud event for the modern 
Athens ; it is said to have consisted of fifty or sixty thousand per- 
sons, and took place in the King's Park, near Holyrood House ; 
from the windows of which, the exiled king of France might have 



760 HISTORY OF THE 

beheld another specimen of the working of that principle which he 
and his imbecile ministry vainly imagined they had the power to 
put down. 

In the metropolis, an extraordinary meeting of the members of 
the National Union took place on Thursday, May the 3d, Joseph 
Hume, Esq. in the chair. The object of it was, to discuss the pro- 
priety of addressing a memorial to the King, praying him to take 
the necessary constitutional measures to insure the passing of the 
reform bill unmutilated; and also, of petitioning the House of Lords 
to that effect. Mr. Hume noticed the progress which the bill had 
made, from the time that he had last met the members of the 
Union. He remarked on the conditions under which that progress 
had been made — on the declaration of the moderate reforming 
peers, that if the bill were not greatly altered in committee, they 
would even yet turn round, and vote its rejection. He added, that 

" Though differing from ministers in many points, he was one of those who 
thought it necessary to give undivided confidence to his Majesty's ministers in 
bringing forward this great measure, and to waive any minor differences of 
opinion. He could not, therefore, wish that any expression should fall from 
him which might be construed into want of confidence in Lord Grey. Still, 
he could not but regret that the course which that minister had thought pro- 
per to take, was not that bold and decided course which it would have been 
his best policy to have adopted. There was Earl Grey, with the People at his 
back, with the Sovereign at his elbow ; and thus supported, what had Lord 
Grey and his Majesty's ministers to fear from the fraction of the nobility 
opposed to them ? It was their policy to have taken a more decided course. 
There was nothing which struck more terror and dismay into the minds of 
the Tories, than the circumstance of the King's coming down at a few hours' 
notice, and dissolving in person that parliament which had opposed itself to 
the declared wishes of the nation. If, after the rejection of the bill in the 
Lords by a majority of 41, the next morning's Gazette had contained a list of 
60 new peers, created for the purpose, the whole bill would have been passed 
long ere this. (Great cheering.) The ministers had thought differently. 
They might, perhaps, have adequate reasons for the course which they had 
thought proper to pursue ; but it was the duty of the people of England to 
prove, that in them there had been no change — that their opinion remained 
unaltered — that they were still determined to have reform — that they would 
have all that the House of Commons had granted— that they would not be 
satisfied with one iota less. (Enthusiastic cheering.) Lord Grey was too 
much afraid of the power opposed to him. He had only to act with firmness, 
and the opposition to him in the House of Peers would be dissolved as rapidly 
as the anti-reforming party was dissolved in the lower house, by an appeal to 
the people at a general election." 

The resolutions were as follows — 

" That this Union seizes this opportunity of declaring to the people, that 
although the principle of reform has been recognized by the House of Lords, 
it has no confidence that that noble house will pass the reform bill, unless the 
opinion of Englishmen be universally and energetically expressed upon the 
subject. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. J 61 

" That if any alteration be made in the enfranchising, the disfranchising, or 
the £10 clauses of the bill, the meeting will esteem such an alteration a 
direct attack upon the principles of the measure, and resist it by every legal 
means in their power." 

The petition to the House of Lords ran thus — 

" That in the hope ' the bill for amending the representation of the people 
in England and Wales/ now before your lordships, would become law in the 
same state in which it passed the House of Commons, your petitioners have 
endeavoured to persuade, and to a considerable extent have succeeded in per- 
suading, the ardent and honest advocates of more extended suffrage than is 
thereby provided, to unite in support of that measure as a whole. 

" That your petitioners submit to your lordships, that a mutilation of any 
of the provisions of the bill, which tend to secure an extension of the elective 
franchise, will produce consequences as fatal as those which would assuredly 
follow the rejection of the bill. 

" That in either case there is reason to expect that a cessation of the pay- 
ment of taxes will take place ; that other obligations in society will be disre- 
garded ; and that the ultimate consequence may be the utter extinction of the 
privileged orders. 

" That to prevent these calamities, and to promote a peaceful and effectual 
reform, your petitioners pray that your lordships will pass the bill for amend- 
ing the representation of the people, unmutilated, and without delay/' 

The resolutions and petition were carried unanimously. A Mr. 
Lockhart proposed a resolution in favour of universal suffrage and 
vote by ballot, but only two hands were held up in favour of it. 

Such was the unusually interesting position of the country at the 
moment parliament was about to resume its sittings after the 
Easter recess. Scarcely an individual among the friends of the 
bill entertained a doubt of the King's firmness, and of his readiness 
to accede to a creation of peers, if that measure were found neces- 
sary — but how well founded their confidence, the sequel will shew. 



Section X. — The Subject continued. — Second Defeat of Minis- 
ters in the Upper House, followed by their Resignation, 

On Monday, May the 7th, Parliament re-assembled, and the 
anti-reformers lost no time in unmasking their batteries in the 
House of Lords. Earl Grey, on moving in committee the adop- 
tion of the disfranchising clause relating to schedule A, proposed 
that the number 56 be not specified, but that their lordships do 
come to a successive vote on each individual borough, as part of 
the clause. Lord Lyndhurst rose next, and reminding " noble 
lords" that, although by voting for the second reading they had 
pledged themselves to the three principles of disfranchisement, 
enfranchisement, and extension of suffrage, they were not tied 

5 E 



762 HISTORY OF THE 

down to the exact amount specified in the bill. His lordship 
maintained, that it was necessary to ascertain, in the first place, 
the number of places to which the franchise was to be extended, 
as that must be the limit of disfranchisement, and, on that 
ground, moved as an amendment, the postponement of the first 
and second clauses. The amendment was supported by Lords 
Harrowby, Bexley, Wellington, Winchelsea, Wharncliffe, Ellen- 
borough, Harewood, and Carnarvon, on the ground that the 
object of the amendment was not to defeat schedules A and B. 
The noble lords thought it expedient to institute several most sus- 
picious defences of their integrity and fair dealing — no person 
having, at that moment, called either in question ! The Duke of 
Newcastle, however, chose rather to avow, honestly enough, that 
he supported the amendment, as he would do any thing likely to 
frustrate the bill. 

The pitiful manoeuvre, however, was easily seen through, and 
Lords Grey and Brougham explicitly declared that they should 
regard the success of the amendment as fatal to the bill. Lords 
Radnor and Holland held the same opinion, the latter at the same 
time happily shewing that the priority of disfranchisement was a 
principle of the bill. Lord Manvers felt himself tied down by 
his vote on the second reading. Lord Clifford, a supporter of the 
ministry, who addressed the house for the first time, coincided 
with those noble lords. On a division, there were, contents, for 
the amendment, 151 — non-contents, 116: — majority against min- 
isters, 35. 

Immediately after the vote was taken, Earl Grey moved, that 
the further consideration of the bill be postponed till Thursday. 
Lord Ellenborough instantly seized the opportunity of narrating the 
mutilations of the measure which he and his friends contemplated : 
— 114 members were to be taken from the close and nomination 
boroughs, and distributed among the places to which the fran- 
chise was to be extended. It was not proposed to raise the £10 
qualification, but, on the contrary, to retain, in some places, that 
of scot and lot. His lordship expressed great anxiety to hasten 
the settlement of the reform question. Lord Grey treated the 
noble baron's insidious proposition with the most dignified scorn, 
and insisted upon a postponement of further proceedings for the 
present. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. J63 

With the result of this first discussion in committee, the country 
was rather pleased than otherwise. The object of the opposition 
was now transparent. They vainly hoped, that, by postponing 
the question of disfranchisement until they had allayed the 
clamours of Manchester and other large places, they might ad- 
venture upon the rescue of some of their pet boroughs. They 
also expected to win all who were favourable to the plan of scot and 
lot voting. The country, instead of being divided by such paltry 
shuffling, only felt its contempt increased for a faction, which 
could have recourse to such mean subterfuges. Lord Grey like- 
wise had embraced the opportunity of stating more strongly than 
he had ever done before, his resolution to abide by the £10 quali- 
fication. 

The most implicit reliance was placed on the firmness of the 
King ; and the general feeling was, satisfaction that the enemy 
had shewn nis teeth where he had no power of harming. An 
immediate creation of peers was looked for as a matter of course. 
On the 8th, Earl Grey and his colleagues came unanimously to 
the resolution of instantly soliciting from the King a creation of 
peers, sufficient to ensure the success of the reform bill. Imme- 
diately after the breaking up of the cabinet, the Premier and the 
Chancellor proceeded to Windsor. The King affected to hesitate, 
on account of the great number requisite. The ministers begged, 
in the event of his Majesty's not resolving to adopt their advice, 
to tender their resignation. The King desired till next day to 
deliberate. On the morning of Wednesday, it was intimated that 
their resignation had been accepted. — The real cause of his 
Majesty's delay, it would, perhaps, be very difficult to ascertain. 
By some it has been asserted, that the time which his Majesty 
required for deliberation was employed in negociating with the 
opposition. We have no right, however, from the actual state of 
evidence on the occasion, to come to any such severe conclusion. 
It was a moment of the utmost importance, and there can be 
no doubt that the royal mind was agitated with conflicting 
emotions. 

On the momentous expedient of making a sufficient number of 
peers to counteract the majority that had just appeared in an 
indirect opposition to ministers, it is reasonable to suppose that 
his Majesty would hesitate. He could not be insensible, that 



/64 HISTORY OF THE 

how much soever it might at present gratify the popular party, 
the time might arrive, when the measure would be adduced as 
a precedent for purposes of a very different nature, and when 
he, who now appeared as a patriotic King, and the restorer of 
his people's rights, might be stigmatized as laying a foundation 
for the exercise of royal prerogative, which ultimately riveted a 
nation's chains. 

The Reform Bill was in itself a subject of greater domestic 
magnitude than any one which his Majesty's ancestors had 
ever presumed to touch ; the utmost deliberation was there- 
fore necessary in the present crisis of affairs, before any de- 
cisive steps were taken. The reasonings, the inflexible oppo- 
sition, and the various manoeuvres of the Tory lords, must also 
have weighed heavily on the royal mind ; and by their united 
influence have placed him in that state of indecision which, 
during a few days, paralyzed every movement, and involved the 
whole country in a state of the greatest consternation. 

The unlooked-for intelligence of this event was received by 
the nation in a manner that makes us yet more proud of our coun- 
try. The proceedings of the House of Lords were only regarded, 
in order to ascertain from Earl Grey himself, that he really 
had resigned. Not another thought was wasted upon those who 
had insulted the people ; but in every district of the country, 
they proceeded to act. In the House of Commons, Lord Althorp 
had no sooner announced the ministerial resignation, than Lord 
Ebrington rose to give notice of his intention to move an address 
to the King, on the state of public affairs, next evening. The 
motion, which he subsequently laid before the house for its adoption, 
was as follows : — 

" That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, humbly to represent 
to his Majesty the deep regret felt by this house at the change which has been 
announced in his Majesty's councils, by the retirement of those ministers, in 
whom this house continues to repose unabated confidence. 

" That this house, in conformity with the recommendation contained in his 
Majesty's most gracious speech from the throne, has framed, and sent up to 
the House of Lords, a bill for a reform in the representation of the people, by 
which they are convinced, that the prerogatives of the crown, the authorities 
of both houses of parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people are 
equally secured. 

" That, to the progress of this measure, this house considers itself bound in 
duty to state to his Majesty, that his subjects are looking with the most 
intense anxiety ; and they cannot disguise from his Majesty their apprehen- 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 765 

sion, that any successful attempt to mutilate, or impair its efficiency, would 
be productive of the greatest disappointment and dismay. 

" This house is, therefore, compelled, by warm attachment to his Majesty's 
person and government, humbly, but most earnestly, to implore his Majesty to 
call to his council such persons only, as will carry into effect, unimpaired in 
all its essential provisions, that bill for the reform of the representation of the 
people, which has recently passed this house." 

The debate which ensued is characterized, by those who were 
present, as partaking of the solemnity and the interest of the occa- 
sion. " We have seldom," says the Times, " attended a discus- 
sion in which the house shewed greater attention to the sentiments 
addressed to it by the different speakers, or in which the speakers 
seemed more impressed with the momentous nature of the crisis 
which their words were destined to effect." When the gallery was 
cleared for division, the numbers were : — for Lord Ebrington's 
motion, 288 : against it, 208 : majority in favour of the motion, 80. 
Of the members who usually vote with Lord Grey's administration 
seventy-eight were absent, chiefly out of London ; eight paired off ; 
twelve left the house without voting ; and three voted against Lord 
Ebrington's motion. 

The whole nation was now up simultaneously, and in co-ope- 
ration with the House of Commons. There was no cold hesitating 
pause — every man stood prepared for action. Never did the 
country present itself in a prouder attitude — never was such an 
exhibition of unanimity displayed. It was the British lion 
rousing from his lair, and " shaking the dew-drops from his 
mane !" All Europe stood aghast, and looked on with amaze- 
ment, well knowing that on the issue of this most portentous con- 
flict, was suspended the dearest political interests of mankind. 
Had Earl Grey's administration then come to an end, not only 
would the liberties of Englishmen have sunk with it, but the 
flames of war would instantly have been once more lighted up 
on the continent of Europe, and Ireland become a prey to intes- 
tine commotion. A crisis so momentous, and pregnant with such 
calamitous consequences, must not be hastily passed over in a 
history of the passing of the reform bill : and we shall endeavour 
to place upon record at least the more remarkable occurrences of 
this eventful period. 

To commence with the Metropolis : — the National Union met 
on Wednesday evening — the evening of the very day on which 
ministers had resigned. One thousand two hundred new mem- 



J66 HISTORY OF THE 

bers enrolled themselves at that meeting, and two thousand more 
on the following day. It was resolved — 

" That the betrayal of the cause of the people was not attributable to Lord 
Grey or his administration, but to the base and foul treachery of others. — 
That meetings be recommended in every county, town, and parish throughout 
the kingdom, which, by inducing compliance with the unanimous wishes of 
the people, may prevent the mischief that would otherwise result from the 
general indignation, — That a petition be presented to the House of Commons, 
praying that Commissioners receive the supplies ; and that until the bill 
pass, they be not managed by the Lords of the Treasury." 

It is not necessary to give the speeches of the various gentle- 
men who addressed the Council, or, to speak more properly, the 
members ; a few extracts will shew their spirit. 

The Rev. Mr. Fox said — "It was not a question about a change of 
dynasty, but, whether the aristocracy, which could once change it, were to 
retain their excessive power for the oppression of the people, — whether 
the King's government was to be brought into disgrace and peril, not paral- 
leled, except by the deposition of James, and the execution of Charles/' 

Mr. Murphy observed, that though the taxes were voted, they w r ere not 
paid. He called on the whole of the people to say what he did to the tax- 
gatherer — " Until the Reform Bill is a law, one penny of my money you 
shall not have !" (Cheering and waving of hats for several minutes, icith cries 
of " Bravo ! we will.") He might cany them into the Exchequer; he 
might seize their goods ; they would replevin, and appeal to a jury of their 
countrymen. 

Mr. Perry said — "The individual, whether man or woman, who stood 
between Lord Grey and the King, deserved the block better than any person 
in history/' 

Mr. Powell admitted the illegality of combining to resist the payment of 
taxes — " It might be illegal to come to a resolution to pay no taxes in 
money ; but no law could reach a man's determination, and let them see 
who would dare to purchase the goods distrained thus." (Cheering and 
waving of hats. ) 

Major Revell noticed the effect of placing the supplies in the hands of 
Parliamentary Commissioners — "Not one shilling would pass through the 
hands of the Treasury Lords ; and then what would become of the poor, 
miserable, pauper peers, who were of themselves unable to buy a quar- 
tern loaf? Lord Lyndhurst, for instance, (Tremendous groans,) who had 
obtained place by his splendid consistency, might attend as amicus curies 
in the Exchequer : but until Reform was passed, he would not receive a 
penny for his labours." 

Mr. Detrosier asked—" Why do our enemies rely on the army ? Do they 
forget Colonel Brereton ? Is humanity confined to one bosom ? . Are not 
soldiers men and brethren ? Is success certain ? But the weapons of peace 
is in our pockets. The determination to pay no taxes is not confined to the 
mass of the people. He knew persons in the House of Commons who 
would take their part in this also with their country, and refuse them. 
They will pay no more taxes. (Immense applause, which was renewed seve- 
veral times.) There is also a flimsy piece of paper, (a £5 note,) of which 
the value depends on public opinion. We may refuse to accept one of 
these. Will you abide by these resolutions ? If a brother be made a 
victim, will you support him?" (Cries of " We will " from the whole 
meeting.) 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 76*7 

On Thursday, (the 10th,) the Court of Common Council met 
in Guildhall, at which the Lord Mayor presided, when the following 
resolutions were voted with acclamation : — 

Resolved, That this Court views with the greatest grief, mortification, and 
disappointment, the extraordinary and distressing communication made by 
his Majesty's Ministers, that his Majesty had refused to them the means of 
carrying through the House of Lords the Reform Bill, passed by a large 
majority of the House of Commons, and required by an overwhelming ma- 
jority of the people. 

That this Court is of opinion, that whoever may have advised his Majesty 
to withhold from his Ministers the means of ensuring the success of the 
Reform Bill, have proved themselves the enemies of their Sovereign, and 
have put to imminent hazard the stability of the throne, and the tranquillity 
and security of the country. 

That, under these circumstances, this Court feels it to be its duty, as a 
necessary means of procuring for the people of this great country an effi- 
cient reform, to petition the Commons House of Parliament to withhold the 
supplies until such a reform shall have been secured. 

That the petition now read be adopted, and that the same be fairly tran- 
scribed, and signed by the Town Clerk, and presented this evening to the 
Honourable the House of Commons by the Sheriffs, attended by the Remem- 
brancer, and the whole Court. 

That the representatives of this City in Parliament, and such other members 
of this Court as have seats in Parliament, be earnestly requested to support 
the prayer of this petition, and to decline voting any supplies to the Govern- 
ment until the Reform Bill shall have been satisfactorily secured. 

That this Court entertains the highest respect and regard for Earl Grey 
and the rest of his Majesty's Ministers, for their great, able, and unwearied 
services in the cause of reform, and admires their distinguished integrity in 
refusing to lend themselves to a delusion, and readily abandoning office when 
they could no longer, as Ministeis, promote the carrying the all-important 
measure which it had been from the first the main object of their adminis- 
tration satisfactorily to accomplish. 

That this Court views the present crisis as being of so much importance, 
and so pregnant with danger, that it is expedient that a committee should 
be appointed, consisting of all the aldermen and commoners, any twenty- 
one members being a quorum, to meet from day to day, to consider and 
adopt such measures as to them may seem necessary, in respect of a reform 
in the Commons House of Parliament, and to report from time to time to this 
Court, if they deem it requisite. 

On Friday, May the 11th, the Livery met at Guildhall, when 
a long string of resolutions was brought forward, which being 
similar in spirit and tendency to those of the Common Council 
and National Union, it is not necessary to repeat, but the follow- 
ing were partly additional. 

" That the Livery of London regard with distrust and abhorrence, attempts, 
at once interested and hypocritical, to mislead and delude the people, by pre- 
tended plans of reform, promised or proposed by the insidious enemies of all 
reform, at the very moment of their having succeeded in defeating the people's 
bill, and that, looking at the unexampled importance of this measure, aud the 
strong necessity that it should be finally settled, in a manner satisfactory to 
the judgment, as well as to the rights and interests, of the people, this Com- 
mon Hall declare that no administration can, in their opinion, now be formed, 



768 HISTORY OF THE 

in which the country can or will place confidence, except the administration 
of Earl Grey and his colleagues. 

" That this Common Hall have witnessed with the highest gratitude and 
satisfaction the patriotic exertions of Lord Grey and his Majesty's ministers in 
the cause of reform, and the promptitude with which they have refused to 
lend themselves to a delusion, when the only means to secure the success of 
that measure have been denied to them ; and this Common Hall are now 
called upon to express their conviction, that whoever may have advised his 
Majesty to withhold from his ministers such means, have acted traitorously 
to both king and people, have been influenced by faction, and have sought to 
obtain personal aggrandisement at imminent risk to the stability of the throne 
and the peace of the country. 

1 That a loyal and dutiful address be presented to his Majesty, stating the 
delight and gratitude with which his Majesty's loyal subjects had learned his 
gracious declaration, made on the 27th April, 1831, when proroguing the par- 
liament, that he " resorted to that measure for the purpose of ascertaining the 
sense of his people, in the expediency of making such changes in the repre- 
sentation as circumstances might appear to require ;" and also his gracious 
declaration, made on the 21st June last, on assembling the new parliament, 
when his Majesty was graciously pleased to say, that «' he had dissolved the 
last parliament, for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of his people as to 
the expediency of reform," and " recommended that important question to the 
earliest and most attentive consideration of parliament." That his Majesty's 
subjects, firmly relying on such declarations on his part, proceeded to elect 
representatives, who responded thereto, and who by a large majority passed a 
bill, proposing " such changes in the representation as circumstances re- 
quired," that the loss or delay of the said bill by a small majority in the 
House of Lords, and the proposed retirement of the ministry in consequence, 
had spread terror and dismay among his Majesty's subjects, and threatened to 
shake the credit, disturb the tranquillity, and to put to hazard the highest 
institutions of the country ; that in such a case of extremity, our sole depen- 
dence is, that his Majesty will continue his faithful advisers in his councils, 
and adopt the means provided by the constitution for removing the obstacles 
to the passing of the reform bill. 

" That the Livery of London have witnessed with great delight and high 
admiration the public conduct of Thomas Attwood, Esq., and the reformers of 
Birmingham, and that this Common Hall received with unmixed gratification 
the visit of a deputation, consisting of Joshua Scholefield, Esq. Joseph Parkes, 
Esq., and John Green, Esq. from that independent and enlightened body. 

" That a petition be presented to the House of Commons, shewing that the 
only measure pointed out by the constitution for preventing the continuance 
of a collision between the two houses of parliament had not yet been adopted, 
and praying that, in order to obtain a redress of grievances, and to bring about 
a speedy settlement of the aforesaid all-important measure, the honourable 
house will be pleased to exercise its undoubted function (given it for the 
good and welfare of the nation,) by refusing to grant any further supplies to 
the executive government until the aforesaid bill shall be passed into a law ; 
thereby preventing the painful necessity of enforcing the law against those 
who have already refused, or who may hereafter refuse, to pay the taxes ; and 
that it will be further pleased, in accordance with its own recorded opinion of 
the necessity of a reform in the representation, to devote its whole power, 
time, and deliberations, to the averting of those dreadful calamities which 
now equally threaten the rights of the people and the stability of the throne. 

" That in the opinion of this Common Hall, the time has now arrived in 
which it is imperative upon all the constituted authorities in every city, town, 
and parish, throughout the United Kingdom, to assemble in support of the 
rights and liberties of the people, and to take means to avert the dreadful 
calamities with which the nation is now threatened, and that a committee, 
consisting of fifty citizens of London, with power to add to their Dumber, be 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^9 

forthwith formed, to watch the progress of reform, and to continue their 
sittings until the reform bill brought in under Lord Grey's administration be 
passed into a law ; and that it be recommended that similar committees be 
formed throughout the United Kingdom." 

In moving one of these resolutions, Mr. Charles Pearson ob- 
served, 

That the difficulty had been experienced in both Houses of Parliament, 
of alluding to his Majesty in their discussions : but the fact was, they could 
form no abstract idea of a King — they must speak of him as he was, with- 
out phraseological circumlocution. As was admitted by Sir Robert Peel, 
the selection and dismissal of ministers were personal acts of the Sovereign, 
and therefore they were compelled to speak of the King as having driven 
from his councils his able and honest Ministers, under whatever influence 
and advice that unhappy measure might have been adopted. The situation 
of kings had been often deplored, because they were surrounded but by 
parasite courtiers, who infected the very atmosphere they breathed : King 
William the Fourth was entitled to no consideration on that head ; for while 
he pressed to his bosom pernicious counsellors, he had chased from his 
presence an honest administration, who had told him the truth, and recom- 
mended those salutary measures by which his throne would have been se- 
curely based upon the affections of his loyal people. If the King was 
morally responsible for dismissing an honest and popular administration, 
how much more was he answerable to public opinion, if he called to his 
councils those who had insulted the nation and despised its prayers. A 
report had just been brought to the hall, which appeared based on truth, 
that the Duke of Wellington was again to be Premier of England. (Cries 
of " No, no ; never ; it cannot be.") What ! the Duke of Wellington, who 
had shown himself destitute of the first qualifications of a statesman, that of 
reading the signs of the times, and adapting the institutions of the country 
to the wants and wishes of the people ! It was not two years since the 
Duke had declared that the corrupt representation of the people in Par- 
liament was the perfection of human wisdom ; and while the people, from 
one end of the country to the other, were firmly demanding reform, the Duke 
had the weakness or the wickedness to assert that if it were left to him to 
establish a system of government, he could not hope to devise one so pure 
and excellent as that which was found in the corrupt House of Commons, 
bowed down as it was beneath the weight of an oligarchical boroughmon- 
gering influence. If the Duke of Wellington was again to govern the country, 
it could not be by the force of argument, but the argument of force — the 
power of the sword ; to which he (Mr. Pearson) would say, " Let those 
who draw the sword, perish by the sword." (Tremendous cheering fol- 
lowed this observation, accompanied by waving of hats.) He (Mr. Pear- 
son) owed his existence to parents whose faith was the profession of peace, 
and by education and habit he was a friend of peace ; but that peace was 
too dearly purchased, which was bought by the sacrifice of a nation's rights. 
The Duke of Wellington was a brave and successful soldier, but he had 
won his victories in the field of foreign warfare, by the valour and the arms 
of British soldiers — of soldiers of freedom, who would shed their blood in 
defence of a people's rights, if attacked by domestic enemies, as they had 
done when defending their country's honour against a foreign foe. But the 
Duke of Wellington must be mad to think of accepting the first office in the 
state during the present condition of public feeling : as a soldier, he had won 
armsful of military glory ; and would he peril the laurels which adorned his 
brow, by the unenvied conflicts of intestine strife ? Would he bid the his- 
torian to write the last annals of an honourable and eventful life in the 
heart's blood of his country ? If that day should arrive, his Grace might 
find that the spirit of the Hampdens and Sydneys still lived within the 

5 F 



7/0 HISTORY OF THE 

people's hearts. His Grace had himself proved that a good soldier might 
make a bad citizen. Perhaps he would experience the converse of the pro- 
position, and find that a good citizen might not make a bad soldier ; and 
that the falchion of liberty, grasped in a civilian's hand, was as true and 
trusty as the sword which glistened on a soldier's thigh. He (M. Pearson) 
intended to conclude his remarks by proposing a vote of thanks to the brave 
yet discreet reformers of Birmingham, whose deputation had honoured the 
hall this day with their presence. They were men whose hearts beat high 
in the glorious cause of freedom, and whose sinewy arms, hard as the iron 
they wrought, were ready to defend their country's rights. Their- town had 
been called the " town of hills, ' and he might, say of it — 

" No product here the barren hills afford, 
But men and steel, the soldier and his sword." (Applause.) 

He trusted that other towns in the kingdom would follow the example of 
Birmingham, and send up deputations of reformers — samples of the intelli- 
gence and strength of their respective unions. Let the Duke of Wellington, 
if he contemplates resorting to the reign of terror, or the rule of force, see 
what he has to encounter. Union is strength ; let him see a united country 
determined to be free. And though, beneath the force of arms, some at first 
might fall, the bold inhabitants of the distant provinces might hurl defiance 
at tyrannic power, and, pointing at the useless waste of British blood, exclaim 
with the poet — 

" Proud impious man, think'st thou yon sanguined cloud, 
Raised by thy breath, can quench the orb of day ? 
To-morrow he repairs the golden flood, 
And lights the nations with redoubled ray." (Applause.) 

Truth was great, and must prevail — the principles of the Reform Bill were 
founded in truth, and must triumph — by peaceable means, he hoped. The 
anti-reformers had provoked the crisis they now trembled to look upon — 
trade had been injured, and almost destroyed, by the protraction of the mea- 
sure ; and the time had now arrived, when matters must be brought to a close : 
and, by his right hand, he (Mr. Pearson) would never cease to clamour 
for the passing of the Reform Bill, until it should become the law of the 
land. 

The resolution then passed. 

A short speech of Mr. Dillon's on this occasion must not be 

omitted. In proposing that resolution which declared the distrust 

and abhorrence of the meeting at the prospect of the government 

being confided to the enemies of all reform, and which also 

expressed its feeling of sole and undiminished confidence in Lord 

Grey's administration, Mr. Dillon thus proceeded — 

" Who and what," he asked, " were the House of Lords ? It was gene- 
rally imagined they were the representatives of the aristocracy and property 
of the nation. But this is not the fact. The aristocracy and property are 
represented in the House of Commons. That alone was recognized as their 
representative, and it was too much their representative. The House of 
Lords represented themselves alone. They were a separate and isolated 
body, and, looking to their wisdom, it might be said, "Nothing but them- 
selves could be their parallel." (Laughter.) But let them turn to the 
majority. Who composed that ? The holders of corrupt property in boroughs, 
which you will put an end to — men who would mix blood with corruption — 
men, the friends of every despotism — representatives of Henry V., at Edin- 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 77 1 

burgh — of Miguel — of Ferdinand — of Russian lords, and German ladies. 
(At this last allusion, there was great cheering and waving of hats for some 
time.) It is amusing to hear the estimate they pass on themselves, and con- 
trast it with that which the country makes of them. There is nothing great and 
valuable but themselves— enlightened institutions are nothing ; but the people 
feel there are things better than peers — that there is something richer than 
a coronet, and more holy than a mitre. They are not every thing valuable in 
a country. We are of opinion, all its sense is not in the head of Lord Ellen- 
borough (cheers and loud laughter) — nor its honour, in the conscience of Lord 
Lyndhurst (great laughter)— nor its sincerity, in the tears of Lord Eldon 
(cheers and laughter) — nor all its courtesy and dignity, in the manners of 
Lord Londonderry, (much laughter.) I am not the enemy of aristocracy, 
confined, as in this country, to its legitimate province and duties. The people 
of England are too much disposed to submission to their aristocracy — is it 
prudent in them to press us too far ? Must they persist in jobs, in plunder of 
the revenue, in making places for men, and not men for places ? Will they 
not surrender the privilege of commanding members who buy their seats that 
they may sell their consciences ? If they put us to bay, we may discover lords 
are unnecessary, and that the machine of the state may proceed without a 
bishop. (Immense cheering.) We have no confidence in our sham friends, 
notwithstanding the mighty change in their opinions. We have more in 
Lords Ellenborough or Lyndhurst, though they are reformers like the Duke 
of Buckingham, who would hold no communication with shopkeepers and 
bankers, except to overdraw his account. (Much laughter.) Even the shade 
of Sir William Curtis, could it rise up in this hall, would protest he had been 
a reformer in his heart all along. They kept their secret well. Like Viola, 

They never told their love, 
But let concealment, like a worm i'the bud, 
Feed on their damask cheeks ; they pin'd in thought, 
And with a green and yellow melancholy, 
Sat, like Pitt on that monument, smiling at grief. 

(Much laughter.) 

Mr. Parkes returned thanks, and said he could scarcely have thought, 
before the meeting of last night at Birmingham, that the people of England 
would have stood together with such determination, energy, and prudence. 
" If you citizens of London stand by the people of Birmingham (loud cheer- 
ing, and cries of i We will') — if you citizens of London stand by the 
people of Scotland and the people of Ireland, then we will defy the 
boroughmongers to defraud us of our rights, and our free parliament. He 
(Mr. Parkes) hoped the House of Commons would hold the purse-strings 
of the nation close, and the vote of last night proved them true to the people ; 
but they themselves had the power over their purse-strings." 

The electors of Westminster met on the same day, Friday, May 
the 11th, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, pur- 
suant to notice, for the purpose of " adopting measures commen- 
surate to the present alarming state of the country." 

Sir Francis Burdett being called to the chair, after some preliminary 
explanations respecting the absence of Sir John Hobhouse, who was one of the 
ministers, said, that — "Though the aspect of the country appeared to the eyes ot 
some rather untoward, though the great question of reform appeared to some to 
be under a temporary cloud, and though he could not refrain from avowing great 
anxiety, and something like apprehension, still he must also express his" confi- 
dence as to what would be the result, and his exultation at the noble and manly 



//2 HISTORY OF THE 

manner in which the English people acted, as their forefathers had acted in cir- 
cumstances to the similarity of which he was sorry to say they seemed, to be so 
nearly approaching. Showing the same spirit, and the same determination, he 
had no doubt that they would meet with the same success, and that they would 
render triumphant the great cause of reform which had been so often sounded 
in those ears that ought long and long ago to have paid attention to it. As 
chairman of the meeting, he did not wish to anticipate what would more 
suitably be advanced at a subsequent stage. They were assembled to hear and 
to determine on resolutions and a petition to be laid before them ; and he would 
only say with respect to them, that he had never read any that more truly expressed 
his feelings and sentiments. It was their good fortune, under all the diffi- 
culties arising from the present corrupt system, to have a body of representatives, 
returned by the patriotic sacrifices of the people, the most true to the public 
interest than had ever been assembled for a century or more within the walls of 
the house. They had taken such a course as had enabled this country to rest in 
its present imposing attitude, certain of acquiring its rights and liberties, through 
the exercise of the constitutional power of the House of Commons ; this afforded 
him a consoling hope amidst the gloom that overshadowed the land ; it cheered 
him, when contemplating the dangers that might occur, when reflecting that 
every man might be obliged literally to fulfil the words of the hero, and " do his 
duty" to England. They would receive the reward of their painful trials through 
the steady constitutional conduct of the House of Commons, using those powers 
which had been intrusted to them by the people, for placing the people in that 
station in the government which, theoretically, they held, and which they were 
now determined to possess. The electors of Westminster had enabled him to 
support the cause of freedom durihg a long period, when the object of their 
wishes seemed hopelessly distant. They had kept alive that sacred fire which 
was now beaming forth brilliant and powerful, and which he was confident 
would produce the most salutary effects to the country. It had long been his 
irksome task to expose the misconduct and delinquency of the House of Com- 
mons, and it was with proud satisfaction that he could declare to the inde- 
pendent electors of Westminster, that it had at last nobly done its duty. Never 
had it acquitted itself better than on the preceding night, whether as regarded 
ability, courage, or integrity. Under these circumstances, there was little left 
for them to do, but to declare their reliance on their representatives, and their 
unabated confidence in that honest ministry which His Majesty, unfortunately 
for himself and the nation, had discarded from his councils. Heaven knew 
from what quarter came the poison which had been instilled into the royal breast 
(loud cries of " The Queen, the Queen," followed by groans and hisses ;) but 
believing, as he had always done, in his sincerity of mind and benevolence of 
heart, he must deeply deplore the unfortunate moment when the Sovereign had 
been prevailed upon to commit an act, the consequence of which would probably 
embitter the remainder of his life. It was, however, the duty of the people to 
see, that the great man and great minister who had dedicated his transcendent 
abilities to their cause — it was their duty to see that his power should not 
be undermined by those who would not be wanting in the inclination, if they 
possessed the means. After having made every reasonable conceession to carry 
the measure of reform without risking the public tranquillity, that minister had 
been defeated by some vile and base court intrigue. When the public interests 
required it, he did not hesitate to make a strong decision, and in so doing had 
become entitled to public confidence and respect, which would place his fame 
upon a rock were the " petty enginery" of intriguers could never assail it. His 
interested and tricking opponents would find, like those of whom they read in 
Scripture, where it was said, that the wicked dig pits for others, and fall into 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. JJ3 

them themselves. They had vainly flattered themselves that because Earl Grey 
was anxious to conciliate, he would fall into the snare they had prepared for him, 
and that they might sacrifice the victim when sufficiently pampered for its doom. 
But he had "foiled their expectations when they least expected it. Under these 
circumstances, what were the people to do ? What should they do, but support 
Lord Grey and his reform bill, and not allow any set of designing men to step in and 
deprive him of his well-merited honour? Thus the general feeling of the people 
would be embodied in the resolutions and petition about to be submitted to 
the meeting, which they, if they thought proper, would adopt. It was his 
duty to follow whatever instructions it was their pleasure to give him. 

Colonel Evans rose to propose the first resolution, which he was persuaded 
would find a response in every heart. He believed that few entertained a doubt 
of this being the most important and extraordinary crisis in our history. After 
the hopes of the people on the subject of reform had been so highly excited, 
there was not on record a greater insult to a nation than the sudden disappoint- 
ment they had experienced. It appeared to him that the present proceeding in 
the House of Lords was a desperate experiment on the presumed baseness of 
the House of Commons, and the cowardice and pusillanimity of the people of 
England. The conduct of the House of Commons last night had, however, 
belied the anticipations of those who had presumed upon their baseness, and 
he had little doubt that a few days would show that their calculations with 
regard to the people were equally false. ' They had heard of a disposition 
existing in various parts of the kingdom to resist any government in which the 
country had not confidence. They had heard of the non-payment of taxes, 
in money at least (loud and reiterated cheering,) — a step, undoubtedly to be 
deplored, if adopted by a large portion of the community, — but, however de- 
plorable might be the consequences of such a step, yet, for his own part, he 
should consider it a thousand times preferable to the prostration of a mighty 
empire before a base faction. While he believed that other parts of the country 
would not be backward in declaring their sentiments, he would impress upon 
the great body of reformers the necessity of avoiding petty disputes among 
themselves, and of being resolute in opposing any administration that would not 
accomplish the universal wish. He knew of none that they could have at 
present worthy of their confidence, except the late cabinet — indeed, he was 
not aware that any other could be formed that would not fairly come under the 
denomination of a Polignac administration. The gallant Colonel proposed the 
following resolution : — " That this meeting, under a strong sense of duty to their 
country, do solemnly declare their bitter disappointment and deep indignation, 
that the King's ministers should have been forced to resign, at the very hour 
when the public hope was high and animating, that the Bill of Reform would 
speedily become the law of the land." 

Dr. Bainbridge seconded the resolution. They were met to-day to consider 
how they should attain the great object of the popular desire — the bill of 
Lord Grey— the measure of the people, to which they were pledged in the face of 
Heaven. That bill, though it was marked by anomalies and incongruities 
which he should wish to see expunged, yet contained the seeds of good govern- 
ment, and was calculated to obtain more supporters than any measure human 
ingenuity could devise at the period when it was introduced. The late ad- 
ministration had carried it as far as they could, in the way that the House of 
Lords was at present constituted. His Majesty had been pleased to withdraw 
his confidence from them, not, however, without a struggle on his part, for he 
had taken a night to consider of it; he had slept upon it — and every one in a 
state of connubial blessedness was aware that men sometimes made promises at 
night on their pillows, which in the morning they would give their ears to recall. 



774 HISTORY OF THE 

(Laughter.) He need not tell the result of the cogitations on Tuesday night. 
With respect to the " waverers," what would the people say of their conduct, and 
what would they say of the bishops, the uncharitable bishops ? (Groans, and 
cries of " No bishops.") Could any language be strong enough to express 
their indignation as to the course that had been taken by those right reverend 
hypocrites? (Cries of " None.") It proved to the world, that priestcraft, in 
whatever form, was incompatible with the first principles of liberty, and that the 
enormous wealth of the clergy was inimical to religion. This last act would 
tend more to alienate the affections of the people from the hierarchy, than any 
they had heretofore committed ; and it would accelerate the time when pam- 
pered divines would no longer be permitted to batten on the fruits of the never- 
ending toils of the working classes— when the odious impost of tithes wouki be 
abolished, and each individual would support the theological teacher of whom 
his conscience most approved. (Cheers.) The only hope of the people was in 
themselves, in the spirit of honest reformers, backed by such men as the amiable 
and learned Duke of Sussex (cheers,) the sage and profound Holland, the 
honest and inflexible Grey, and the immortal Henry Brougham. Let them 
seek to attain the object of their desires by legal and constitutional means. 
They had the power of instructing their representatives to take from the Lords 
of the Treasury the usual supplies (immense cheering,) and of placing them in 
the hands of a member of the House of Commons, to deal with them as they 
though proper. Would the Duke of Wellington attempt to coerce the united 
and invincible British nation? If the reformers were united in a legal resistance 
to those enemies, they would secure a glorious victory, and they would obtain 
Earl Grey's bill as surely as the sun would set that evening. 

Mr. O'Connell, who was loudly called for, rose, and addressed the meeting. 
It was time, said the hon.and learned gentleman, that the world should again be 
informed of what materials Englishmen were made. The experiment had 
never been tried without producing glory and good to England, and, if tried at 
present, he was sure the result would be the same. Was there in that crowded 
assembly a single man willing to be the servant of the boroughmongers ? Was 
there a man among them that would not die rather than submit to such degra- 
dation? He did not think he could distinguish one individual marked with the 
brand of the Duke of Newcastle, or the ear-mark of Lord Monson, or the first letters 
of Lord Caledon, or the silver token of Mr. Alexander Baring. (Great laughter.) 
That Mr. Baring, who had called the borough system a violet (laughter ;) yes 
and a violet it was, but such a one as stinks in the nostrils of the English people. 
(Cheers.) The boroughmongers had saddled the country with 1000 millions of 
debt, and incapacitated it from entering the lists of freedom, till, to the disgrace 
of all, Poland had fallen before the barbarian, and the Netherlands was 
threatened ; and had it not been for the strong arms of the Parisian artisans, 
France itself would be under the control of despotism. If the people were 
true to themselves, it would be impossible to continue the system longer, and 
they who read history could not doubt the people of England. When king 
John> the despot and bigot, oppressed the English people, the iron barons were 
foremost in the battle for the public rights ; but our silken barons were foremost 
to withhold them. But the people then assisted the barons, and succeeded in 
obtaining that great charter of rights which is the birth-right of every Briton, 
and which from the graves of the ancestors of the present race would cry shame, 
if they turned recreant from the cause of liberty and freedom. At a still more 
recent date, in the struggles between the houses of York and Lancaster, the people 
took part, but were at the same time careful in securing to themselves additional 
privileges ; and in the 17th century, when Charles I. dared to listen to the advice of 
his foreign wife (immense cheering, with waving of hats and handkerchiefs for several 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 77^ 

minutes)— advice which brought him to the scaffold — when he listened to that 
advice, and to that of the aristocracy, the oligarchy, and the titled minions, who 
brought their cavalry and infantry to support him, but who, unlike the present, were 
a high-minded aristocracy, who, though they trod underfoot the liberties of the 
people, sought power from higher motives than those which influenced their 
present successors, whose anxiety for power arose from a desire to put their 
hands into the pockets of the people ; yet in the days of Charles I., the high- 
minded chivalrous aristocracy, by whom that monarch was supported, were 
opposed by a people opposed to every step towards tyranny, and determined to 
be free — that opposition was continued until crowned with success; for, to use 
the language of the poet— 

" What is the effort of a thousand arms 
'Gainst one that strikes for liberty V (Immense cheering.) 

it might be said that the people went too far; perhaps so, inasmuch as human 
blood was shed, and he thought that none should be shed upon a scaffold. 
A person in the body of the room here exclaimed " Oh, you are an Irishman." 
Mr. O'Connell proceeded to say, that if he had proved recreant in the battle 
for English freedom, or in asserting the rights of his own country, then would he 
be ashamed of being an Irishman. (Immense cheers.) He trusted to have credit 
from the meeting for the sincerity with which he spoke his sentiments, and for 
the candour which brought them forth. As he had before said, so he now 
repeated, that he deplored the shedding of blood on any occasion, and his fixed 
opinion was, that fighting, or contests leading to such consequences, were followed 
by no results other than to give power to some military despot or another, either 
to the talented Napoleon, or to the ungifted Wellington. The history of the 
country recorded another change, through the instrumentality of the people. 
He alluded to James II., who listened to unwise counsellors, and to the second 
family by which he was surrounded. The people found James II. was a bigot 
and a tyrant, and they cashiered him, but shed not one drop of blood — they 
committed no excess, injured or destroyed no man's property, but, on the 
contrary, left every man more secure in the possession of his property, and 
prosperous in his pursuits, than he was before. "Oh !'' said Mr. O'Connell, 
emphatically, " fot the glorious Revolution of 1688!" (Loud cheers.) Was 
it to be believed that the descendants of such men as those by whom that 
glorious revolution was achieved would submit to be slaves of the Newcastles, 
Barings, Monsons, and Caledons of the present day? (Loud applause.) 
Whoever says that such a man exists, he (Mr. O'Connell) would answer, he lied. 
(Immense cheering.) It was as fantastical to imagine it, as it was idle to 
suppose that any ministry could he formed which would be able to put down 
the sentiments of the people, or those of the majority of the Commons House 
of Parliament. This had been tried last night, but it had not succeeded. The 
present question was one between liberty and despotism, and he would ask to 
see the hands of the friends of liberty. (In answer to this call, there was an 
unanimous display of hands, which was followed by loud and long-con- 
tinued cheering.) This display was a lesson to those who would think that the 
power of the Crown could turn the torrent of public opinion in England. It 
had been said in the House of Commons, that the people called aloud for reform 
in their representation, because the King's name had been used in connexion 
with that measure ; but he (Mr. O'Connell) denied such to be the fact. The 
people were unanimous in their demand for reform, and it required no talisman 
to make the measure palatable — they were firm in their allegiance to the throne, 
which they were ready to support in dignity and splendour ; and all the return 
they sought was, something approaching to a reciprocity of sentiment and feeling. 



776 HISTORY OF THE 

Never did a family raised to the throne of any nation owe more to that nation 
than the present family connected with the throne of England owed to the British 
nation. Brought from a small German principality, possessing only the income 
of a private English gentleman, they had been supported in luxury, affluence, 
and splendour — the gold and silver mines of Peru, and the diamonds of 
Golconda, had been lavishly called in aid ; palaces had been erected, such is 
only fairy tales described, and which almost required the power of Aladdin's 
lamp to raise ; and every thing that a liberal nation could devise, had been 
effected, to contribute to the dignity, comfort, and happiness of the possessors of the 
crown. But the present Monarch last week possessed a home more to be esteemed 
and cherished, and of which he justly might be prouder, than of the most splendid 
palace that ever pictorial fancy could depict — and that home was in the hearts of 
his people (immense applause;) and who, he (Mr. O'Connell) would pause to 
inquire, were the enemies of that Monarch, who by their advice would send him 
an outcast from such a home, and interpose between him and the affections of 
the people ? Whoever they might be, they were the enemies of the Sovereign, the 
People, and the Country. (Loud cheers.) It was immaterial to the people, to 
know what were the intrigues which had been used, or by whom they hnd been 
practised ; and it was for Englishmen themselves to free themselves of the con- 
sequences of such intrigues, and to them he would say, as he had often before 
said in his own country, for it was true he was an Irishman (laughter) — 

" Hereditary bondsmen ! Know ye not 

Who would be free — themselves must strike 

The blow." (Immense cheering.) 

But in truth he wanted no blow, but, on the contrary, a careful and scrupulous 
keeping within the limits of the law. With one of the most inflammable popu- 
lations in the world, for twenty-five years he had kept them, during times of 
excitement, strictly within the law ; and the reporters to watch their proceedings, 
and be prepared to give evidence against them, they had passed the fiery ordeal 
and succeeded in asserting the principle of religious liberty, by emancipating the 
Protestant Dissenters of England. They had never allowed themselves to be 
struck by the majorities upon majorities of parliament against them, nor by the 
detected intrigues of pretended friends ; but, on the contrary, they were ani- 
mated by a more ardent determination to press forward with the cause, relying 
on their own resources. This was an humble example, which was worthy of 
imitation by the people of England. Notwithstanding the grievances which 
were chargeable against the Government with respect to Ireland, they had been 
forgotten by the representatives of the Irish people in the cause of reform. The 
Irish members had stood boldly and fearlessly forward to support that great 
measure, and last night no less than thirty-five Irish members voted in the 
majority, thus burying in oblivion the grievances of which the country they 
represented could but too justly complain ; in short, while his mind became 
elated and his heart expanded at the prospect of the victory which the people 
of England must eventually achieve, he might turn and weep over the miseries 
of his native land. He could only say, that the people of England should have, 
as they already had, his humble but best exertions in their cause, and he would 
call upon them to look well to the boroughmongers; and if they succeeded in getting 
into power, to call for delegates from every part of the country, which was 
legal, provided they did not represent any political body or union, to meet every 
week ; to follow the example of the Catholic Association, and have a Reform 
Rent, which at Is. each from 200,000 Englishmen would raise a fund of 
100,000/.; to hold simultaneous meetings in every parish in England on the 
same day ; and thus, by every exertion, forward, and, as they must, eventually secure 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 777 

the cause of reform. This, at least, would show the boroughmongers the resources 
the people had in themselves. He would also remind the meeting, that by the 
success of the cause of reform, with the assistance of the freemen of England, 
would despotism and bigotry sink for ever from the civilized world, and re- 
publics would again arise — the German states, enlivened by the sun of liberty, 
would again become free, and the snows of thraldom of a Russian clime would 
melt before the glowing, cheering warmth of the fire of liberty. (Loud cheers.) 
The cause was therefore the cause of the civilized world ; but let the Tories 
succeed, and the night of despotism will come on, and the country might arise to 
a morning of bloodshed. A revolution of bloodshed, he must, as a man, 
abhor; but in a salutary revolution, like that of 1638, (save that, instead of 
deposing a king, he would depose an oligarch,) he should rejoice. He never 
could suppose for a moment that the people would again submit to the 
domination of the Tories, nor could he for a moment imagine that they would 
remain satisfied, that, while the city of Westminster returned two representatives, 
Mr. A. Baring should send in two for Calne, or that, while London returned 
four members to parliament, Gatton and Old Sarum should send as many, 
Again he would say, in the language of the poet — 

" Oh ! where's the slave so lowly 
Condemned to chains unholy, 
Who could he burst 
Those chains at first, 
Would pine beneath them slowly ?" (Loud cheers.) 

Mr. O'Connell concluded by thanking the meeting for the kindness with 
which it had received him, and the patience with which he had been heard, 
and by calling on every individual present to persevere, by every possible but 
legal means, to secure the freedom of his countrymen, and again to make 
England a refuge for every man persecuted for freedom's sake from all parts of 
the world, and thus establish a precedent for punishing tyrants all over the 
globe. The hon. and learned gentleman resumed his seat amid loud and 
reiterated cheers, which continued for some minutes. 

Mr. Tulk moved the following resolution — " That a petition be presented to 
the House of Commons, imploring them to continue firm to their recorded pledges, 
to grant no further supplies, nor any money payments whatsoever, until an admi- 
nistration is formed, known friends to that measure of reform which has already 
received the sanction of the house and of the nation." 

Mr. Tulk then proposed the following petition :— 

" To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. 

" The humble Petition of the Inhabitant Householders of the 
City and Liberty of Westminster. 

" We, the inhabitant householders of the city and liberty of Westminster, beg 
to approach your Honourable House, to express our deep sorrow and indignation 
at the event which has driven from the councils of the King, men in whose 
wisdom and integrity the people place the most entire reliance. We honour 
the motives which have impelled them to give up every other consideration for 
their country's good ; and they have our warmest thanks that they have stood by 
their measure of reform, and have fallen with it, rather than it should be 
mutilated to suit the base purposes of its acknowledged enemies. 

" Though we can look with pity on the reckless infatuation of men who think 
to stop the nation's will by the mockery of a nominal reform, we are deeply im- 

4g 



7/8 HISTORY OF THE 

pressed with the serious dangers into which the country may may be plunged by 
having such men in His Majesty's councils. We can set no limits to the con- 
sequences which may ensue, when the people find that they have been cheated 
of their just hopes, and are again placed at the mercy of the rulers, who can 
see nothing desirable or perfect but the corruptions under which they and their 
families have prospered. Rather than submit to a recurrence of the evils under 
which we have so long groaned, had we no other resource, we could cheerfully 
risk our lives to avert such a national calamity ; but happily we are not driven 
to this necessity, while we have the safeguard of our liberties in those members 
who have been returned to your Honorable House, the real representatives of 
the people. 

" To you, the commons of the United Kingdom, the majority of whom have 
nobly redeemed the pledges made to your constituents, we look for protection in 
these times of peril to our liberties and rights. You will not, you cannot, suffer 
us to be defrauded of that reform which you have yourselves triumphantly 
sanctioned and ratified by your votes. We most respectfully therefore implore 
you, that you remain firm to your recorded judgments ; that you suffer no 
measure of reform to be palmed upon you by its pretended friends, one jot less 
efficient than that which the nation has unfortunately lost ; — that you continue to 
give your strenuous support to those who have honestly supported the people's 
cause ; — and that you hesitate not to exercise the constitutional power with which 
you are invested, by stopping all further grants of the people's money until that 
measure of reform, which they eventually must have, be established as the law 
of the land. 

" And your petitioners will ever pray." 

Colonel Jones then came forward, and was most warmly and enthusiastically 
greeted. He said that he felt it was highly necessary for the meeting to perform 
an act of justice to those noble patriots who had been so just, faithful, and 
zealous in the cause of reform. It required no argument from him to secure the 
thanks of the meeting to that minister whose firmness and conduct had already 
received their approbation. He was satisfied that it was only requisite to men- 
tion the name of Earl Grey and the rest of his Majesty's ministers, to call forth 
the approbation of the present assembly, and he felt convinced the resolution he 
had to propose would be agreed to with the same unanimity with which all the 
preceding resolutions had been met. He was free to admit, that he had blamed 
the ministry for not having done more speedily that which he had thought they 
ought to have done; but it was now evident that the people had been mistaken, 
and ignorant of the events which had thrown themselves in the way of Earl 
Grey, in opposition to the object which that noble lord had as strongly at heart 
as the people themselves. It was a sad picture of the human mind, to see that 
King William the IV., whose name was engraven on the hearts, — nay, whose self 
was buried in the affections of his people, — should, from evil counsel, have 
deviated from that course which the people justly anticipated he would have 
pursued, and that he should, on leaving the capital after dismissing his ministers, 
have been met with the groans of the people. It was but two years ago since 
he (Colonel Jones) had narrated an anecdote of his Majesty ; who was engaged 
inspecting a celebrated portrait by Vandyke, of Charles I. ; and when some one, 
observing the deep attention of his majesty, offered some comment on the picture 
and the talent of the artist, his Majesty replied, " It is not the picture I contem- 
plate, but the folly of the man/' God forbid, said Colonel Jones, that a king 
in these days should commit the same folly which kings formerly did. He was 
not unfriendly to kingly government ; and he would say, that as long as the king 
performed his duty, he would perform his duty to his king ; but if the monarch 



PASSING OP THE REPORM BILLS. 779 

ceased to do his duty, he should feel himself absolved from his allegiance (Loud 
cheers.) If William IV. persisted with such lamentable obstinacy to pursue the 
evil course, whether at the instance of the woman of his bosom, or of the creatures 
of his court, or if he placed himself in the hands of his unpopular brother the 
Duke of Cumberland, — in a word, if he forgets the people, then let the people 
forget him ! 

At this moment the loud cheers of the immense concourse of persons who 
were outside the great room, announced the arrival of the delegates from the 
Birmingham Political Union, who soon appeared on the platform, wearing 
attached to their coats the Union riband. The gentlemen were loudly and enthu- 
siastically cheered. After silence was in some degree restored, 

Colonel Jones proceeded. He said he rejoiced at the interruption which had 
just taken place, as it introduced to the meeting Mr. Scholefield, Mr. J. Parkes, 
and Mr. Green, the worthy members of, and delegates from, the Birmingham 
Political Union. (Reiterated cheers, accompanied with waving of hats and 
handkerchiefs.) These gentlemen had ably done their duty, and the union to 
which they belonged had set a brilliant example to the realm. He felt satisfied 
every wise, good, and brave man would follow the example of the gentlemen 
he had just named, and who appeared with the ribands of their Union, deter- 
mined never to quit it until they shall have accomplished their great object — 
reform. It cannot but be gratifying to those gentlemen to receive the affectionate 
cheers of the present meeting, and to meet with such a reception from such a 
body of their countrymen, stimulated by the same feelings as themselves, and 
which must be to them an earnest to continue in the same virtuous labours they 
have begun, until they meet with that success which every good man will arrive 
at through the means of wisdom. The Birmingham Union was an example 
to the whole country ; and he must say thus much of them, that they are the 
trunk, while the unions of the metropolis were but the limbs of a great body; but 
he most fervently hoped, that as an universal conviction prevailed that union was 
necessary, that those of the capital would become more numerous. It had been 
said that the King believed the people to be indifferent to reform ; but the gentle- 
men from Birmingham could soon unfold a different tale, and give ample proof 
to the reverse, if indeed proof was wanting after the display, this day and yester- 
day, so much nearer home. These indeed were proofs that the people were in 
earnest, and would have reform. The gallant Colonel concluded, amidst loud 
cheers > by moving — " That the thanks of this meeting are due, and are hereby 
given, to Earl Grey and the rest of his Majesty's ministers, for their courage, 
patience, perseverance, and unexampled endurance in the cause of the people, 
whilst promoting the reform bill." 

Mr. Scholefield, one of the deputies from Birmingham, apologized for inter- 
rupting the business of the day. He and his fellow-labourers in the cause of 
reform had left Birmingham on the previous evening, deputed by a meeting of 
100,000 persons, who had assembled, he might say, on the spur of the moment, 
to ask the council of the Union what they should do in the hour of difficulty, 
arising from the conduct of the Lords. He had the pleasure of assuring them, 
that the people of Birmingham were as firm as any people in England, but they 
were determined to exhibit conduct as peaceful and legal as human conduct could 
be. Still, as a poor man had remarked of patience yesterday — " Patience — ay, 
gentlemen, we may take it, but it won't fill our bellies." (Cheers and laughter.) 
He held in his hand a petition which was published in The Times of that day, 
which they were about handing to Mr. O'Connell, for presentation in the House 
of Commons. This must excuse their departure. They would not have made 
so late a visit, had they not attended, by invitation, the reform meeting in the 
city, where they had received the honour of a vote of thanks. There was one 



780 HISTORY OF THE 

of the resolutions of yesterday, which he would cite for their adoption if they 
deemed it worthy their approval. They had resolved that the colours of the Union 
should be nailed to their coats, there to remain until the great measure of reform 
was obtained. Those who could not conveniently procure the blue riband, their 
union jack, would be supplied with it at Birmingham. (Cheers.) 

Messrs. Scholefield and Parkes then bowed to the chair, and withdrew amid 
loud acclamations. 

The inhabitants of the borough of Southwark met on Saturday 
in such numbers, that an adjournment to St. Margaret's Hill was 
necessary. Here also the supplies were attacked. A strong symp- 
tom of the public feeling was called forth by the speech of Mr. 
Ellis : " He could not bring his mind to believe that his most 
gracious Majesty, King William the Fourth, had given up his 
people." (The speaker paused slightly here, as if expecting a 
cheer, but the silence of the meeting was most marked ; perfect 
silence having succeeded to the hum which generally prevails in 
large assemblies.) " He could not bring his mind to believe but 
that his Majesty wished well to the country. " (The same silence.) 
" It was to the base advisers who had altered his Majesty's mind, 
that they must attribute the frustration of their hopes." (A soli- 
tary, hear !) — The parliamentary district of St. Mary-le-bone, St. 
Pancras, and Paddington, met on the following Monday to the 
number of 20,000 and upwards, Joseph Hume, Esq., in the 
chair. A true English address to the King was agreed to. 
Whilst these larger meetings were convened in the metropolis, 
the inhabitants of every parish and ward were assembling for the 
same purposes, and the National Union sat every night. 

The intelligence of Earl Grey's resignation reached Birmingham 
on Thursday morning, May the 10th. By eleven o'clock, a printed 
placard was to be seen in many of the windows, of which we give 
an exact copy. 

" notice I 

NO TAXES PAID HERE 
UNTIL 

THE REFORM BILL IS PASSED!" 

" May 9." 

In the course of the day, 500 gentlemen, who had hitherto stood 
aloof, enrolled themselves as members of the Union. At 4 P.M., 
the inhabitants of Birmingham and the surrounding towns 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^1 

assembled at Newhall-hill. No placards, no regular citation, had 
been issued, but ther numbers could not possibly be less than a 
hundred thousand ! They occupied a space of six acres, and the 
whole plot was densely filled. A petition was voted to the House 
of Commons, which, in addition to the prayer to stop the sup- 
plies, contains the following remarkable sentence :— " That your 
petitioners find it declared in the Bill of Rights, that the people 
of England may have arms for their defence" — (here the speaker 
was interrupted by tremendous cheering, which lasted for several 
minutes,) — " suitable to their condition, and as allowed by law ; 
and your petitioners apprehend, that this great right will be put 
in force generally, and that the whole of the people of England 
will think it necessary to have arms for their defence, in order 
that they may be prepared for any circumstances that may arise." 

A deputation was then named, to take the petition express to 
London, and communicate to the Common Council, and the city 
of Westminster, the determination of the people of Warwickshire 
and Staffordshire to aid them in the common cause. The dele- 
gates, Messrs. Scholefield, Parkes, and Green, were followed to 
the verge of the town by the cheering of assembled multitudes. 
At Coventry, they were enthusiastically welcomed — and when they 
arrived in London, they experienced the most cordial reception 
at the meetings of the Common-Hall, the electors of Westminster, 
&c. &c. &c. 

By the inconceivable exertions of the rival " Suns," the news 
spread like wild-fire through the country. Manchester received 
the intelligence on Thursday forenoon — the day after Earl Grey's 
resignation. At twelve o'clock, a meeting was held at the Town 
Hall, at which it was agreed to petition Parliament to stop the 
supplies. In the course of four hours, the petition had received 
upwards of 25,000 signatures. 

The following was the petition — 

"To the Honourable Commons of the United Kingdom, &c. The petition of 
the undersigned Inhabitants of Manchester, &c, sheweth — 

" That your Petitioners have heard, with feelings which it is impossible 
to describe, that the Reform Bill has again been virtually lost in the House 
of Lords, and that Earl Grey and his administration have, in consequence, 
been compelled to withdraw from his Majesty's councils. 
. " That your Petitioners, considering that the plan of Reform which has 
thus been defeated, was a measure which merely restored to the people a 
right to which they were always entitled by the Constitution, and of which 



782 HISTORY OF THE 

they have been too long defrauded by a faction : considering also that the 
Bill had been twice passed by your Honourable House, and was earnestly 
desired by the people : and, moreover, that it is a measure which, legally 
and honestly, can affect the people and their representatives only, they are at 
a loss to find words to express their indignation at being again denied their 
birthright by the manoeuvres of a small number of interested individuals. 

" That your Petitioners, thus situated, have recourse to your Honourable 
House, that you will assert your own collective dignity, and the inde- 
feisible rights of your fellow-subjects, by a determined adherence to the 
Bill, and by refusing to vote any supplies, until a measure, essential to the 
happiness of the people, and the safety of the throne, shall be carried into 
a law." 

The Parliamentary Reform Union of Liverpool, convened a 
meeting in Clayton Square, on Monday, May the 14th, when Lord 
Viscount Molyneux, son of the Earl of Sefton, being called to 
the chair, a string of Resolutions was moved and passed, to the 
following effect : — 

1. That this Meeting has learned, with indignation and alarm, the present 
position of the Reform Bill in the House of Lords ; a Bill which this Sleet- 
ing considers, in all its main provisions of Disfranchisement, Enfranchise- 
ment, and Qualification, to be absolutely essential to the good government 
of the Country, and not less so to the prerogatives of the Crown the best 
interests of the Aristocracy, and the rights of the People. 

2. That the warmest thanks of this Meeting, and the grateful acknow- 
ledgments of the British nation, are due to Earl Grey, and to his late col- 
leagues in Office, as well as to those Members of both Houses of Parlia- 
ment, who, by their zeal in the cause of Reform, have twice carried the 
Reform Bill through the House of Commons, and to a second reading in the 
House of Lords ; and that this Meeting most deeply laments that such ob- 
stacles should have arisen to the completion of the Reform Bill, as to compel 
the resignation of his Majesty's Ministers. 

3. That, in the present alarming crisis, this meeting feels itself called upon 
to petition the House of Commons, and to represent to that House its total 
want of confidence in the government of the country, until a Reform in the 
Representation of the People shall be accomplished, at least as efficient as 
that provided for by the Bill now before Parliament, and also to pray that 
Honourable House to withhold any further supplies until such Reform shall 
become the law of the land, and that the Petition now read be adopted by 
this Meeting, and be signed by the Chairman on behalf of the Meeting. 

4. That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, stating to his 
Majesty, that it is the opinion of the Inhabitants of Liverpool, in public 
meeting assembled, that no bill for the amendment of the representation of 
the people will satisfy the British nation, which shall fall short, in any of 
its essential provisions, of the bill lately introduced into Parliament ; and that 
whilst this Meeting feels entire confidence in Earl Grey and his late col- 
leagues, it feels the utmost distrust of those counsellors who have heretofore 
ranked as the enemies of Reform, and the notorious opponents of a liberal 
and pacific policy, foreign and domestic. And further, to state to his 
Majesty, that such is its sense of the alarming crisis in which the country is 
placed, that it has petitioned the House of Commons to withhold all supplies 
until an efficient Reform is granted, and an administration appointed, which 
shall deserve the confidence of the people, and that the Address now read 
be adopted by this Meeting, and be signed by the Chairman on behalf of the 
Meeting. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 783 

5. That this meeting, being sensible of the vast importance of unanimity 
among the people of Great Britain at this serious emergency, on which the 
welfare of the present and future generations so much depends, is determined 
that whatever may be the Constitutional line of conduct which the great ma- 
jority of our Countrymen in London, Birmingham, Manchester, Glasgow, 
Edinburgh, and other great towns, shall follow, we will pursue ; and we re- 
commend the adoption of this Resolution throughout the three kingdoms. 

Signed on behalf of the Meeting, Molyneux, Chairman. 

In tracing the march of the spirit that was now abroad, and pur- 
suing its career from the south to the north, we shall avail ourselves 
of a short extract from one of our best periodical journals ; and the 
rather, as the writer narrates some interesting particulars which fell 
under his own observation. 

" The un-preconcerted unanimity of the people was most cheering in more 
respects than one. It shewed that they knew their rights, and the legal 
forms invented to guard them, as well as that they were prepared to move in 
their defence. Birmingham and London cried at once, ' Stop the supplies/ 
The sound was repeated across the level plains of Lancashire, and over the 
wolds of Yorkshire. Taking its way through canny Cumberland and North- 
umberland, it was re-echoed by Salisbury Craigs, and on the green of Glas- 
gow, and spread from these central points up every green strath and heathery 
valley of Scotland. The shout had not yet subsided, when an echo, richly 
tipped with the brogue, came ringing joyous and shrill across the Irish chan- 
nel. In the black north, Belfast and Newry did their duty. The boys of 
Tipperary were gathering to the fun. Within the Pale was held an honoured 
meeting. Dublin sent forth her congregated citizens by tens of thousands ; 
and among them one before whom our hearts bow with devotion — one who in 
youth periled life and fame for liberty, and for her consented to waste his best 
years in exile — this was Archibald Hamilton Rowan. 

" It would be vain to attempt a record of all the generous patriots who 
stood forward — of all the burning words they uttered. Some chanced upon a 
happier phrase than others ; but in the essentials all were one. Birmingham 
alluded to the provision in the bill of rights, which vindicated the title of the 
citizen to have arms for his defence. Sheffield reminded the King in respect- 
ful, but manly language, that the stability of the crown, as well as the peace 
of the country, might be endangered by adherence to the whispers of incen- 
diaries. The Political and Trades' Unions of Edinburgh, declared that they 
trusted in the nation alone, and called upon the reformers of the whole empire 
simultaneously to petition the House of Commons to assume the office of their 
fugleman and central committee. 

" We are truly proud of the commanding attitude assumed by our country- 
men on this occasion. They have proved themselves worthy descendants of 
the men who resisted and vanquished Charles the First, and expelled his son. 
They have shewn that they possessed the devoted bravery, and more than the 
knowledge, of their ancestors. There has been no wanton destruction, there 
have been no vain boasting and braggadacio threats. . Assembled at every 
point, in multitudes such as have never before been seen, they have not once 
allowed themselves to be hurried into undue transport by the contagion of 
sympathy. Their words were weighed, and valued — subdued, not exagge- 
rated. Under the influence of the most intense excitement, they struggled 
successfully to maintain the ascendancy of reason : by the most violent efforts 
of self-control, they repressed the instigations of hurrying and blinding pas- 
sion ; they looked round for a spot to plant their foot upon, from which it 
would be impossible to drive them. Their stern determination and the energy 



784 HISTORY OP THE 

with which they submitted themselves to the restraining voice of reason, must 
have reminded the Duke of Wellington, rather disagreeably, of the intense 
whispers of his officers whenever the enemy advanced on the British lines — 
1 Steady, men, there, steady ; down with your muzzles ;' and of the irresisti- 
ble force with which the repressed energy of his soldiers, when the leash was 
slipped, thundered through the opposing ranks. The aspect of the nation 
was like an approaching thunder-storm, black, grim, sultry, suffocating, but 
breathless and silent as death. 

" A sight of any of the numerous meetings, held at this crisis, would have 
satisfied the most infuriated Tory, that the case of his party was hopeless. 
We were only present at one, but the features of all were much the same. 
Standing on the declivity of Salisbury Craigs, we looked down upon the 
hustings erected in the King's Park, (Edinburgh.) The members of the 
committee were ascending the platform at irregular intervals, and already a 
dense mass was crowding around its base, while dispersed groups were cross- 
ing each other over the field, buzzing and restless as insects on a summer 
evening. A low distant murmur was heard in the direction of the palace ; as 
it drew nearer, muffled music was distinguishable — * The land of the leal.' 
Passing the corner of Holyrood, a broad black banner rose into sight behind 
the wall, and glided, flapping onwards, until, with its bearers, it emerged into 
the open field. It was followed by the standard of the Trades' Union, bear- 
ing on a sable field a bunch of rods — ' United, who can break us ?' And for 
upwards of half-an-hour, the procession, five men abreast, continued to defile 
into the field, advance towards, and encircle the hustings. As one black ban- 
ner after another arose upon the view, and was borne forward, till the inscrip- 
tions and devices became legible, it seemed as if the human tide would con- 
tinue to flow for ever. The cheers with which several favourite mottoes and 
the tri-colour were received, swelled upwards to the spectators of the hill, 
one dense shattering volume of sound. The heart of a nation, devoting itself 
through the most perilous emergencies, to persevere in a just cause, was in 
the sound as it slowly wreathed up the hill-side on its way to approving 
Keaven. The view from the hustings was yet more striking. On every hand 
extended a dense semicircle paved with human heads, all shouldering to get 
near. The outward circle of curious spectators was very thin ; every man 
was anxious to press forward, and take part in the business. Fifty thousand 
faces looked eagerly up at every speaker : some with their hands at their 
ears to catch the sound more distinctly, others shading their eyes from the 
sun, sad determination expressed in every brow. There was not, as on ordi- 
nary occasions, a quick, gleesome interchange of remarks on what fell from 
the speakers — every man seemed to check his breathing, lest it might inter- 
rupt the stillness. The movers of the resolutions wore also an aspect of 
anxious solemnity. While revealing the whole exigency of the case, and 
exhorting to every sacrifice, they, one and all, felt the necessity of regulating 
the determined spirit of the people. Their exhortations to preserve order 
were received with re-iterated cries of < We will/ The names of traitors and 
oppressors elicited hootings of derision, or deep-enduring hatred ; those of 
Earl Grey and his friends, hearty applause. And every bold expression of 
resolutions to brave the worst, was met with the triumphant rustling and 
waving of banners, and with a hurrah, which, commencing beneath the hus- 
tings, spread backwards to the outskirts of the assembly, where, after some 
preliminary questioning, it was taken up, and tossed back to the platform, on 
every side of which it dashed upwards like the waves of the ocean. It was 
plain that the stern spirit of the covenanter was again breathing through the 
land ; that, in defence of a regulated freedom, the people were ready to dare 
all extremities. 

" In this emergency, the House of Commons did its duty nobly. Even 
before being called upon, it placed itself at the head of the national move- 
ment. Lord Ebrington's motion was simultaneous with the earliest meetings 
out of doors. This was followed up by Mr. Hume's notice of another and 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 785 

stronger motion ; and by the prompt seizure of every occasion which offered 
to resume the theme night after night. The party in the House opposed to 
reform maintained a wise silence, or only spoke to some minor point, for the 
purpose of relieving their awkward consciousness of insignificance. The 
liberal members — Ebrington, Hume, Duncombe, O'Connell, Macauley, Gil- 
Ion, and others— discharged their duty to their country in a bold and fearless 
spirit, which entitles them to rank with the Hampdens, Pyms, and Elliotts — 
the fathers of our liberties. The benefit conferred upon the country by the 
prompt and decided measures of the House of Commons, cannot be over- 
rated. It gave to the people throughout the country a common centre of dis- 
cipline and organization ; it reared aloft a banner, to which they were to look 
in every unexpected eddy of the headlong fight : it gave order, purpose, and 
legality to their movements. The popular phalanx was by this means rendered 
as united as numerous. The mass of the nation was up, and ranged under 
their natural self-elected leaders— those members of the commons who really 
represented the interests of the community."* 

Section XI. — Discomfiture of the Tories. — Ministers recalled 
to Office. — The Reform Bills carried. 

The annals of our country do not present a more appalling 
crisis than the interval from the 9th to the 16th of May, 1832 — 
the former being the day on which the King accepted the resig- 
nations of Earl Grey and his colleagues ; and the latter, that on 
which they were re-instated in office. This memorable week was 
occupied by the minions that flutter about the court in an at- 
tempt to patch up an administration which should take place of his 
Majesty's late servants. The Tories, who for some time had been 
encouraged by their success in practising on the King's disposition, 
and at the critical moment had private intelligence of his reso- 
lution, endeavoured to put the Bill out of joint, by postponing the 
disfranchisement to the enfranchisement clauses ; calculating, that 
if they should succeed in this, the crippled thing would pass into 
their hands; or that if Lord Grey unsuccessfully resisted, he 
might be represented to the King as a wilful, impracticable man, 
stickling for a point of mere form, against the opinion of a majority 
disposed to put the measure into a shape of success, and bringing 
defeat upon himself by his unreasonable pertinacity. They cal- 
culated correctly enough on every circumstance — but the event. 
The mind of the monarch was well known to them ; they had 
a perfect understanding of the hidden effect of the amendment 
for reversing the order of the Bill, which would be to put it on 
its head instead of its feet ; but they were not prepared for the 
readiness with which Lord Grey comprehended the design, and for 
* Our Three Days— Tait's Edin. Mag. June, 1882. 

5h 



786 HISTORY OF THE 

the firmness with which he limited its operation to the one defeat. 
The minister applied to the King for the aid of the prerogative, 
or the acceptance of his resignation ; and his Majesty chose the 
latter. It was no part of the plan of the Tories to drive Lord 
Grey unblemished from office, and to pass him into opposition 
with all the honours of popularity. The design was to put him 
through a series of concessions or defeats, to exhibit him in every 
attitude of feebleness, to make him suspected of dishonesty, or 
derided for impotence ; to shew him as an incapable, powerless 
champion, or a betrayer of the cause to which he had pledged 
uncompromising devotion. They did not wish to destroy the 
minister with a blow dealt in open hostility, but to exhibit him an 
object of derision, contemptuous pity, or angry suspicion. Lord 
Grey, however, was not the man to be played upon by these 
courtly sycophants ; by a single effort, he delivered himself from 
such toils ; and instead of his disgrace, which was so ardently 
desired, he at once exalted his own fame to the pinnacle of popu- 
larity, and overwhelmed the whole intriguing junto with confusion 
and ruin. 

The cautious and guarded explanations of ministers have left 
considerable obscurity about the King's conduct towards them, 
respecting the creation of peers. There is, however, little reason 
to doubt that his Majesty had promised them the aid of a 
creation ; and there is as little reason to doubt that a know- 
ledge of that promise induced the Lords Harrowby and Wharn- 
cliffe to make a pretence of yielding, by which they drew Lord 
Grey into the snare of owing the second reading to their ad- 
hesion, instead of having recourse to a creation of peers ; at which 
time, the application might possibly have been successful. It 
has indeed been suggested that Lord Grey was thwarted in his 
efforts to obtain the performance of the King's promise at an, 
earlier period, by a difference of opinion in the cabinet. If the 
King's engagement was to make peers when the necessity should 
be apparent, and certain of his colleagues had their doubts of the 
necessity, or their aversions to the expedient, when the premier 
himself was convinced of the necessity ; we do not see how he 
could make the application to his Majesty, without first re-model- 
ling the cabinet, so as to bring it into accordance with his views. 
The King could not fail to have information of the difference 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^7 

of opinion, if it really existed, and that would naturally prompt 
the question, whether the cabinet generally concurred as to the 
necessity ; and the premier would have been compelled to admit 
that he was in the minority. This may have been the hitch 
that caused a delay, in which the King's former patriotic purpose 
was worked upon to yield. 

As soon as the division of Monday evening was declared, the 
result was transmitted to the King, who was at Windsor. On 
Tuesday a cabinet council was held, when it was unanimously 
agreed, that unless the ministry were allowed by his Majesty to 
create as many peers as would give them a majority in the upper 
house, they must resign. Earl Grey and Lord Brougham, the 
two highest functionaries of the cabinet, immediately proceeded 
to Windsor on the afternoon of Tuesday, and laid before his 
Majesty the result of the cabinet's deliberations. The nature of 
the interview between the King and the two ministers, is not very 
likely to be known to the public. His Majesty requested a day 
for deliberation, and the ministers returned to town in the even- 
ing. On Wednesday morning a special messenger was sent 
with a letter to Earl Grey, stating the King's intention of accept- 
ing the resignation of the cabinet, rather than their advice to 
create peers. On the same day, the King having come to Loudon 
in order to hold a levee, the whole of the cabinet attended, and 
their resignations were formally received. 

No sooner had the King accepted the resignation of his minis- 
ters, than he sent for Lord Lyndhurst, to consult with him on the 
position in which he was placed, and on the forming of a new 
ministry. His Majesty apprized Lord Lyndhurst that " exten- 
sive reform'* was the express condition on which such a ministry 
must be based, and directed him to make inquiries as to the 
practicability of forming it. The noble lord — somewhat strangely, 
considering the duke's well-known sentiments — carried the King's 
communication, in the first place, to the Duke of Wellington; 
and he and the duke having consulted together, they agreed to 
offer the premiership to Sir Robert Peel ; the Duke thinking it 
advisable not to take office at first. The knight of Tamworth, 
however, was too cautious and wily to take the bait — he refused 
even to nibble ! When Sir Robert point blank refused to accept 
office on his Majesty's terms, Lord Lyndhurst's negociations were 



788 HISTORY OF THE 

brought at once to a stop. He had communicated with Mr. 
Baring, and received a kind of half-promise of his support — 
with Lord Carnarvon, and perhaps Lord Winchilsea, and the 
Duke of Buckingham, — in all about six. The subordinates were 
ready and willing, but there was no leader forthcoming. In the 
mean time, the House of Commons declared for the bill, and 
threatened the still stronger measure of stopping the supplies, 
several of which remained to be voted. So far as the legislature 
was concerned, the machine was stopped. The utter hopeless- 
ness of any change from a dissolution of parliament was appa- 
rent from the temper of the people. In every quarter, meetings 
had been held, and proceedings were taken to organize a steady 
and practical resistance to the duke's power. There was no 
mobbing or breaking of windows ; but there was an evident deter- 
mination to meet the crisis, by refusing, for the present, the pay- 
ment of taxes, and by every means of lawful resistance. 

The exasperation of the people was redoubled on hearing that 
the national liberties were about to be entrusted to the hands of 
the man, however noble and gallant in other respects, who had 
declared all public meetings a farce — and who now, to complete 
the climax of his political iniquities, was ready to carry a measure 
which he had himself characterized by the most opprobrious epithets. 
Loud and emphatic was the declaration from all quarters, that 
they would not receive even their rights from such a polluted 
source. A feverish rage and jealousy burned hotter every hour — 
public credit was shaken. A great number of the small fund- 
holders sold out, and a run for gold was made on the Bank of 
England. Orders for remittances in gold began to pour in from 
the country bankers. It is said that during three days upwards 
of a million and a half was paid in gold at the Bank ; a large por- 
tion, in sums from £20 to £100 ! A deputation from the Bank is 
said to have waited upon the King, for the purpose of requesting 
an order in council to suspend cash payments, and grant an am- 
nesty. The effect on trade was like that of a stroke of the palsy 
on the human body. Disturbance, if not revolution, being dreaded, 
confidence and credit shrunk up like the sensitive plant. Specu- 
lation was at an end ; no more business was done than was abso- 
lutely needful to supply the wants of the nation. Half-completed 
bargains were broken off by the purchasing party. Markets which 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7^9 

were proceeding when the news arrived, were suddenly stopped. 
Manufacturers declined buying the raw material of their goods, 
and many stopped manufacturing : retail dealers bought only as 
much as they needed for the supply of their pressing wants. In 
London, mercantile transactions were brought to astand. If 
an earthquake had shattered the city, there could scarcely have 
been a more general suspension of business. Had the cause 
continued, the effects would doubtless have been dreadful, even 
if no sudden revolt had brought matters to the decision of the 
sword. 

But it is now high time to turn onr attention to the proceedings 
in the House of Commons, which were too replete with interest 
to be passed over in this narrative. The debate which took place 
on Tuesday, May the 15th, the day previous to the recall of min- 
isters, can never be forgotten ; and the speeches of Lords Ebring- 
ton and Milton, Mr. T. Duncombe and Mr. Macauley, Sir Thomas 
Denman, and Sir Francis Burdett, in particular, will long continue 
to interest the public by the boldness of their invective, and their 
spirit-stirring declamation. 

The debate was opened by Lord Ebrington, who said he was 
anxious, after the report which had gained such general ground, 
and which had produced a general excitement throughout the 
country, superior to any which had ever before agitated it, and 
which had also excited universal consternation, (loud cheers,) he 
was anxious to ascertain the truth or falsehood of a report that his 
grace the Duke of Wellington had again taken office, on the 
pledge of carrying the reform bill, or at least its principal provi- 
sions ; and hoped that some of the friends of the illustrious duke, 
who were in his confidence, would satisfy the house on this mo- 
mentous subject. After a few more pointed remarks, Sir Henry 
Hardinge accordingly presented himself on behalf of the Duke of 
Wellington : he said, when he heard the words of the noble lord, 
which implied that the acceptance of office by the Duke of Wel- 
lington would be an act of public immorality, he could not but 
protest against any such charge. He, as a friend of the Duke of 
Wellington, would boldly say, that there was no act of the noble 
duke's life which would justify any member either in making such 
a charge, or in throwing out even an insinuation of the kind. 
Upon the point in question, however, he might add, that, if his 



J*90 HISTORY OF THE 

Majesty, in consequence of advice tendered him by the late 
ministry, was compelled, by their voluntary resignation, to call on 
any of his subjects to form an administration, he should only say 
thus much, that the Duke of Wellington in that case would act, as 
he ever had done, the part of a loyal and devoted subject. 

Lord Milton said, it must gratify the house to learn from such a 
source, that the Duke of Wellington was incapable of an act of 
political immorality. Sir Henry, however, had mistaken what Lord 
Ebrington said. What Lord Ebrington had said was, that if the 
Duke of Wellington, after the speeches he had made, and the pro- 
test he had written, could consent to occupy office on the condition 
of carrying a bill which he had characterized as revolutionary, then 
the noble duke would be guilty of public immorality. This was a 
charge which no man, not even Sir Henry Hardinge, could deny. 
Lord Milton then remarked on the pretext of loyalty proffered by 
Sir Henry. That gallant officer had said, that the conduct of the 
Duke of Wellington would be that of a loyal and devoted subject. 
Lord Milton hoped that loyalty was not to be construed to mean a 
subservience to the caprices of any man. If Sir Henry would say 
that there was any individual in the kingdom, however high in 
station, who ought to have the power to call on any man under the 
name of loyalty, to sacrifice his own sincere and recorded opinions, 
Lord Milton would tell him, that not only would such a power be 
incompatible with the existence of any thing like honest freedom of 
opinion, but would totally destroy that responsibility of the minis- 
ters of the crown, which the constitution had imposed upon them 
for its own preservation. 

Mr. Alexander Baring then came forward, to give what he called 
the true state of the case : " It was not that his Majesty had dis- 
missed his ministers, but that his ministers had renounced the 
service of his Majesty," (loud laughter, and cries of hear,) w that 
was the state of the question, and upon that, as the sneer of the 
honourable gentlemen opposite intimated, there would undoubtedly 
arise another question — whether the resignation of ministers was 
their own fault, or that of his Majesty. It would, however, be 
more conformable with the practice of that house, and the princi- 
ples of the constitution, not to speak of his Majesty as having com- 
mitted a fault, but to attribute the fault, if fault it be, to the 
influence which* some phantom adviser might be supposed to have 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7$ J 

over his Majesty's mind. Such being simply the state of the ques- 
tion before the country, he would ask honourable gentlemen to 
consider whether it was generous or fair towards the crown, to be 
irritating the country from one end to the other, before the crown 
was in a position to make an answer to the accusations brought 
against it. He acquitted ministers of having employed any irritat- 
ing or indecorous language, and counselled equal moderation to 
their friends. 

Lord Althorp concurred in opinion with Mr. Baring that the 
country ought to suspend its judgment until the King had a respon- 
sible servant through whom to communicate with the house. He 
defended lords Ebrington and Milton's line of argument, and 
expressed his gratification at hearing from Mr. Baring, that, in his 
opinion, a large measure of reform was necessary. It was, there- 
fore, no small satisfaction to him to know, that though it might not 
fall to the lot of himself and his colleagues to carry the reform bill 
as ministers, yet they had done this service to their country — they 
had by their labours and exertions secured the passing of a mea- 
sure of reform, and of extensive reform too. The honourable gen- 
tleman had said — and said most truly, for, from hearsay, Lord 
Althorp could confirm the statement — that many months ago he 
was of opinion that it was necessary to carry an extensive measure 
of reform. He had been aware that the honourable gentleman 
entertained that opinion, though it would undoubtedly have been 
extremely difficult to have made the discovery from the honour- 
able gentleman's votes or speeches in that house." (Cheers and 
laughter.) 

Mr. T. Duncombe, member for Hertford, then addressed the 

house to the following effect. 

" Within these few minutes, I have heard that a declaration has been just 
made in another place, by Lord Carnarvon, that the new administration is for 
accepting some of the minor parts of the reform bill, and that it has been 
postponed until Thursday, in order that it may then be taken into considera- 
tion by the other house of parliament. We know that the Duke of Welling- 
ton was appointed on Saturday last. We know also what was his first act — 
his first act was to insult the people of Birmingham. He sent back their 
petition, and refused to lay it at the foot of the throne, on the idle pretext that 
he knew of no such body as that from which it emanated. We are now to 
understand that the administration has been formed ; and as the bill is to be 
taken into consideration on Thursday, I suppose that the next we shall hear 
will be that public principles, like public meetings, are < a farce.' If the 
Duke of Wellington did not mean to pursue the reform bill, instead of post- 
poning it until Thursday, the motion would have been to discharge the order 
for taking it into consideration. Where he has found ministers to fill his 



/92 HISTORY OF THE 

cabinet, I know not ; but we all know who was the noble and learned indi- 
vidual first employed to compound the administration ; and we now find that 
that administration is about to adopt the very b'U which it denounced only a 
few hours ago as revolutionary. I cannot say that the measure has fallen 
into hands more worthy of it, or more worthy of the task of passing it. I do 
not deny the noble lord's (Lyndhurst's) learning or talents, but his whole 
life has been one scene of political prostitution and apostacy. Again I say, 
of what materials the administration will be formed, it is impossible yet to 
guess ; but if it is to be composed of the opponents of the reform bill, their 
principles must be, like certain vehicles, set upon crane-necked carriages, the 
advantage of which is, that they turn round in the smallest possible space. 
In such a vehicle must the Duke of Wellington go down to the House of 
Lords. What will be the beasts that draw hi a, who the charioteer that 
drives him, or who the pensioned lacqueys that stand behind him, I know 
not ; but this I know, that, under such circumstances, I would rather be the 
tailor that turns his coat, than the Duke of Wellington with all his glories. 
But if the temporal lords have no consciences to be consulted, what is to 
become of the spiritual peers ? Are the bishops to be hung upon crane-necked 
carriages too ? Are they of a sudden to fling up their mitres, and halloo for 
' the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill ?' One of these right reve- 
rend prelates made a most solemn appeal to the house upon the subject ; and 
as it has since been published from authority in the shape of a pamphlet, I 
may be excused for quoting a passage from it : it was a speech delivered on 
the question, that the reform bill be read a second time — ' My lords,' said the 
bishop, ' but one thing is right, and one thing only — to walk uprightly ; that 
is in your own power. As for the consequences, they are in the power of 
God. Will you distrust that power ? My lords, you will not.' I say to the 
House of Peers — ' My lords, you will distrust that power/ unless the Duke 
of Wellington and place are your God. The honourable member for Thet- 
ford has talked about the creation of peers — forsooth that it would degrade 
the House of Lords ; but this base violation of public principle, this base 
violation of public protest, will do more to degrade the House of Lords than 
the creation of a hundred peers." 

Some interruption was occasioned hero, by Sir Henry Hardinge's 
rising to demand an explanation from Mr. Duncombe. The 
speaker suggested, that Mr. Duncombe should be allowed to pro- 
ceed ; and Sir Henry, who made a second attempt, was drowned 
with cries of " Spoke !" — 

" I repeat, that if the House of Lords be guilty of the base violation of 
public principle and recorded protest, it will do more to lower them in the 
estimation of the people of England, than the creation of a hundred peers. I 
agree also with the right reverend prelate I have already quoted, in another 
sentiment contained in his speech, where he says of the lords — and let that 
house look to it — ' My lords, if this house shall ever fall from its palmy state, 
it will fall by corruption from within. It will fall by folly or by guilt — by 
the cowardice or treachery of some, if there shall be any such, of its own 
degenerate members.' I say, that they cannot be so degenerate ; I do not 
believe that there are any such ; that they will so grossly violate the 
pledges they have given in the face of God and their country. But we are 
told, by the honourable member for Thetford, that the Duke of Wellington 
has, at last, heard the imperious call of the people for reform ; that the voices 
raised at those ' farces' — public meetings — have at length reached him ; and 
that the Duke of Wellington means to give us reform. Reform from the 
Duke of Wellington ! reform from the Tories ! We are to be taught reform by 
these honourable and right honourable apostates ! " The people are to learn 
the value of reform, as Dean Swift tells us the ancients learnt how to prune 
their vines ; they found that when asses had browsed upon them, they throve 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 7§3 

more vigorously, and produced better fruit ; so in this case, because the 
Tories have, at last, nibbled at reform, it is to thrive more vigorously, and to 
produce better fruit. I say, that what comes from so polluted a source must 
be corrupt, and that we ought never to distrust the Tories more than when 
they affect to be liberal. But if this administration be formed, what, I want 
to know, are they to do with this house ? Will they dissolve the parliament, 
which the King called, in order that it might speak the sense of the people ? 
It has been said that we have connected the King's name with reform. Let 
me ask the honourable member for Thetford, this : Will dissolving the parlia- 
ment separate the King's name from reform ? will dissolving the parliament 
separate the names of other members of the royal family from reform ? I will 
give the house the titles of some of those members — the illustrious Cumber- 
land, and the sapient Gloucester" — 

On this mention of their royal highnesses, Sir Henry Hardinge 
again rose, and the speaker also interposed. Mr. Buncombe 
apologized, and proceeded — 

" If the new ministry should venture to dissolve the parliament, they may 
depend upon it they will not better their situation ; and the inevitable result 
will be their defeat, disgrace, and dishonour. You may reject the petitions of 
Political Unions, but it will be in vain : the people will and ought to be 
heard. On Saturday I heard that the petition of the Birmingham Union had 
been sent back. I have never yet belonged to any of those bodies ; but the 
moment I learned that fact, I enrolled my name. You may talk as you 
please about putting down Political Unions ; I should like to see the ques- 
tion tried, whether Political Unions can be put down. I maintain that you 
cannot put them down but by granting reform. A Political Union is quite as 
legal and constitutional a body as that political union known by the name of 
the Cumberland or Conservative club. I shall trouble the house at present 
no farther ; but in sitting down I think it right to say, that I shall oppose 
and defeat the new administration by all the means the forms of this house 
allow. Out of doors, I shall adopt every possible constitutional measure to 
resist and embarrass them — by agitation, if you like to call it so, or in any 
other way, until I see those who have been the prime movers of this base 
outrage upon the nation's feelings hurled from their lofty station, and biting 
the very dust of reform, amid the curses of an insulted people, and the execra- 
tion of an indignant parliament." 

The debate now became general, and in the highest degree 

animated, Mr. Beaumont and Mr. Macauley took the same side 

as the last speaker ; while Sir George Murray and Sir Henry 

Hardinge defended the Duke. Lord John Russell replied to them 

with great ability, and, having spoken at considerable length, thus 

concluded : 

" Whether the Bill should be passed by Whig, Tory, or Radical — come 
from what party soever it might — it would be a great and permanent blessing 
to the country, by securing to the people good government : but after having 
passed the Bill, he declared now, once for all, that never for a single moment 
would he give his confidence to men whom he thought would stand publicly 
dishonoured to the latest posterity." 

Mr. Alderman Waithman declared that it was impossible to 
conceive of more shameless apostacy than that of which the Duke 
of Wellington appeared to be guilty. And even Sir Robert Inglis 
said, that — 

5i 



794 HISTORY OF THE 

" If the Duke of Wellington accepted place with the intention of giving 
his sanction to Reform, he was doing that which was wrong, and vastly out 
of keeping with all his former declarations on the subject. He would not 
take upon himself to say what might be the motive — whether it was ambition, 
or whether it was any thing else ; but be it what it might, he thought that 
there were no considerations which, under such circumstances, could justify 
the noble duke in taking office ; for it was impossible that there could be 
any doubts as to his sentiments, after the protest and .the speeches which he 
had made upon this subject." 

Sir Robert Peel, and Sir Edward Sugden each addressed the hon- 
ourable'^ house, making their apology for declining to take office 
under the illustrious Duke ; on which — 

Sir Thomas Denman rose to reply to Mr. Baring, whom he de- 
signated " the phantom defender of an uprising government — the 
white lady of a political Avenil." (A laugh.) After repeated inter- 
ruptions from Mr. Baring, in which the latter declared that he had 
nothing to do with the new government, and that he had no 
authority to speak there for any body but himself, Sir Thomas 
thus proceeded — 

" The house had understood the honourable member for Thetford to be so 
kind as to inform it that he had no connexion with the administration now 
forming, but that the Duke of Wellington had. The honourable member 
might be high authority : but if he was, he was a high self-constituted 
authority, who imputed to others sentiments which they never uttered — who 
read lectures upon good faith (great ministerial cheering)— upon honour — 
and upon common decency — to that house ; and who addressed them to two 
noble lords, who wanted them the least of all men in that house ; volunteering 
these lectures too, not as the representative of a phantom government, but as 
the representative of some future substantial government. He could not 
help congratulating the house on the benignant manager which it would have 
in the honourable gentleman. He could not help offering to the honouable 
gentleman his grateful thanks for the great kindness with which he had 
treated him (Sir T. Denman) the other day in his absence. He had been told 
that during his absence one of his friends had called the honourable member 
for Thetford to account for having spoken of him as a mob-courting Attorney- 
General, and that the answer given by the honourable member was this — 
'* If I did call him the mob-courting Attorney-General, it was a long time 
ago, and therefore I am not bound to explain that phrase now/' Admitting 
that excuse to be valid, he had still another point to settle with that hon- 
ourable member. He had been told, or he had read, or he had heard some- 
thing uttered by the honourable member, to this effect — that though atrocious 
libels had lately been published regarding the Queen, and other members of 
the Royal Family, there was no Attorney-General to prosecute them. Now, 
this charge was made in consequence of an article which appeared in a 
newspaper on the day before that on which the Attorney- General sent in 
his resignation. He asked whether, under such circumstances, the proceed- 
ing of the honourable member was generous — nay more, whether it was just ? 
Was the imputation which he had cast upon the Attorney- General one 
which he was justified in casting ? He had no doubt that those somebodies, 
whom nobody knew, and who were busy somewhere, but nobody knew 
where, ( a laugh,) had made the most of that imputation. He was ready, 
whenever he should be called on in a distinct and manly way, to defend 
his conduct against all comers ; but on this occasion, he would confine him- 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 795 

self to saying, that if he had been called upon to gratify one of the some- 
bodies by such a prosecution as the honourable member for Thetford ap- 
proved, he was convinced that he should have done no good to the crown, 
but, on the contrary, should have placed it in a perilous condition. What 
man, besides the honourable member for Thetford, was ignorant that the 
execution of the libel law rested entirely upon public opinion, and that any 
unfortunate interference with the press would have recoiled upon the heads 
of those for whose benefit it was made ? But twice before had the honourable 
member for Thetford designated him as an individual incapable of serving 
the Crown as Attorney-General, because, forsooth, he was the representative 
of a popular place, and was known to entertain popular sentiments. He had 
taken the liberty of asking the honourable member in private, whether, 
when the special commission went down into Hampshire, there was any 
betrayal of duty to be discovered in his conduct as Attorney- general ; and 
the answer which he had received from the honourable member on that occa- 
sion was both kind and courteous. He was therefore surprised to hear the 
honourable member that evening quoting placards which had appeared in 
the streets — reading extracts from speeches which had been made at public 
meetings — dilating on various other things which had recently appeared, 
and which must always be expected to appear in times of great public ex- 
citement, and concluding all his readings and all his quotations by charging him 
with having allowed them to pass unpunished, when he did not even know 
of their existence, adopting that vulgar opinion, that an Attorney-General 
and a libel could not exist at the same time. For the last fourteen months, 
the honourable member had daily been exercising his powers of sarcasm, and 
improving his talent for dark hints and secret inuendos : he would no doubt 
become more powerful in sarcasm, and more artful in insinuation, when he 
had qualified himself by the acceptance of office for the management of that 
house. Still he (Sir T. Denman) would at all times protest against the 
unfairness of the honourable member's proceedings. The noble lord who 
introduced this motion, had introduced it without any reference to the King, 
or to the new government now forming, and yet the honourable member for 
Thetford had thought proper to say, " Don't force the Crown into this dis- 
cussion, when the Crown has no one here to represent it/' Why, this was a 
little too bad. It was nobody but the nonourable member himself, who had 
introduced the Crown into this discussion ; and for any mischief that 
might arise from that introduction, the honourable member, and no one else, 
was answerable. It was very convenient for those who were forming an 
administration to say, " Do not attack the administration, while it is yet 
unformed." But that was not all that the honourable member for Thetford 
said, for he went on to observe — " You have informed the people that there 
has not been fair dealing between the Crown and the administration," — you 
have stated u that the Crown had acted not honestly, but treacherously, by 
it." Now, into that question he would not enter at all at present ; for what 
had the question of whether the Crown had or had not given a promise to the 
late administration, to do with the question respecting the formation of a 
new administration ? The honourable member well knew that these two 
questions had little or nothing in common ; and yet he had joined them 
together in the same artful and insidious way in which he had strung 
together several of his sarcasms. 

The honourable and learned gentleman then proceeded to make some com- 
ment on the conduct pursued by the heads of the church during the dis- 
cussions on the bill. When the rotten boroughs bound themselves to the 
church, he thought them wise in their generation : but now that the church 
was binding itself up with the rotten boroughs, he more than doubted the wis- 
dom of its conduct. With regard to the new administration, he would not 
say much, as it was still in a state of generation. The sooner it was gene- 
rated, the sooner would the suspence of the country be ended, and the better 
would it be for all the interests which were bound up with that country. 



796 HISTORY OF THE 

We were at present in the situation of the philosopher, who asked the 
Indian on what it was that the world rested. The Indian replied, on a large 
elephant. The answer would be the same now if we were to ask on what the 
phantom government rested ; we should be told, that " the government, like 
the world, rested on a large elephant ;" and, if questioned further as to 
what the elephant itself rested upon, should be told that " it was on some 
gigantic rat." He was happy to have had this opportunity of replying to 
the attacks which had been made upon him in his absence by the hon- 
ourable member for Thetford, and which, he must say, were neither candid 
nor parliamentary. On the public measure now under discussion, he would 
only say, that he went fully along with his honourable friends, who had 
expressed a hope that the country would not disgrace itself, nor mar its 
prospects by turbulence or violence. He hoped that the people would give 
no excuse to those who were anxious to exhibit the sword, which, if once 
exhibited, might not so easily be replaced in its sheath. He was sure that 
there was not a single member of the late administration who would not will- 
ingly forego all future hopes of place, for the satisfaction of seeing the 
reform bill carried through parliament in an unimpaired and unmutilated 
form. An honourable member had said that the reform bill would be carried, 
even though the Ring's name should now be given to the anti-reformers. 
He was sorry to hear that observation made, for hitherto it had always been 
his hope that the King's name would have gone down to posterity in com- 
pany with this great healing measure, of which the necessity is now admitted 
on all hands. He would not enter into the mere personal considerations of 
those who were to form the government destined to carry it. If he were to 
die that minute, he would say to the house, " Care not for the men, but 
care for the measure, and benefit yourselves and your country by passing 
this bill of reform." Yes, if the House of Lords would only pass this bill, 
he would never consider who the ministers were that conducted it to a 
successful issue. The bill itself was what the house had to look to, and 
what they must support, in whatever hands it might be. He could not 
conclude without making one observation on what was called the light and 
trifling nature of the amendment moved in the other house of parliament, 
and on which it was said that a defeat ought not to have induced ministers 
to resign. Now, first of all — was the question raised by that amendment, 
a question of their seeking ? Next, was it not avowed by the waverers, 
that a defeat on that question was a piece of mortification which it was 
useful that ministers should suffer, as a check to the exultation which they 
had displayed in consequence of carrying the second reading of the bill ? 
Lastly, was it not also avowed that this punishment was to be inflicted 
more than once upon them, to make them feel the advantage which they 
derived from such hollow support ? Under such circumstances, what could 
they do but resign ? There was no difference in the circumstances of the 
country since the noble duke signed his celebrated protest against the bill, 
and the present moment when he was preparing to pass it. What, then, 
could have led him to a change of such unexampled extent and rapidity, 
that language was too weak to describe it ? For his own pai-t, he was above 
the affectation of being indifferent to the emoluments of office — " Quis negat 
fuse esse utiliaf but he would gladly resign them all, and with them the 
anxieties of office, which were great enough, even though an Attorney- Gene- 
ral and a libel were to exist together, provided he could see the success 
of this bill, which, when passed into law, would, he had no doubt, render us 
the most free, the most happy, and the most contented nation on the face of 
the globe." (Cheers.) 

On the question that the London petition (which gave rise to 

the preceding debate) be brought up, Lord Ebrington replied to 

Sir Henry Hardinge and Mr. Baring — 



PASSING OP THE REFORM BILLS. 7^7 

" The noble duke's friends are under a mistake, if they suppose that there 
is any thing in his great name, in his high situation, or even in his eminent 
services — which no one is more ready gratefully to acknowledge than 
m y se lf — I say the noble duke's friends are much mistaken if they suppose 
that there is any thing in these circumstances which can screen his character 
as a public man, from undergoing the same investigation, from being subject 
to the same discussion, from being judged on the same principles, and from 
being decided upon on the same grounds, with those of every other public 
man in this country. Sir, it is with this freedom and in this manner that I 
shall always assert my right as an independent member of parliament. I 
trust that I shall always do so with the respect that is due to this House, 
and in language becoming myself as a gentleman ; and, indeed, I trust that 
I am not in the habit of bringing any charge against my political opponents 
in any other language, notwithstanding what Mr. Baring has been pleased 
to lay to my charge. That honourable gentleman has thought proper to 
read me a lesson with respect to my supposed want of common decency, 
for such, I think, were the words that he presumed to apply to me. Sir, I will 
not bandy with him ; but he must allow me to say, that if there is any one 
in this house to whom I should be disposed to apply such language, it 
would be to him — rising this night, as he has done, to make a tardy defence 
of political inconsistency on the part of himself or others, when I have heard 
him, time after time, in this house, raking up speeches made ten and twenty 
years ago, and extracts from pamphlets ; and, on the strength of these, 
applying to my noble friend, Lord John Russell, terms of vituperation, which, 
until this Reform Bill was introduced, I never heard applied by anybody, in 
the greatest heat of political party, to any minister of the Crown." 

Lord Ebrington proceeded — 

" Gentlemen seem this evening to have argued as if there was no alter- 
native to be adopted by the noble duke, except either admitting a forced 
creation of peers by the King, or accepting the government of the country, 
and dragging the lords to the passing of the bill. But, Sir, is there no 
third course? Is it absolutely necessary that those who have so deeply 
pledged themselves against the bill should now be compelled to eat their 
words? (' Hear, hear J') I wish that the right honourable baronet, or any 
person not liable to any imputations, would shew how it can be settled. 
If the noble duke himself could stand up, and say that the impossibility he 
finds to conduct the affairs of the country would make him use all his 
influence among his friends to pass the measure, he would succeed, no 
doubt, in putting an end to further discussion. I wilt not say when that 
should be done, or when it would come too late. If a course of that descrip- 
tion had been adopted within the last few days, even within the last forty- 
eight hours, much peril would have been avoided in the country. The 
character of the noble duke would have stood a great deal higher, and he 
would have entitled himself to the lasting gratitude of the country. At the 
same time, the character and conduct of the House of Lords would not be 
subject, as under other circumstances they would, to lasting execration." 

Mr. Baring, in a second speech, defended himself and the Duke 
of Wellington. He stated, on the authority of a noble Lord, 
(whom he did not name,) that so secure was schedule A, that not 
twenty peers would have voted against its retention ; and that if 
ministers had waited for forty-eight hours, they would have dis- 
covered this. He came at length to the concluding part of Lord 
Ebrington's speech — 



798 HISTORY OF THE 

" The noble lord says, or at least his words, I think, bear that construc- 
tion, that he should be glad if any thing could be done to give an approach 
even to such a proposal ; and that if the peers would vote schedule A, that 
might induce the ministers of the crown to relax in their determination, and 
not to advise that which they only thought a less evil than not risking the 
measure. I should think myself, that if Lord Grey goes back to the King, 
stating his unwillingness to employ those means which he had already ad- 
mitted he entertained a great repugnance to perform, and stating that he 
expected, with great probability, that the lords would not differ from him, 
except as to the details of the bill— if Lord Grey would so state to the 
King, I see no difficulty in the ministers again taking their places. I do not 
see any objection to this." 

He thought it would be most unfortunate for the county, should 
the present ministers quit office ; for if the Bill passed, and if les s 
good accrued from it than was expected, the popular notion 
would be, that if the ministry that projected had carried it, the 
disappointment would not have happened. 

Sir F. Burdett said, that what had fallen from the hon. gentleman who had 
recently addressed the house was given in a manner which imparted to it a 
greater degree of weight than would, perhaps, be attached to it under ordinary 
circumstances. No person could feel more sensibly than he did the unpleasant 
circumstances in which ministers were at present placed. After what had 
occurred, it was impossible for them to retain their situations, even for a moment ; 
and every one who had heretofore spoken had laid great stress on that point. 
Certainly no duty was more incumbent on them than that of preserving their 
character and their honour. He, for one, entertained no doubt of the fair 
intentions which the King bore towards the public ; and though His Majesty 
might feel himself placed in circumstances of extreme difficulty, — in circum- 
stances much to be deplored, — still he was convinced that His Majesty felt himself 
bound — those peculiar circumstances having unfortunately arisen — to pursue 
the course which he had adopted. Further, he would say, that he had no 
doubt that His Majesty felt, though his ministers had resigned, that they had 
done no act of which he ought to complain. It was useless to discuss whether 
the adoption of the proposed measure would be beneficial or injurious. The 
public mind was decided on the subject; and he thought that every gentleman 
must have come to this conclusion, that, under the present circumstances of the 
country, the passing of the measure had become inevitable. Therefore it was 
their imperative duty, as honest men towards the country, and as loyal men 
towards the King, to pursue such a course as appeared most likely to conciliate 
all parties. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman who had just sat down, had expatiated 
on this point with that sort of feeling which was calculated to operate strongly 
on the public mind. No person could for a moment imagine that his Majesty 
did not wish to do good to his people. His Majesty could have no private 
views — no private feelings to gratify. Ever since he had ascended the throne, 
no proposition had been brought before him, with respect to which he did not say 
to his ministers, " Do what seems fitting for the public service ; do not look to 
my convenience : I am well convinced, that whatever is good for the people, 
will also be found good for myself." Now, it would be harsh indeed, if one so 
fond of his people, — if one so friendly to public liberty, — if one whose many 
acts of beneficence were before the country, — should, by any misunderstanding, 
be deprived of the affections of his subjects. The hon. member for Thetforcl 
had stated, almost in terms, that the Duke of Wellington ought to come into power, 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 799 

in the present, as he called it, great dilemma, for the purpose of preserving the 
public from a mighty danger. Now, he would contend that all danger might be 
prevented by adopting a different plan ; and he would say, that had it not been for 
a low, and factious, and intriguing party, who opposed the just course of events, 
which was in happy progress, the present unfortunate crisis never would have 
arisen. When it was said that the bill was not objected to on great points, but 
that the opposition arose upon trivial matters, then he would say, that those who 
cavilled about those trivial points acted, to say the least, unwisely. Under such 
circumstances, what could a minister, a man of high character, do ? He was 
bound to preserve his own character and his own honour. Indeed, the first 
duty of a public man was, not to risk his character or his fair fame. With this 
impression on his mind, he would say, that it was utterly impossible for Lord 
Grey, as a man of high feeling, and of high honour, to have submitted to the 
recent vote of the House of Lords. But what should they say of the factious 
band in the House of Lords, who, by their votes, had risked all those alarming 
consequences to which many gentlemen had alluded ? (Cries of " Hear," and 
" Order !") They must be, he would assert, the most blind and factious set of 
persons that ever lived; they appeared to be willing to risk every thing — to risk 
the peace of the nation, for the purpose of securing that peculiar species of 
power and of privilege which belonged to themselves only. When the hon. 
gentleman opposite said that the matter on which the House of Lords dissented 
was a mere trifle — did he not recollect that it was a refusal to adopt schedule 
A ? The hon. member said that the opposing party in the House of Lords 
were willing to grant schedule A. But how was this proved ? Why, their 
motion and their vote proved the very contrary. Even the hon. baronet over 
the way must admit that the point which was then debated was one of great 
importance, and that in fact it constituted the main feature and principle of the 
bill. All this difficulty could have been easily avoided. The Duke of 
Wellington had, however, concurred in the vote, on die occasion to which he 
alluded ; and he knew not how he could make it satisfactory to his mind, after 
having been instrumental in bringing the country to the state in which it now 
was, to turn round, and come to this tardy conclusion, that at length he found 
out that the measure was necessary. There was, in such conduct, a want of 
foresight, which shewed that the noble duke ought not to be called on to direct rhe 
affairs of the country in a crisis so difficult as the present. If the noble duke were 
prime minister of this country, it would not be sufficient to say that he would 
pass this reform bill. The public would require more. There must be an inves- 
tigation of all the circumstances which occurred before he took office, and he 
must be responsible for the conduct pursued by his Majesty. (Cheers.) His 
Majesty could take no step unadvisedly. He might select a new minister ; but 
so soon as that minister was appointed, he was responsible for the advice under 
which his Majesty acted. As to the bill, the proper way to begin was with 
schedule "A." That was the plain and evident course of proceeding. A- 
different line of conduct had been adopted.' If what had been said by the 
noble lord below him were correct, then all this inconvenience, all this excitation, 
might have been avoided. If it were true that the lords meant to pass the 
bill, might not those who had expressed themselves hostile to it withdraw their 
opposition ? No change need then take place ; the public would be satisfied, 
and the tranquillity and safety of the country would be preserved. (Cheers.) He 
had formely maintained, and his opinion remained unaltered, that the old prero- 
gative of the Crown, for issuing writs for places of growing importance, and 
for refusing to issue them for places which had become insignificant, was a most 
useful and necessary one. If that prerogative had been properly exercised, the 
House of Commons would never have been in the state in which it at present 



800 HISTORY OF THE 






was. Learned gentlemen, he knew, had declared this doctrine to be illegal, 
and select committees of that house had come to the same conclusion ; but 
where, he would ask, was the same statute, where was the law, which took away 
that power from his Majesty ? Well then, when a measure of great impor- 
tance was introduced, — a measure called for by the people in a manner that 
could not be mistaken, — if the House of Lords, unmindful of the salvation of 
the country, repudiated that measure ; could any one doubt that the Crown had 
a right to resume the power to which he had adverted ? He now came to a 
point of painful importance ; he alluded to the extraordinary circumstances of a 
judge— a person holding a high situation in the country — standing foremost as a 
criminal judge, being suddenly converted into a decided politician. (Hear.) 
For his own part, he should suppose a judge to be a very reserved sort of 
person, — a character cut off from party feuds, and from party feelings ; but 
here was a noble lord who acted upon a principle completely different. He 
would suppose a stranger to enter his lordship's court, and to find him giving 
his decisions calmly and dispassionately. How much surprised would that stranger 
be, if, immediately afterwards, he entered the House of Lords, and found the same 
individual heading a violent and virulent faction. (Loud cries of "Order.") 

Lord Stormomt rose to order. The terms which the hon. baronet had used, 
when speaking of the other branch of the legislature, were, he contended, most 
unparliamentary. The hon. baronet was not justified, in speaking of the House 
of Lords, to apply to a portion of it the phrase, "a violent faction." He 
appealed to the speaker, whether it was decorous or orderly to make use of such 
language when speaking of the other house of parliament ? If they themselves 
wished to preserve the inviolability of their own rights, they ought certainly to 
respect the rights of the other branch of the legislature. 

The Speaker said, that to accuse any party in that house of being factious, 
would unquestionably be a breach of order ; and it was evident that that which 
would be disorderly in speaking of the members of the House of Commons, 
must be disorderly when applied to members of' the House of Lords. 

Sir F. Burdett said, he knew very well that in strictness he had no right 
to allude to the House of Lords at all ; but in the heat of debate, they were 
subject to those sort of maladies, (a laugh,) if so he might express himself, and 
he did not think it wrong, when touching on this subject, to use the word 
" faction." 

• The Speaker observed, that though strong expressions might escape from 
honourable members in the heat of debate, they did not cease on that account 
to be irregular. The word " faction" certainly ought not to have been applied 
as the honourable baronet had applied it. 

Sir F. Burdett proceeded to observe, that what he had been speaking of 
was the conduct of certain persons holding very high situations. He was 
talking of the intrigues (amongst other misfortunes by which the country was 
afflicted) which some of those individuals were at present carrying on. There 
was one person amongst them, who ought, in his opinion, to be free from such 
transactions altogether — who ought wholly to dissever himself from politics. 
He much regretted that a criminal judge, an individual of high station in this 
country, should assume the character of an opposition leader. He appeared as 
the maker and unmaker of cabinets — he was one whom they saw every where 
— and who, as it seemed to him, had, under his judge's robe, a harlequin's 
jacket. In short, he was 

" A man so various that he seem'd to be 
Not one, but all mankind's epitome." 

(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 801 

This individual, in consequence of his exertions, expected to be raised to a very 
exalted situation. The conduct of this personage was a matter to be greatly 
deplored. He knew not what administration they were to have. At present 
there was a sort of miscreated being, but half produced (laughter,) which they 
could not view as an administration. If any thing unpleasant happened in the 
country, he knew not to whom the King could apply for advice. He knew not 
who could give the necessary orders in the case of any sudden emergency. Such 
was the consequence of the rejection of the bill. Those miners, however, who had 
effected that object, had been blown up by their own mine. Those unskilful 
gunners had been destroyed by the explosion of their own petard. Thus it 
sometimes happened, that when Heaven vouchsafed to listen to the prayers of 
mortals, they were undone, in consequence of their petition being assented to. 
But how was the King to be released from his present most uncomfortable 
situation ? The only mode of effecting that object, was to place the government 
of the country in those hands in which alone it could be placed with safety and 
confidence. He believed that the King had no other wish than to pass this bill. 
They were told that the opposing party were anxious to pass it. How that was 
to be brought about, he was entirely at a loss to know. He had, however, con- 
fidence in the government which yet existed, — he had a firm reliance on the 
feelings of the people, — he saw with pride the spirit which pervaded the public 
mind, — and he saw no other mode of rescuing the country from the evils which 
were impending, except the determination of that house to call on His Majesty 
to restore to his confidence those honest ministers who, without any fault on their 
part, had been disunited from His Majesty's councils. If this were done, he 
trusted the country might confidently look forward to a peaceful and equitable 
adjustment of all its difficulties. A noble lord had told them, that the other 
house meant to vote schedule A. How could the noble lord make such a 
statement? If any intention of that kind ever existed, it was never intimated to 
Earl Grey ; and, in point of fact, the vote to which their lordships came was directly 
contrary to such an intention. What was the argument used on that occasion by 
the learned lord to whom he had before alluded, and who had placed himself 
in such an unfavourable light before the public ? His argument was, " let us 
enfranchise first, and then see how far it is necessary to disfranchise ;" thus 
overturning the whole system on which the bill proceeded, by leaving it in the 
power of those individuals to preserve the nomination boroughs. If, as had 
been said, his Grace of Wellington wished the bill to be carried, all he had to 
do was to withdraw his opposition. The constitution would then stand where it 
was before, — the people would be satisfied, — and the King would again be 
greeted with the lively thanks and the fervent gratitude of his people. (Cheers.) 

Mr. Hume now rose, and said, that, under existing circum- 
stances, he thought no greater blessing could happen to the 
country than an arrangement by which Lord Grey might return to 
office. He felt sure, if that nobleman saw a prospect of being 
restored to the full confidence of the King, he had the interests of 
the country too much at heart to stand on any idle etiquette. He, 
therefore, was of opinion, that the best thing they could do was to 
adjourn, in order to allow an opportunity for such an arrangement. 
Mr. Labouchere spoke to the same effect; and, after several other 
gentlemen had spoken, the motion for adjournment was carried. 

5k 



802 HISTORY OF THE 

On the following day (Tuesday) Earl Grey, having moved the 
adjournment of the house till Thursday, stated that he did so in 
consequence of having received a message from his Majesty. In 
the commons, on the same evening, Mr. Baring rose and stated, 
that the communications with the Duke of Wellington for the for- 
mation of a ministry were at an end. After having made that 
statement, he had no other observations to offer, but to express 
his ardent and sincere hope that the state of things, to the admi- 
nistration of which the government were about to return, would 
terminate in some arrangement for the benefit and peace of the 
country. Mr. Baring added, that he begged to correct a misap- 
prehension which Lord Ebrington had fallen into on the previous 
evening, viz. that the Duke of Wellington had accepted office. 
He had not done so : matters had not reached that point. Lord 
Althorp said, that, had he not been anticipated by the honourable 
gentleman, he had intended to inform the house that Earl Grey 
had received a communication this day from his Majesty, in con- 
sequence of which he should suggest to the house the propriety of 
adjourning till Thursday ; which was accordingly done. 

The lords were no sooner met on Thursday evening, than the 
Duke of Wellington rose, and proceeded to give what he called an 
explanation of his conduct for the last ten days. His grace's 
speech was extremely lengthy, and was much cheered by the 
peers on his own side of the house ; and on his arriving at a con- 
clusion, in which nothing was concluded, Lord Lyndhurst rose to 
make his explanation. The speech of the honourable member for 
Westminster had made the noble lord very angry. He complained 
that he had been — 

" Slandered throughout the country by the periodical press, which now 
reigned paramount over the legislature and the country, and in defiance, if 
not with the connivance of the public authorities, flings its calumnies without 
respect for age, sex, or station ; I should be ashamed to belong to a govern- 
ment which permitted the article in the Times journal of this day to pass 
unprosecuted and unpunished ; and if I were the Attorney-General, I should 
consider myself guilty of misprision of treason, if I neglected to prosecute such 
an article as that, which I have no hesitation in pronouncing revolutionary, 
treasonable, and subversive of the monarchy of the state." They, however, 
might wound the feelings of those allied to him by the dearest ties, and so far 
they were a source of pain to himself ; but, apart from the feelings of others, 
he held them in the utmost scorn. ISot so, however, could he overlook the 
charge which was reported to have been brought against him in another place 
by an honourable baronet (Sir Francis Burdett,) the member for Westminster. 
Whether that charge be correctly stated or not, he had no means of ascertain- 
ing. His only knowledge of its authenticity was that furnished by its pub- 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 803 

licity in the daily papers. That honourable baronet was reported to have 
declared, that he, in obeying the commands of his Sovereign in the manner in 
which he had just stated, had been ' guilty of gross dereliction of his duty as 
a judge/ He denied the assertion. The honourable baronet ought to know, 
that, as a judge, he was a member of the King's privy council, and that, by 
his oath as a privy councillor, he was bound to not only tender to his Majesty 
his best advice upon matters of public interest when called upon, but to 
volunteer it when he saw the safety of the throne or the welfare of the country 
in peril. It was plain, then, that the honourable baronet was totally ignorant 
of the judicial functions, when uttering the rash assertions imputed to him. 
There was another attack also reported to have been directed against him by 
a member of the House of Commons. It was made matter of censure, that, 
though a judge of the land, and as such the occupant of a bench which should 
ever be kept free from political or party contagion, he was the leader of a 
virulent faction in that house. He would not stay to observe upon the com- 
pliment that was paid to their lordships' dignity and integrity by the insinua- 
tion, but would appeal to those who knew him, whether any charge could be 
more unfounded ? The fact was, that such a station as that assigned to him 
was foreign from his habits and inclinations — was contrary to his tempera- 
ment, and very leisure. So far from aspiring to a leadership, he had not, 
since the accession of the noble earl to office, been a frequent attendant upon 
their discussions, and had not, in a single instance, taken a part in a political 
discussion. 

He concluded — 

" Reform, my lords, has triumphed ; the barriers of the constitution are 
broken down ; the waters of destruction have burst the gates of the temple, 
and the tempest begins to howl. Who can say where its course shall stop ? 
Who can stay its speed ? For my own part, I earnestly hope that my predic- 
tions may not be fulfilled, and that my country may not be ruined by the 
measure which the noble earl and his colleagues have sanctioned." 

Earl Grey said, he would not by one word add to the irritation 

that prevailed among the peers on the opposition benches. With 

respect to the line of conduct they might see fit to pursue, it was 

for themselves to choose — 

" It is for them only to determine what sacrifices of former opinions — of 
reiterated declarations — of recent pledges — they are prepared to make, from a 
sense of duty. They, I repeat, are the sole judges on this head. It is not 
my wish or inclination to impute to them improper motives ; it is not for me 
to lay down any standard of duty, or to impose any rule of political consis- 
tency, or political good faith. But I cannot help expressing my surprise, that 
on an occasion like the present, when the house and the public expected a 
temperate explanation of the important proceedings in which the noble duke 
and the noble and learned baron have been for some days engaged, they 
should have indulged in violent party invective against the reform bill and 
ministers. Again have the trite commonplace assertions of the bill being a 
revolutionary measure— of its tending to destroy the constitution — been 
broached with all the violence of party rancour and disappointment. Again 
are our ears dinned with denunciations of the advice which we felt it to be 
our duty to offer to his Majesty ; and again are we told by the noble and 
learned baron, that that advice, if followed, would prove fatal to the indepen- 
dence of the House of Lords, as well as to the monarchy. Before I enter into 
a more particular consideration of the charge implied by this assertion, permit 
me to remind the noble baron and your lordships, that there are dangers, not 
imaginary or hypothetical, but substantial and imminent, to this house and 
the monarchy, to be apprehended from proceedings at all tending to risk a 



804 HISTORY OF THB 

collision between the hereditary and representative branches of the constitu- 
tion. The circumstances that have occurred this night, and the course taken 
by noble lords on a former occasion, prove that the fact of this house getting 
into a conflict with the House of Commons and the general sense of the 
country on important subjects, would alone be sufficient to expose it_to dan- 
gers more imminent and greater far than any to be apprehended from the 
course which his Majesty's ministers may think it their duty to pursue/' 

He proceeded to justify his conduct in respect to reform, which 
lie had entered on office for no other purpose than to support. He 
repeated what he had frequently stated on former occasions, that 
reform, to be satisfactory, must be extensive. The necessity of its 
being extensive, he thought to be sufficiently proved by the admis- 
sion even of its most strenuous opponents, that no other than an 
extensive measure ought to be attempted. He came at length to 
the motion of Lord Lyndhurst on Monday sennight — 

" When the bill came into committee, it was hoped that your lordships 
would consent to pass it without alteration in principle, and without any 
changes in detail which would make it imposible for me and my colleagues 
to consent to proceed with the measure. But on the very first clause, a 
motion was made which some noble lords affect to consider as of trivial im- 
portance, but which, in my opinion, proved such a disposition in its oppo- 
nents, and which appeared to me so prejudicial to the bill, that it was impos- 
sible for me to go further, deluding the public with a vain expectation of 
success, and opening up fresh ground for irritation in every step of the com- 
mittee. It was then to be considered by ministers what course they must 
adopt, and but two alternatives presented themselves — either at once to 
abandon the bill, or to recommend the Sovereign to enable the government to 
take such steps as would put them in a situation to carry it We adopted the 
latter course, and did offer to his Majesty that advice which we deemed the 
exigency of the case to require— advice w T hich the noble duke has this night 
arraigned so strongly. The noble duke not only censures the advice, but 
complains that the making of peers was used and acted on by us as a threat. 
My lords, I am not aware that I am liable to that imputation, nor am I aware 
that, when pressed and goaded for a declaration on the subject, I ever uttered 
a single syllable relative to it, except once, and that was to the effect that I 
felt as much opposed to such a measure as any man, except in a case of neces- 
sity which might justify the exercise of the royal prerogative, with a view to 
prevent a collision between this and the other house of parliament. In my 
mind, by the vote alluded to, such a case had arisen : the situation in which 
ministers were placed was this — we must either abandon the bill at once, or 
give advice to the crown in order to prevent a collision ; in which I openly 
declare if this house shall at any time be unwise enough to commit itself, the 
issue will hardly be satisfactory to your lordships. The noble duke expresses 
his surprise that the recommendation of his Majesty in his speech from the 
throne, has not been attended to in this bill. The recommendation is, that 
the contemplated reform ' shall adhere to the acknowledged principles of the 
constitution, by which the prerogatives of the crown, and the authority of 
both houses of parli?anent, and the rights and liberties of the people, are 
equally secured.' ' Who could have thought,' says the noble duke, ' that a 
measure of this kind was contemplated, judging from the tenor of the speech 
from the throne ?' The passage of the King's speech quoted was written by 
ministers, and related to this identical measure of reform, which I am pre- 
pared to contend does possess the qualities described in the speech — which, 
as I shall at any time show, goes to remove the abuses and blemishes that 
disfigure the constitution, to give it additional vigour in the restored confi- 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 805 

dence of the people, and thus reanimate and strengthen the great body of our 
institutions. The measure recommended by ministers to the crown on the 
late division in your lordships' committee, stood on the ground of enabling us 
to carry in this house a bill, the rejection of which by your lordships puts us 
in direct opposition to the other house of parliament and the country. On 
these grounds, the advice we tendered to our Sovereign was absolutely 
required by the circumstances of the case ('Hear!'); under these circum- 
stances it was constitutional, and I can refer the noble and learned lord to 
books on the constitution, in which he will find that this prerogative of creat- 
ing peers was given to the crown in order to counteract the serious evils that 
might arise from this house placing itself in opposition to the remaining 
estates of the realm. My lords, but for the existence of this prerogative, your 
proceedings would be without control, while upon all other branches of the 
legislature salutary checks are imposed. The commons possess a check upon 
the misconduct of the crown, in its power of stopping the supplies : a check 
upon factious conduct in the commons, was placed in the king's power to 
dissolve the house. Are the lords alone to be exempt from control? My 
lords, should this house combine, in some purpose adverse to the crown and 
House of Commons, and should it be able to hold out in its determination, 
with no power existing to check its proceedings, then is this no longer a 
government of King, Lords, and Commons, but an obligarchy ruling the 
country." 

He noticed the charge of the Duke of Wellington, that ministers 

had abandoned the King — 

" How did our resignation differ from any other resignation of ministers ? 
A minister tenders advice to his sovereign as to the course to be taken on an 
important subject of public interest ; the crown rejects the advice ; ministers 
present their resignations — for no other course lies before them, if they be 
honest and independent men." 

After expressing his strongest sense of the kindness and conde- 
scension with which his Majesty had ever treated him and his col- 
leagues, Lord Grey concluded — 

" 1 do not know, that, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, it is 
necessary for me to say more than I have said before. I have received, as I 
formerly stated, a communication from his Majesty since the resignation of 
the commission held by the noble duke for forming a new administration ; but 
I am not prepared at this moment to state the result of that communication. 
All I can state — and I owe it to myself, to the countxy, and to your lordships, 
to declare it ; because there ought to be no concealment by an individual 
situated as I am, as to his motives of conduct and views of action, in accept- 
ing or refusing office— all I can state is, that my continuance in office must 
depend on my conviction of my ability to carry into full effect the bill on your 
lordship's table, unimpaired in principle, and in all its essential details." 

The cheering that followed Lord Grey's speech lasted for a con- 
siderable time after he had sat down. 

Several noble lords now rose in succession to make their apology, 
or exonerate themselves from the imputation, of being sharers with 
the Duke and Lord Lyndhurst in their recent negociations. 
Among these were the Earls of Mansfield, Winch ilsea, and Car- 
narvon ; the latter of whom spoke of the ministers and their plans 



806 HISTORY OF THE 

with great bitterness, while each of them discharged a moderate 
portion of bile ! As all the noble lords had thought proper to 
interlard their speeches with compliments to the Duke of Wel- 
lington, the Earl of Mulgrave took occasion to say, that — 

" Much as he had heard the conduct of the Duke of Wellington applauded, 
he should, on another occasion, take the opportunity of remarking upon it in 
a different way. If the noble duke were present, and if he attempted to 
defend his new opinions, he (Lord Mulgrave) would present to him his own 
protest ; and, in reply to the noble duke's arguments, he would read that 
protest paragraph by paragraph, and see how the noble duke could escape 
from it. Had those noble lords who had been called upon to form an ad- 
ministration plainly said to his Majesty — " We see that a measure of reform 
must be carried — we will therefore withdraw our opposition to it," would 
there, in such case, have been any thing like inconsistency on their parts in 
so doing ? He was glad to find, from what had fallen from the noble lords 
on the opposite benches, that there was not likely to be on their parts a 
pertinacious opposition to the measure of reform ; and if he recollected 
rightly the observations which had been made, it would appear the result 
of all that had passed was, that in a few days a measure would probably 
be passed, either by reformers or anti-reformers, which would tend to tran- 
quillize the country." 

The Marquis of Salisbury rose with great heat, to defend the 
duke, who had just left the house — 

" The statement that noble duke had made, reflected as much honour on 
him as it did disgrace on those pretended friends of the monarchy, who 
dared to insult their Sovereign, by offering him advice, which he did not 
scruple to pronounce highly treasonable, and one which, in other and better 
times, would have been instantly followed by the impeachment of those who 
tendered it. The time might yet come, when they would be called to the 
bar of the house, to answer for that advice ; but, at all events, he had the 
consolation of knowing that history would mark them as the destroyers of 
their country." 

After some more compliments to the duke from Lord Delawar, 
and some further deprecation of the creation of peers from Lord 
Roden, the order of the day for the further consideration of the 
bill was discharged, and the house adjourned. 

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, in answer to a ques- 
tion put by Mr. Paget, Lord Althorp said— 

" On Tuesday I stated to the house that my noble "friend, Earl Grey, had 
received a communication from his Majesty, and it was on that ground I 
suggested that it would be a convenient course for the house to adjourn 
over to this day. Now, Sir, I am not prepared at this moment to say that 
any arrangements consequent upon that communication have been completed ; 
but I hope that I may go so far as to state, that there is a probability that a 
satisfactory arrangement will take place. In the mean time, I trust that the 
house and the country will place this much confidence in the late adminis- 
tration — not to suppose that we would return to office, if we should not per- 
fectly know that we would be able to carry the reform bill, without any 
alteration in its essential and main principles.' 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BTLLS. 807 

Lord Ebrington expressed his gratification at the announcement, 
and at the same time impressed most strongly on Lord Althorp the 
necessity of bringing the arrangements to a speedy conclusion. 

Sir John Wrottesley took the same view. He rejoiced at the 
announcement, that there was a strong probability of Lord Grey 
returning to office ; but he at the same time much regretted that 
that return had not yet taken place. Alluding to a petition 
from Wolverhampton, which he had received for presentation, Sir 
John said — 

" In consequence of the situation of public affairs, a vast number of the 
petitioners and others of that town and district were thrown out of employ- 
ment : and if measures were not taken to put an end to the stagnation of 
trade, and the want of confidence throughout the country, the people would 
be driven to acts which, without the excitement of the most galling distress, 
they would not be capable of committing." 

On the following day, Friday, May the 18th, the reinstatement 
of Earl Grey and his colleagues in their official departments was 
certified in both houses, to the inexpressible joy of the whole 
country. The debate in the upper house was opened by the Arch- 
bishop of York, in a very pacific speech. His grace adverted, in 
feeling terms, to the violent excitement which prevailed in their 
debate on the preceding evening — if debate it could be called — 
excitement, to which, in unbecoming violence he had never wit- 
nessed any thing similar during the forty years of his political life, 
and which he fervently hoped he should never witness again. After 
commenting upon the bill at some length, and expressing his 
approbation of the enfranchising clause which gave members to 
such places as Leeds, Bradford, Halifax, Sheffield, Huddersfield, 
Wakefield, &c, he proceeded to say that it was with pain and 
sorrow he had that morning received a letter from the mayor of 
York, informing him that he had found it necessary to call in the 
military to assist in protecting his (the archbishop's) house and 
property at Bishopthorpe, from a mob, which had evidently assem- 
bled for purposes of destruction, and attributing their motive to the 
support his grace had given to Lord Lyndhurst's motion. 

The Duke of Rutland followed in a speech of considerable length, 
in which he eulogized the King in unmeasured terms, for the firm- 
ness and decision of character which he had manifested in a moment 
of the most trying difficulties to which perhaps a monarch was ever 
exposed, and by which he had proved himself to be a thorough- 



808 HISTORY OF THE 

bred son of George the Third, and a true descendant of the illus- 
trious house of Brunswick. (Cheers.) In the course of his speech, 
the noble duke displayed his intimate acquaintance with classical 
literature, by a most felicitous quotation from the historian of the 
Jugurthine war, relative to an excitement created by the ambition 
of a bold demagogue, who was raised to power by what the writer 
called a " cupientissima plebs," and sagely concluding that their 
lordships could not fail to see its applicability to Earl Grey. 

The noble premier then rose, and, in answer to a question put to 
him by the Earl of Harewood, whether ministers were to continue 
in office, said, " he had now the satisfaction to inform the house, 
that, in consequence of his Majesty's desire, graciously expressed 
to that effect, and in consequence of his now seeing those grounds 
of confident expectation of his being enabled to redeem his pledge 
of yesterday, not to continue in office unless he possessed an autho- 
rity which might afford security for passing the reform bill unim- 
paired in principle, and in all its essential details — in consequence 
of now finding himself able to state that he had a confident expec- 
tation of being able to pass the measure, and having received his 
Majesty's gracious commands to that effect, he had now to 
announce, that ministers were to continue in office. This declara- 
tion was received with loud cheering, which having subsided, the 
noble earl proceeded to say, that, in common with the Archbishop 
of York, he felt deep regret at the irritation and excitement dis- 
played on this subject — he lamented the factious shape which the 
question had assumed in recent debates, but thought he might in 
confidence throw it upon their lordships to say, whether he had 
done any thing to provoke such a spirit — nay, whether, on the pre- 
ceding evening, when exposed to a series of personal attacks not 
usual in that house, and by no means characterized by the proper 
feeling necessary to be maintained between noblemen — whether all 
he said was not perfectly exempt from personality and violence ? 
he concluded with proposing " that the house do resolve itself into 
a committee on the reform bill on Monday next." (Cheering.) 

The house was now successively addressed from the opposition 
benches, by Lord Winchilsea, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord 
Wharncliffe, and Lord Carnarvon, with only a slight interruption 
to their hostile declamation by a few clever defensive remarks from 
the Earl of Radnor. 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 809 

" In charity to these noble lords," says the editor of the Times, 
" we shall offer no comment on their imtemperate, inflammatory, 
and dangerous effusions. The Roman senate (if we may be 
allowed the Duke of Rutland's parliamentary privilege of resorting 
to our school common-place-book,) in important conjunctions of 
the republic, were in the habit of assembling in ' the temple of 
Concord/ on whose altar the peers of Rome were supposed to sacri- 
fice their factious interests and their angry passions. The nobles 
of our English senate, though convoked under more sacred aus- 
pices, though attended by functionaries of a more holy character 
than heathen priests, and though professing the language of peace 
and conciliation, shew that they have never approached the altar 
of Concord, or have never felt any of its inspiration. Judging from 
the defiance hurled against the people, and the violence displayed 
by the anti-reforming lords towards that part of their "order" which 
supports the popular cause, we should have thought, that on the 
last two evenings the British senate had been assembled in the 
" Temple of Furies," rather than in that of " Concord." 

In the commons, Lord Althorp gave the same explanation as 
Earl Grey did in the peers ; and there, of course, it was received 
with satisfaction by a great proportion of the members. If the 
desired result had not been communicated, Lord Milton was at 
his post to do his duty. Sir Robert Peel was the principal actor 
on the occasion. He seemed to exert himself, to demonstrate the 
truth of the proverb, u that friends are often more dangerous than 
enemies." But of the conduct of the Tamworth baronet, in this 
instance, we have already spoken — and therefore need not enlarge. 

The annunciation of Earl Grey's return to office spread like 
wildfire throughout the kingdom, and every where diffused the 
most lively joy. Meetings were instantly convened, and addresses 
of congratulation drawn up, seconded, and passed, thanking the 
ministers for their uncompromising fidelity to the cause of the 
people, and approving their conduct in the most unqualified terms. 
So numerous were these meetings, that, to present the reader with 
only a bare catalogue of them, would require pages of our work ; 
a meagre abstract must suffice. 

Amongst all the meetings that have taken place, from first to 
last, those of Birmingham stand out in proud and unrivalled 
eminence. The last which we have to record, was that which took 

4l 



810 HISTORY OF THE 

place on Wednesday, and which was called together by the joyful 
tidings conveyed by Mr. Parkes and his honourable coadjutors, 
who formed the first deputation to London, that Earl Grey's recall 
had been determined on. " There was never witnessed," say 
the accounts, " on any previous occasion, so universal or extrava- 
gant a display of enthusiasm. We saw many floods of tears — 
tears of joy — and the heartiest interchange of gratulation. The 
state of the town at nine o'clock was most important ; each per- 
son, early in possession of the cause of public rejoicing, was busy 
in imparting the grateful news. Printed placards instantly ap- 
peared, calling on the people to meet, and rally round the standard 
of the premier. To the honour of the town, the first move of 
numbers -was to Harbourne, the residence of Mr. Thomas Attwood, 
three miles from Birmingham. Immediately near his house, and on 
the roads adjacent, great masses of people were in motion. At ten 
o'clock a large procession of music and banners proceeded from his 
house, Mr. Attwood riding in a carriage drawn by four horses (sent 
for him from Birmingham,) attended on his right in the carriage 
by Mr. Joseph Parkes, on his left by Mr. Boultbee, and by several 
other of his personal friends, and his sons in the carriage and 
dickey. As the procession came within a mile of Birmingham, up- 
wards of 50,000 inhabitants met them, with a forest of banners and 
the bands of the Union." 

There is one feature in this meeting, which is more worthy of 
recording than either its numbers or its speeches, and to which no 
parallel is to be found in our history — no, not even in the religious 
but fanatical and fierce times of the Commonwealth and of the 
Covenanters. When the vast multitude had assembled at New- 
hall Hill, Mr. Attwood said — " My dear friends, I feel so much 
gratitude to Almighty God for the escape which the nation has 
had from a most tremendous revolution, that I cannot help wishing 
that our reverend friend near me would publicly return thanks to 
our merciful and beneficent Creator for the success of our righteous 
cause." 

No sooner was this intimation made by the Chairman, than all 
hats were taken off ; a solemn silence pervaded the immense as- 
sembly ; and the Rev. Hugh Hutton, standing forward, offered up 
the following fervent petition to Him by whom kings rule and 
princes decree judgment — 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 811 

" O Lord God Almighty, who orderest the affairs of all men, behold thy 
" people before thee with grateful and rejoicing hearts, looking up to thee 
"as the Author of every blessing. We thank thee for the great deliverance 
" thou hast wrought out for us, and the great and bloodless victory which 
" thou hast conferred. We thank thee, the God of all blessings, for deliver- 
*' ing us from the bonds of our oppressors, and the designs of designing and 
" bloody-minded men. Imbue, we beseech thee, the hearts of all now as- 
" sembled with a spirit of Christian benevolence, so that in the hour of our 
" triumph we may cheerfully forgive all our enemies and oppressors. Grant 
" that we may so use and improve the great privileges thou hast conferred 
" upon us, that we may secure them to us and our children, for thy glory, 
" and for the universal benefit of the family of man. Accept, we beseech 
'' thee, through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the thanksgivings and 
" petitions of thy humble creatures ; and to thy Name be ascribed all the 
« glory. May thy blessing rest on the proceedings of this day, and more es- 
" pecially on him called to preside at this glorious meeting of emancipated 
" and exulting freemen. May the feeling of all hearts be more united in the 
" glorious cause in which we have engaged, and, through thy blessing, enjoy 
" a more abundant victory !" 

And fifty thousand voices responded " Amen \" 
On Monday, the following declaration was unanimously agreed 
to by the Council of the Union — 

" We, the undersigned, think it necessary, in this awful crisis of our country's 
fate, to make known to our fellow-countrymen the alarm and horror with which 
we are impressed by the report of the Duke of Wellington's having been placed 
at the head of his Majesty's councils. We entertain this alarm and horror 
on the following grounds — First, the Duke of Wellington's general avowal of 
arbitrary principles. Second, his speech against all reform, made only about a 
year and half ago. Third, his protest against the reform bill, as entered on the 
journals of the House of Lords, on the 1 7th of April last. Fourth, his reported 
expressions in the late parliament, amounting to those of regret that the Irish 
people " would not" break the law. Fifth, his being a pensioner of foreign 
despots; and, as such, exposed to their influence, and unfit to govern a free 
people. Sixth, his conduct to Marshal Ney, who was murdered by the Bourbon 
government, in violation of the convention of Paris, notwithstanding his appeal 
to the Duke of Wellington, who had signed that convention. Seventh, his 
general support of arbitrary power on the continent of Europe, and the certainty 
that his policy, if he be true to his principles, will necessarily involve the nation 
in unjust and ruinous wars against the liberties of Europe. Eighth, his utter 
incompetency to govern England by any other means than by the sword, which 
has never yet been, and never will be, submitted to by the British people. 
For these and various other reasons, we hereby solemnly declare our fixed deter- 
mination to use all the means which the constitution and the law have placed 
at our disposal, to induce his Majesty to reject from his councils that faction, 
at the head of which is the Duke of Wellington, who have, by their arbitrary 
principles, excited the distrust and abhorrence of the whole population of the 
United Kingdom ; and we declare our firm conviction that the public excitement 
and agitation can never be allayed uniil the great bill of reform shall be carried 
into law by that administration by whose wisdom and virtue it was first intro- 
duced. These are our fixed and unalterable sentiments; and we hereby appeal 
to all our fellow-countrymen throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, and 
we confidently call on them to unite with us, and to sign this our solemn de- 
claration in support of the liberty and the happiness of our country." 



812 HISTORY OF THE 

Wolverhampton followed with becoming spirit the example of Bir- 
mingham. The news of Lord Grey's resignation reached the town 
on Wednesday, and on Monday the meeting of reformers took place. 
The resolutions, with a petition to the commons and an address to 
Earl Grey, passed of course unanimously. Mr. R. Fryer (the 
chairman,) Mr. Pearson, and the Reverend J. Roaf, were appointed 
a deputation to carry up the address. 

Bristol met for the second time on Monday evening ; when, to 
the general joy, a letter was received from Mr. Protheroe, announcing 
the consolatory fact, that the Duke had been left alone in the glory to 
which he aspired, not being able to find a single person that would 
join his would-be ministry. The meeting consisted of the towns- 
people who are reformers ; the Political Union, led on by Mr. Hera- 
path ; and the reform committee, headed by Dr. Carpenter. Mr. 
Taunton the barrister was in the chair. 

A numerous meeting took place on Monday at Leeds. An 
attempt appears to have been made by the Tories, through the me- 
dium of a barrister named Robert Hall, and the editor of the radical 
newspaper, Mr. Foster, to produce a split; but this respectable 
coalition between the Wellingtonites and the Huntites, only stimu- 
lated the honest men of Leeds to do their duty with more decision. 
We need not observe, that Mr. Foster's intelligence was defective 
on this occasion ; his leader, Mr. Hunt, has expressed himself 
decidedly against the duke. Mr. Hall came forward to the meeting, 
but he was not allowed to speak ; and he retired, or was driven out 
rather, with his coat torn from his back. This was wrong — as he 
appeared for the duke, his coat ought to have been turned only. 
The Leeds meeting was held in the Coloured Cloth Hall court ; it 
is said to have consisted of at least 30,000 souls. 

In Liverpool there was a numerous and important meeting on 
Monday ; Lord Molyneux in the chair. The resolutions were moved, 
among others, by Mr. W. Currie, Colonel Williams, and Mr.Thornley, 
the man who ought to have been member for Liverpool instead of 
Lord Sandon. The meeting was held in Clayton Square, which was 
nearly filled. At Manchester, on the same day, there was a meet- 
ing important in every respect, but especially for the spirit exhibited 
by the operatives there. 

In Scotland, a numerous and most respectable preliminary meet- 
ing of not less than 500 gentlemen met at the Waterloo Rooms, 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 813 

Edinburgh, on Friday, Sir James Gibson Craig in the chair ; and 
on Tuesday, another open-air meeting was held on the same spot 
as the former. This meeting is described as much larger than the 
first. " We cannot form a correct estimate of the number," says 
the Weekly Journal, a paper cautious in such matters ; " but, if 
40,000 were present at the former meeting, we should suppose that 
not less than 60,000, or upwards, were assembled on this occasion, 
as the multitude not only occupied a greater space, but seemed 
much more closely wedged together." This meeting took place at 
a moment when the universal impression in Edinburgh was, that the 
Duke of Wellington was again in power. Sir T. D. Lauder, 
baronet, presided. Mr. J. A. Murray, who presided at the last 
meeting, addressed the multitudes on a subject which many of his 
auditors could well sympathize in, for not a few of them recollect 
the dark times of which in England the people have but a faint 
idea compared with the inhabitants of Scotland — 

" I do not wish to revive the remembrance of the old calamities and dis- 
tresses of my country, and I would never have alluded to them, if it were not 
as a caution to all — to all, even the most imprudent and most unwary. Be- 
ware of such times ; they may occur again ; and I say, follow the wise course 
— follow the path of the law, and then I say you will be safe. But you ask 
me how ? Say nothing in private which you would not now say, as I say, in pre- 
sence of thousands. Do nothing in secret, which you woidd not do in the open face 
of day. Then, I say, you will be safe. And consider that the person who 
acts otherwise, and who shews violence, and who forgets the safeguard of 
the law, is not merely sacrificing himself, but he comes unconsciously and 
unwarily to be the cause of triumph to the enemies of it ; he is the source of 
all the triumph to them, and of all the evil to you. If these cannot be the 
means of getting such men brought forward — and in all probability, if times 
grow worse, it will be attempted — they will be reduced to the necessity of 
hanging their own spies ". 

The petition agreed upon at the meeting, calling on the House 
of Commons to refuse the supplies, was signed, between the hours 
of seven and ten o'clock the same evening, by about 17,000 indi- 
viduals. The meeting commenced at two o'clock, and terminated 
at half-past five. 

The inhabitants of Dundee, to the number of ten or twelve 
thousand, and headed by the magistracy, met in the Magdalen 
Yard on Saturday; Provost Lindsay in the chair. The petition, 
carried by acclamation, says — 

" That the people are prepared to hazard every thing, rather than submit longer 
to be misgoverned and oppressed by an unprincipled oligarchy ;" and it prays the 
House of Commons " to adopt such constitutional measures, by addressing 
his Majesty, and should this prove of no avail, by withholding the supplies, 



814 HISTORY OF THE 

refusing to pass the mutiny act, or otherwise, as will render it impossible for 
any set of men, professing and acting on the principles of the majority of the 
House of Lords, to retain the powers of government." 

The good folks of Glasgow met on Saturday, in the Green, 
There was an immense array of flags, most of them bordered with 
crape, and thirty or forty entirely black. The meeting was the 
largest ever assembled in that town. Sir John Maxwell, of Pol- 
lock, was in the chair. Throughout Scotland, many of the gentry 
have earned for themselves lasting credit, for the readiness with 
which they have met the people, and acted with the people. On 
leaving the Green, three flags, bearing the effigies of his Majesty, 
were burnt, and the bare poles carried home instead. The prayer 
of the Glasgow petition runs thus — 

" May it therefore please your honourable house to withhold all supplies 
from the public money, till measures are adopted for securing either the 
reform bills in all their efficiency, or a more extensive measure of the same 
kind ; which we earnestly submit ought to be effected by the recall of Earl 
Grey and his colleagues to office, of which they have proved themselves so 
highly worthy.' - ' 

At Paisley, the inhabitants met in the open air on Saturday. 
In the course of the meeting, Mr. Spiers said — he put no trust in 
princes, and he put trust in no man who was under petticoat 
government. Mr. Spiers urged obedience to the laws ; but if they 
did not get reform, he would be the first to pay his taxes " at the 
Cross of Renfrew ;" that is, he would not pay them at all. Mr. 
Ritchie trusted the people of Scotland would follow the precedent 
of their forefathers, and join in a solemn league and covenant to 
abstain from all taxed articles. 

Pursuant to adjournment, the peers met on Monday, May the 21st, 
to consider the bill in committee ; and now, to adopt the words of 
a weekly journalist, " the victory which the energy of his country- 
men and his own good sense had gained, was followed up by Earl 
Grey with equal moderation and firmness. The bill moved swiftly 
to its consummation. Many were the trials that had attended the 
progress of the great measure towards this long-wished-for point. 
Scarce had the vessel " fraught with a nation's hopes" left the 
harbour, when it took the ground : setting forth once more with a 
brisk and favourable breeze, it had completed three-fourths of its 
long and perilous voyage, when an adverse gale compelled it to 
put back : fitted out once more, its crew still as hearty, and more 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 815 

prudent, it doubled the cape where it had formerly been stayed : 
but hardly had it struggled through this difficulty, when a sudden 
squall from off the land laid it on its beam-ends, and compelled its 
gallant navigators to take to the boats, and leave it to its fate. 
But the good ship was not foundered, though it was distressed. The 
squall soon passed away ; the sun again shone out ; the crew leaped 
on board once more — fresh trimmed their sails ; and now, with a 
smooth sea and a flowing sheet, studding-sails alow and aloft, 
and the haven in view, they moved onward to the great reward 
which is laid up for all those that plan wisely, and labour honestly 
and perseveringly. 

" The lords went into committee on Monday. The inverted 
order in which they had determined, at the suggestion of my Lord 
Lyndhurst, to take the schedules, was of course persevered in ; but 
in how different a spirit from that in which he meant they should 
be ! — Schedule C was voted, up to the Tower Hamlets, at the first 
sitting. The Tower Hamlets, on which the question of the 
metropolitan districts depended, a question which, three little 
weeks ago, was the subject of so much and well-grounded solicitude, 
— was discussed on Tuesday, and divided upon : but, oh ! what a 
falling off was there ! Out of 155 barrons bold, who rallied round 
the chief baron of the exchequer on the 10th, only 36 answered 
to the whistle of the " tame elephant" on the 22d. On Wednesday, 
the faction adventured on a second division ; when the 36 dropped 
to 15. On Thursday night, there was, as the Stock Exchange people 
express themselves, a slight rally; and on a third division they 
mustered 23 ! Seventy-one clauses of the bill — the whole except 
the first and second — are already discussed. Schedules A and B 
must be read over — they can hardly provoke a debate. In a 
very few days, therefore, the bill will have gone through that ordeal 
which looked so fearful at a distance, and has been found so insig- 
nificant on approaching it. 

" The ultimate causes of the change which has come over the 
dreams of the opposition lords, are — first, the energy of the people ; 
second, the exceedingly wise and dignified conduct of Earl Grey ; 
third, the steadiness of the House of Commons. The proximate 
cause was doubtless the sincere attachment of the King to reform, 
and the strong appeal made through his private secretary to the 
anti-reform peers, calling on them to forego their opposition to the 



816 HISTORY OF THE 

bill.* It was this appeal, backed by his known confidence in Lord 
Grey, which led more than one hundred peers to withdraw on 
Thursday last, with the Duke of Wellington, after his weak and 
blustering speech, in which he shewed his equal inability to go on 
with boldness or to retreat with dignity. The secession was at the 
moment looked upon as a mere compliment to the duke ; it turns 
out to have been a real and substantial withdrawal." 

On Monday, June. the 4th, Earl Grey moved the third reading 
of the reform bill, when, after a short speech from Lord Winchilsea, 
and a long one from Lord Harrowby, to both of which Earl Grey 
made a most spirited reply — the Lord Chancellor put the question, 
that the bill be read a third time ; and it did not appear for some 
moments that the house meant to divide upon it. On Earl Grey, 
however, moving that the bill " do pass," Lord Roden remarked, 
that the third reading was not yet carried. Strangers were accord- 
ingly ordered to withdraw, and their lordships divided ; when the 
numbers were reported — content 106 — not content 22 — ministerial 
majority 84. The whole of the 128 peers were present — there 
were no proxies. One or two verbal amendments having been 
made by way of rider, the bill was then passed, and ordered to the 
commons. The amendments were agreed to on the following day 
(Tuesday ;) and on Thursday, June the 7th, the royal assent was 
given to it— by commission. 

The history of the reform bills for Scotland and Ireland is easily 
given. The Scotch bill was brought in by the Lord Advocate on 
Friday, January the 20th, read a first time, and ordered to be read 
a second time on Friday, the 3d of February. The slow progress, 
however, of the English reform bill, added to a prodigious influx 
of other business before the house, prevented its being brought for- 
ward again until Monday, May 21st, when it was read a second 
time, and ordered into committee. During the discussions which 
arose upon it, Mr. Fyshe Palmer, the member for Reading, took 

* The following copy of Sir Herbert Taylor's letter appeared first in the 
Age. It seems to be regarded as pretty nearly correct — 

" St. James's Palace, May 17, 1832. 

"My dear Lord — I am honoured with his Majesty's commands to acquaint 
your lordship, that all difficulties to the arrangements in progress will be ob- 
viated by a declaration in the house to-night, from a sufficient number of peers, 
that, in consequence of the present state of affairs, they have come to the reso- 
lution of dropping their further opposition to the reform bill, so that it may 
pass without delay, and as nearly as possible in its present shape. I have 
the honour to be your's sincerely. " Hebbisrt Taylor." 



PASSING OF THE REFORM BILLS. 817 

occasion to allude to the well-known cases of Messrs. Muir and 
Palmer, who forty years ago got transported to Botany Bay, for 
advocating that very measure which the British parliament was 
now granting. " These gentlemen had encouraged the people of 
Scotland to petition for their rights, and for this they were punished. 
Their object, to quote their own words, was — to claim for them- 
selves a full, fair, and free representation of the people in parlia- 
ment. These very words were now ringing from one end of Scot- 
land to the other ; and for using them were Muir and Palmer sent 
to Botany Bay. They were sentenced to be transported for using 
words that were now idolized throughout Scotland. They were 
treated as if they had been guilty of highway robbery. They were 
sent to the hulks ; where he had visited Mr. Palmer, and found 
him loaded with irons, and placed amidst housebreakers, footpads, 
and highwaymen. These men were punished for saying that Scot- 
land was entitled to a full and fair representation. That was forty 
years ago. What a change had now taken place ! The actions for 
which men were then punished, were now idolized throughout the 
country. What had brought about this change ? Had not perse- 
cution tried to prevent it ? Banishment had been tried ; every 
punishment had been tried ; but they had not prevented the effect 
of those principles which were calculated to benefit society. The 
measure of reform was now beyond the power of man to stop it ; 
and he was convinced that it was calculated to add to the happi- 
ness of the people." Little opposition was made to the bill in its 
progress through the two houses, and on Friday, August 3d, 1832, 
the bill received the royal assent. 

The Irish reform bill was introduced by Mr* Stanley, on Thurs- 
day, January the 19th, in a plain, solid, statesman-like speech, in 
which he took a review of the bill in all its ramifications, and 
explained its various bearings. The Irish members cried out 
lustily for an increased number of members : but Lord Althorp was 
proof against their importunity. The bill advanced pari passu 
with that of Scotland, and having passed both houses, received the 
royal assent on the 7th of August, 1832. 



b m 



818 STATE OF IRELAND. 

Section XII. — State of Ireland in 1832, and Proceedings in 
Parliament for its Amelioration. — Cursory Review of the State 
of England. 

Some little notice has been taken of the condition of Ireland, 
during the year 1831, in our former volume;* but it will be 
proper, in this place, to resume the subject, and bring it more pro- 
minently forwards. 

Ireland is an important member of the British empire, and her 
population is treble that of Scotland. The inhabitants speak our 
language, are governed by the same laws, and enjoy the blessings 
of the same constitution as the people on this side the channel — yet 
how different is their moral and social state from that of Britons ! 
As regards the advantages of soil and climate, and whatever is 
calculated by nature and art to contribute to human happiness, 
Ireland is no way inferior to England, while it is much supe- 
rior to Scotland ; yet, in point of civilization and social order, 
what reflecting mind can contemplate it without feelings of pun- 
gent grief ? Whatever may be the other latent causes that con- 
tribute to this, it cannot be denied that much is to be attributed 
to the ecclesiastical establishment with which its inhabitants are 
saddled — of which the tithe system forms an integral part. This, 
at any rate, constitutes the present burden of complaint, and of 
that we shall first treat. 

It can scarcely be necessary to tell our readers, that the great 
mass of the Irish population are professedly Roman Catholics, 
in comparison of whom the Protestants, for the use of whose 
clergy the tithes are collected, are a mere fraction. We cannot 
better illustrate this point than by a short extract from a work 
lying on our table. 

" In the diocese of Graigue, at a late census, there were, Catholics, 7441 
— Not Catholics, 127. Tithes, £1,600 a year, with two houses and glebes, 
independent of a church cess of £60 a year ! 

" Killaben, (same diocese,) Catholics, 5,855— Not Catholics, E26. Tithes, 
1,400 a year. 

" Geashill and Ballycane, (same diocese,) Catholics, 7,559 — Not Catholics, 
1,140. Tithes, £1,705 a year, with a glebe of ninety-one acres, besides a 
church cess of threepence an acre on 22,500 acres. 

" Castletown, (diocese of Killaloa,) Catholics, 2,798 — Not Catholics 12, 
Tithes, £1,081 a year, with a glebe of three acres, and a church cess of two- 
pence an* acre On fifteen thousand acres. 

* See Life and Times of William IV., p. 672. 



STATE OF IRELAND. 819 

" Kinvarra, Catholics, 4,376— Not Catholics, 2. Tithes, £360 a year. The 
clergyman being paid, we suppose, for educating (query, edifying ?) himself 
and his wife. 

" Yet even this solution fails in Kilmoon — Catholics, 769 — Not Catholics, 
. Tithes £300 a year ! and off Catholics !" 

This is surely sufficient to demonstrate the badness of the sys- 
tem. Indeed, the main thing to be wondered at is, that it should 
have been tolerated so long. The people of Ireland have, during the 
present year, by one grand movement, brought the evil nearly to an 
end — they refuse to pay tithes any longer. The minds of the educated 
as well as the uneducated, have been roused to inquire into the 
nature of the impost ; and the country has declared that it will 
no longer submit to such a heavy, unearned, contumelious load. 
Men who, on religious grounds, object to the payment of tithes, 
and men who oppose them on economical principles, have now 
found willing auditors. O'Connell has taught his countrymen how 
to vindicate their rights in a legal and constitutional manner. 
The consequence is, that, over, at least, one-third of Ireland, — 
throughout Leinster, in the western district of Ulster, and in dif- 
ferent parts of Connaught — the people have resolved that tithe 
leviers may take it if they can. The orders to pay are not com- 
plied with, the distresses executed are not resisted, but no person 
will buy the distrained chattels. 

The first decided opposition to the payment of tithe took place 
in the parish of Graigue, on the borders of Kilkenny and Carlow, 
in November, 1830. The subsequent progress up to the present 
year is beyond the limits of our retrospect. It has gone on in- 
creasing since January. In the course of February, several meet- 
ings to petition against tithes were held in the county of Carlow. 
There was a meeting in almost every barony of Wexford. But 
the spirit of resistance has spread beyond the boundaries of Lein- 
ster. The inhabitants of the parishes of Kilworth, Kilcrumper, 
Macrony, and Leitrim, in the county of Cork, met on the 26th 
of February, to petition against the present oppressive system. 
Both Protestants and Catholics convened for a similar purpose at 
Atheney, and other parishes in the county of Galway, on the same 
day Even the inhabitants of Pettigo, in the distant Donegal, 
transmitted a memorial to Government on this all-absorbing ques- 
tion, by the hands of the military commandant of the district. 
But the most imposing of all the meetings were those of Graigue, 



820 STATE OE IRELAND. 

Naas near Dublin, and the Curragh of Kildare ; at each of which 
upwards of ten thousand men appeared. 

These proceedings of the manly resident landlords and yeo- 
manry of Ireland must not be confounded with the outrages com- 
mitted under the pretext of the tithe cause. Such excesses are, 
perhaps, inseparable from moments of popular excitement. We hear, 
indeed, of hurlers, of proctors beaten, and threatening notices ; but 
it is a great mistake to suppose that these are any more than the 
eruptions which attend any great change in the constitution of the 
body politic. So far from being the result of the system, they 
are directly opposed to it in spirit and practice — they may retard 
its success, but they can do it no good. The system now pursued 
by the anti-tithe payers in Ireland is the very reverse of violence — 
it is humble submission to the law — it is the extremity of passive 
obedience, but dictated by the most determined spirit of resist- 
ance. The cattle are seized — impounded — brought to auction ; 
but a plague seems upon them — no one will bid a shilling — no 
one will buy them. Tithe had been branded on them by the 
owner the moment they were seized ! A Roman could not shun 
with greater horror any thing devoted to the infernal gods, than 
a whole people the cattle branded with that single word. They 
are driven to Dublin under a guard, and there shipped for Liver- 
pool ; but their evil fame is gone before them, the obnoxious word 
is on them, and there, too, no buyer can be found. The conse- 
quence is, that no cattle are seized ; and tithes are, therefore, appa- 
rently at an end. 

On the 11th of January, the Earl of.Gosford announced to 
government an assault committed a few days before upon some 
of the tithe-drivers in the parish of Croggan, county of Armagh. 
On Thursday, the 13th, a body of two thousand men paraded the 
barony of Ennisowen, in the county of Donegal, in a violent and 
threatening manner, and attacked the house of an individual. 
On the 23d, they collected in yet greater numbers at Carndonagh, 
and broke the windows of the lieutenant of police, exclaiming 
they would not pay rent, tithes, nor taxes, until O'Connell had 
got new laws for Ireland. A party, estimated at seven thousand 
men, assembled in like manner at Clonmanny on the 24th, and 
obliged the tithe agent, by threats, to refund what he had col- 
lected. Rockite notices were posted liberally throughout the four 



STATE OF IRELAND. 821 

provinces. Sir John Hervey, inspector-general of police for the 
province of Leinster, states in his evidence before the committee 
on tithes, that by directing the whole force of military and police 
which government couid bring to bear upon the county of Kil- 
kenny upon Graigue for two months incessantly, he had not been 
able to collect above one- third of the arrears of tithe due in that 
parish alone. The Rev. Hans Hamilton stated to the same com- 
mittee, that the disturbed districts (meaning thereby those also in 
which the opposition was entirely passive) must be proclaimed, 
and " an overwhelming force of military and police poured in 
upon them, or tithes must be abandoned ;" and to do the reverend 
gentleman justice, he seemed no way disinclined to the adoption 
of the first alternative ! 

A privy council met at the Castle on the 15th of February, con- 
sisting of one earl and one soldier, the rest clergymen and lawyers, 
which declared that certain districts of Kilkenny and Queen's 
county were in a state of disturbance, and required an extraordi- 
nary establishment of police ; and this laid the foundation for Mr. 
Stanley to promulgate his arms-bill to a wondering senate. In the 
mean time, a select committee having been appointed by the lords 
to take into their consideration the subject of Irish tithes, their 
report was brought up on Thursday, March the 8th, by the Mar- 
quis of Lansdown. In recommending to their lordships certain 
resolutions founded on the report, the noble marquis went into a 
view of the facts connected with resistance to tithes in Ireland, 
the effects of that resistance, and the inferences arising out of both, 
in as far as they were connected with a legislative remedy. In 
proof of the systematic opposition to tithes, he read the evidence of 
the Rev. S. J. Roberts, and two other clergymen, which proved, 
not only that the resistance had spread to Tipperary, Kilkenny, 
Carlow, Wicklow, Queen's County, and Kildare, but that it was 
rapidly extending in other parts of southern and western Ireland. 
The marquis cited, in corroboration of these statements, the evidence 
of Colonel Harvey, Mr. Fitzgerald, and Mr. Green, magistrates of 
Tipperary, and of Major Tandy, a magistrate of Kildare. His 
lordship quoted from Major Tandy's evidence an instance of the 
resistance ; - 

" AtMaynooth, there were processes served upon different persons, and the 
process-server came to me (Major Tandy,) and told me that lie received two 
threatening- letters through the post-office, to deter him from going to May- 



822 STATE OF IRELAND. 

nooth. I told him he should have every protection. The man went there, 
and when the tithe case came to be called on, the attorney declined to pro- 
ceed. He told me that he was afraid to proceed ; that he received two 
threatening letters, forwarded to his house in Dublin, through the post-office, 
and that he went to one of the principal clergymen by whom he was employed, 
and shewed him those letters ; and this clergyman said, '- 1 see your life is in 
danger, and therefore I will not press you to proceed upon it." The con- 
sequence was, that this gentleman was afraid to proceed upon any of the 
tithe cases, and they all fell to the ground, to the number of a hundred and 
sixty." 

Lord Lansdown proceeded to lay before the house the plans which 
government proposed, namely, to give relief to the suffering clergy, 
according to a scale laid down in the appendix to the report, allot- 
ting a larger proportion to the poorer, and a smaller proportion to 
the richer among them ; to adopt such measures as might be 
necessary for the prompt and effective enforcement of the law, in 
order to remunerate government for the sums thus advanced to the 
clergy — to substitute for the present mode of paying the clergy, 
one which might be generally acceptable to the people. After 
some general observations on the tithe system, the noble marquis 
quoted the evidence of Archbishop Whately, to shew the impossi- 
bility of its continuing on its present footing. 

" As for the continuance of the tithe system," says his grace/' it seems to 
me that it must be at the point of the bayonet — that it must be through a sort 
of chronic civil war. The ill-feelings that have so long existed against it, 
have been embodied in so organized a combination, that I conceive there 
would be continual breakings-out of resistance, which must be kept down by 
a continuance of very severe measures, such as the government might indeed 
resolve to have recourse to for once, if necessary, but would be very unwilling 
to resort to habitually, so as to keep the country under military government." 

The same subject was taken up in the Commons, where Mr. 
Stanley went over much the same ground as Lord Lansdown had 
done ; he then moved a series of resolutions, the last of which was 
to this effect : " That it is the opinion of this house, that with a 
view to secure both the interests of the church and the lasting 
welfare of Ireland, a permanent change of system will be required ; 
and that such a change, to be satisfactory, must involve a complete 
extinction of tithes, including those belonging to lay impropriators, 
by commuting them for a charge upon land, or an exchange for, 
or an investment in, land." 

These resolutions elicited some very warm discussions, and ended 
in Mr. Stanley's bringing in a bill, but not before the beginning of 
July, which had for its object to commute the payment of tithes in 
Ireland on an agreed composition. The bill elbowed its way 



STATE OP ENGLAND. 823 

through the commons, was read a third time on Monday, August 
the 6th, and sent up to the lords, where it passed without let or 
opposition — his Grace the Duke of Wellington praying their lord- 
ships to express their sense of its value by their unanimity. What 
wonders it is to work for the peace of Ireland, are yet in the womb 
of time. 

It is apparent that a reform of a most searching nature impends 
over the ecclesiastical establishment of Ireland. The opposition to 
the payment of tithes continues and spreads. One tithe-meeting 
has already been held, at which a deputy-lieutenant of a county 
presided. The language of the opponents of the Establishment 
grows daily bolder ; and the final settlement of the question is left 
to a reformed parliament. As soon as that body meets, ministers 
will be obliged to declare themselves ; at present they have the 
apology of standing between an inimical court and an uncertain 
parliament. We shall, at this time, only observe further on this 
subject, that Mr. Sadler in the Commons, and Lord Roden in the 
House of Peers, have both been making a parade of their favourite 
remedies. 

Since the present administration came into office, various other 
measures for the relief of Ireland have been brought forward ; 
among which are, " A Bill for consolidating and amending the laws 
relative to Jurors and Juries in Ireland ;" and " A Bill to repeal 
an Act &c. entitled ' an Act to amend the law of Ireland, respecting 
the Assignment and Subletting of Lands and Tenements, and to 
substitute other provisions in lieu thereof;" " An Act to extend 
the Jurisdiction of Civil Bill Courts in Ireland, from the late Irish 
Currency to the present Currency of the Realm ;" and " An Act 
to enable his Majesty's Post-master-general to extend the accom- 
modation by post, and regulate the Privilege of Franking in 
Ireland." And if to these we add the Irish Education Bill, it will 
appear that that part of the empire has received no small share of 
attention from ministers. 

State of England. 

The riotous proceedings which took place at Bristol, Not- 
tingham, Derby, &c. towards the end of the year 1831, have been 
adverted to in our previous volume,* and need not be here 
* Life and Times of William the Fourth, p. 732 — 7 12. 



824 STATE OF ENGLAND. 

repeated ; but the melancholy consequences which ensued could 
not there be narrated, and of course remain to be placed upon 
record. 

On Monday, January the 2nd, a special commission was opened 
at Bristol, for the purpose of investigating the late disgraceful 
proceedings in that city ; on which occasion, Chief Justice Tindal, 
Mr. Justice Bosanquet, and Mr. Justice Taunton presided. The 
grand jury having been impanelled, found true bills against a 
number of individuals who were already in custody. More than 
twenty were convicted, and sentenced to death ; but the extreme 
penalty of the law was allowed to take its course on only three or 
four, and the rest, nineteen in number, were transported for life. 

But that which more especially engaged public attention in this 
affair was, a court-martial held on Colonel Brereton, who had 
the command of a military force stationed in Bristol at the time of 
the riots. A preliminary court of inquiry had been held, for 
the purpose of ascertaining whether there appeared to exist any ground 
of blame on the part of the military in this instance, and the result 
was the putting of the commanding officer upon his trial. The 
charges against him were, that during a state of extraordinary tumult 
and insurrection he had mingled with the mob, entered into familiar 
conversation with them, shook hands with the ringleaders, and done 
all he could to persuade them to go home quietly ; by which mistaken 
kindness he had encouraged rather than checked their outrage on 
the peace and order of the city. On the other hand, the Colonel 
contended, that he had not sufficient authority from the magistrates 
to tire upon the mob. 

The court-martial commenced its proceedings on Monday, 
January the 9th; and on the morning of Friday the 13th, the 
unhappy gentleman despatched himself by a pistol-shot — prema- 
turely terminating the military investigation. It had been re- 
marked in Court, that he seemed deeply dejected by the nature of 
the evidence given on Thursday; but no suspicion was entertained of 
the effect which it seems to have had on his understanding. From 
the commencement of the court-martial he had taken up his resi- 
dence at Reeves' Hotel, where he spent the evening of Thursday, 
and retired to his own house, Redfield-lodge, Lawrence Hill, a 
cottage on the Bath Road, about eleven o'clock, p. m. About 
twelve he retired to his bed-room, where, as is usual with military 



STATE OF ENGLAND. 825 

men, he laid his pistols on the table. From twelve till three 
o'clock, the Colonel appears to have been engaged : in writing 
a statement which he had drawn up, it is supposed in that interval, 
occupied half a quire of paper. About a quarter before three 
o'clock, the report of a pistol-shot was heard in Colonel Brereton's 
room ; and his valet having entered it on the alarm being given, 
the unfortunate gentleman was found stretched on the bed lifeless : 
the pistol had been pointed to his side with so true an aim, that the 
ball had passed directly through the heart. 

Colonel Brereton was very respectably connected, and was 
about fifty-two years of age, thirty-three of which had been spent 
in the army. Though never present in any remarkable engage- 
ment, he had acquired the reputation of being a trust-worthy and 
meritorious officer. He served at the Cape of Good Hope during 
the government of Lord Charles Somerset. Appointed to the 
command of a regiment on the Caffre frontier, which was reported 
to be in a state of subordination, he was entrusted by the gover- 
nor with the command of the whole frontier. The officers of his 
regiment presented him, through Sir Henry Torrens, with a sword 
valued at two hundred guineas. He had been eight years in- 
specting field-officer of the Bristol district. He was a widower, 
and left two daughters, of very tender years, to mourn the loss of 
a kind and tender parent. From the whole of his conduct during 
the riots, indeed, he appears to have been an eminently humane 
man ; and his private life seems to have been distinguished by 
acts of benignity and kindness of heart. When his death was 
made known in the neighbourhood where he* resided, his loss was 
generally bewailed as that of a benefactor. He has been blamed 
as deficient in the great military principle of decision ; but it 
ought to be recollected, that, in his last military acts, he was sur- 
rounded by difficulties, such as probably never before surrounded 
a military officer ; and it is equally necessary to recollect, that all 
the civilians who gave evidence against him, had a direct interest 
in his condemnation, as the only event which in public or private 
estimation could prevent their own. 

About the same time that these affairs were transacting at 
Bristol, a special commission was opened at Nottingham, for the 
trial of a number of persons concerned in the destruction of Not- 
tingham Castle, the burning of Burton Mill, and Colwick Hall, 

5n 



11 



826 STATE OF ENGLAND. 

&c. For the first offence, the destruction of the castle, there 
were no convictions ; and his Grace the Duke of Newcastle has 
subsequently obtained from the county a verdict of twenty-one 
thousand pounds damages, which will enable him, if he so incline, 
to reinstate his mansion in more than its former glory ! Of the 
five men who were convicted on charges of riot and incendiarism, 
two were reprieved, and the other three were left to undergo the 
extreme penalty of the law. 

Cholera. 

The visitation of our country by the pestilential Cholera, was 
particularly noticed in our former volume, p. 760 — 762, where the 
reader will find a concise, condensed, and accurate report of this 
frightful malady, and of its progress from the shores of the Ganges, 
in 1817, to the shores of Great Britain, which it reached in the 
month of October, 1831. Before the end of the year it found 
its way from Sunderland and Newcastle to the suburbs of the 
metropolis ; and during the first three or four months of the year 
1832, its ravages on the banks of the Thames, and in the borough 
of Southwark, were very deplorable, but in a great measure re- 
stricted to the victims of intemperance. For some weeks, it re- 
mained nearly stationary at Sunderland, Newcastle, Gateshead, 
and among the adjacent collieries ; but in process of time it 
made its appearance at Haddington, Musselburgh, and other towns 
in Scotland, where numbers fell victims to it. Edinburgh has suf- 
fered comparatively little ; but Glasgow, Paisley, and their vicinity, 
have been grievously assailed by it. It was some time also before 
it began to spread from the metropolis into the provinces, and not 
very considerably, until it began to abate in the former. In the 
month of February, the privy council issued an order, prohibiting 
the custom-house from granting clean bills of health; the con- 
sequence of which was, the placing of the port of London 
under quarantine, and thereby subjecting its commerce to restric- 
tions which proved exceedingly injurious to the mercantile interest. 
A board of health was established, which made a daily report of 
cholera cases, with the deaths and recoveries ; but which was 
remarkable for nothing so much as the contrariety of opinions which 
it elicited from gentlemen of the profession. The main points 
controverted were, whether the disease was contagious, or non- 



STATE OF ENGLAND. 827 

contagious — whether the prevailing epidemic was the Indian 
cholera, or a new disease — whether it partook of the properties 
of the plague, or was to be regarded merely in the light of a 
scourge — whether the disease had been imported, or were indi- 
genous. And on all these sage questions, the letters which filled 
the columns of the daily journals cannot soon be forgotten, for 
the specimens which they afforded of the most egregrious folly 
which has for a century past disgraced the character of any body 
arrogating to itself the name of scientific. A pamphlet also ap- 
peared, under the title of the Cholera Gazette, in which cases 
and cures, real or pretended, were given in most admired con- 
fusion. 

The following table as given in the Edinburgh Weekly Journal, 
of February the 16th, will afford some view of the progress of the 
Cholera in the north, up to that period, and the relative propor- 
tion of deaths. 

ENGLAND. 

Cases. 
Newcastle and neighbourhood, up to Feb. 16, 945 . 

Sunderland and ditto 536 . 

North Shields and ditto 290 . 

Hetton, &c 432 . 

SCOTLAND. 

Edinburgh, up to Feb. 20 24 . 

Musselburgh 432 . 

Tranent 280. 

Prestonpans 115 . 

Haddington 125 . 

Kirkintilloch, up to 19th 76 30 . . 

Glasgow ., 43 ... 

Paisley 20th 30 ... 

It would be interesting to know, whether it were the treatment, or what 
other cause, that led to so great a variety of mortality. At Hetton, where 
the hospital was for a considerable time in the charge of Mr. Kennedy, the 
cures, in instances where the disease was early encountered, were almost 
beyond belief numerous. In 241 cases, to which Mr. Kennedy was called 
within seven hours of the first appearance of the symptoms, he lost only one. 
So far, therefore, from cholera being an intractable, it seems, when properly 
met, to be one of the most manageable of diseases to which the human frame 
is subject. 

In London, the cases were, up to this time, 174, and the deaths, 
108 ; which was a fearful proportion to the recoveries — a fact 
which can only be reconciled to the character of the disease else- 
where, by concluding that only the desperate cases were reported, 
or taken cognizance of, by the board of health, or that none but 
persons so shattered in constitution, or of such dissipated habits, 



Died iD each 


Deaths. 100 of Cases. 


.296 


31 


.203 


37 


. 77 


26 


. 87 ... . 


20 


. 15 ... . 


62 


. 191 ... . 


44 


. 77 ... . 


27 


. 21 ... . 


18 


. 57.... 


45 


. 30 


39 


. 14 .... 


32 


. 20 ... . 


66 



828 STATE OF ENGLAND. 

or of such miserable circumstances, were yet attacked, as to afford 
either nature or medicine fair scope. The former, indeed, seems 
the more probable theory, though, perhaps, both are in some degree 
true ; for it seems almost incredible, whether we regard the cholera 
as epidemic or as contagious, that it should have exhibited itself in 
fifteen different and distant points of the metropolis, comprising a 
million and half of inhabitants, and in the course of three weeks or 
a month have affected only 174 persons — that is, little more than 
one in ten thousand of the population. 

From this time, however, the epidemic advanced with more 
rapid strides ; for, on the 15th of March, we find the number of 
cases reported, from the commencement, were 817, and the deaths 
426 ; the places from which reports were forwarded being aug- 
mented from 15 to 23, in London and Westminster only. On the 
23d, the reported cases had increased to 1243, and the deaths to 
647. A week afterwards they rose to 1729, and the deaths to 
915. On the 28th of April, the return for the metropolis were — 
cases from commencement 2532, deaths 1334. 

From this period the disorder began visibly to subside in the 
metropolis, but it was only to extend its ravages into the interior 
of the country ; and in process of time all the great towns of the 
kingdom were ravaged by it. The Isle of Ely suffered greatly — 
Plymouth, Bristol, Exeter, Gloucester, Birmingham, Liverpool, 
Sheffield, Manchester, Hull, Leeds, Bilston, Wolverhampton, 
Dudley, Walsal, Whitehaven, Carlisle, were to be added to Edin- 
burgh, Glasgow, Paisley, Ayr, Greenock, Port Glasgow, Stirling, 
Kilmarnock, York, &c. We cannot go into any minute and 
circumstantial detail on this subject, but must content ourselves 
with briefly remarking, that on the 21st of August the cases of 
cholera were, in Bilston, 322 ; Tipton, 55 ; Wolverhampton, 23 ; 
Dudley, 23 ; Walsal, 38 ; Worcester, 21 ; Gloucester, 52 ; 
Bristol, 180 ; Clifton, 42 ; Exeter, 203 ; Plymouth, 200 ; East 
Stonehouse, 38 ; Whitehaven, 59 ; Liverpool, 211 ; Manchester, 
77; Sheffield, 258; Leeds, 91; Edinburgh, 42 ; Glasgow, 194 ; 
Port Glasgow, 18 ; Kilmarnock, 14 ; Ayr, 43 ; Wick, 14 ; Brid- 
port, 10 ; Droitwich, 93 ; Kingsbridge and Dudbrook, 65 f &c, 
independent of a number of minor cases, which we cannot specify. 
To conclude this article, the cholera returned, and with increased 
violence during the summer months, both in town and country, 



STATE OF ENGLAND. 829 

and has attacked a number of individuals who moved in a superior 
line of life, and many of whom have fallen victims to it. Among 
these we may mention, Lord Amesbury, and Sir James Macdo- 
nald ; Mr. J. Wood, surgeon, Bridge-street, Blackfriars, who was 
carried off while in the discharge of his professional duties ; Mr. 
Crooks, solicitor, Brunswick place, City Road ; Serjeant Cameron, 
of the N division of police, who was ill little more than half an 
hour ; Dr. Adam Clarke, of the Methodist connection — with many 
others that might be specified. 

The number of cholera cases reported during the week ending 
25th of August, is 6032 ; of deaths, 1979 ; being an increase of 
1234 cases, and of deaths, 333. The number of cases then remain- 
ing in the country amounted to 2736, The entire cases, since the 
commencement of the disease in Britain, amount to 38,103 ; and 
the entire deaths to 13,982. The places in England where cholera 
chiefly rages, are— Bilston in Staffordshire, where there are at 
present 363 cases ; Bristol, where there are 210 ; Exeter, 203 ; 
Liverpool, 272 ; Plymouth, 164 ; Sheffield, 265 ; Glasgow, 174. 
In all these places, the ratio of deaths is about one to three. 

The following truly affecting narrative of the loss of human life at 
sea, by means of cholera, deserves to be recorded in this place. 

The ship Brutus, of 384 tons burden, sailed, on the 18th of May 
from Liverpool for Quebec. She had on board 330 emigrants, 
men, women, and children, who with the crew made a grand total 
of 349 souls. Previous to sailing, the vessel underwent the usual 
examination, the crew and passengers apparently healthy. She 
carried an experienced surgeon, who, it is said, was well supplied 
with medicines, though the statements current differ on this subject. 
On the 27th, the ninth day out from Liverpool, a healthy man, about 
thirty years of age, was seized with malignant cholera. The common 
remedies were used, and he recovered. The next case was that of an 
old woman, sixty years of age, who died in ten hours after the attack. 
The ravages of the pestilence then rapidly increased, the deaths being 
numerous in proportion to the cases. The greatest number of deaths 
was 24 in one day. The captain had not, it seems, any intention of 
returning to port, until the disease began to attack the crew. 
He then saw, that to continue his voyage was to risk the lives of 
himself and the survivors, as well as the property intrusted to his 
care. Under these circumstances, his vessel a lazar-house, and men 



830 STATE OF FNGLAND. 

women, and children dying about him, he resolved to put back to 

Liverpool. The resolution was formed on the 3d of June, and the 

Brutus reached port on Wednesday morning. Up to that day the 

cases had been 117, the deaths 81, and the recoveries 36. Seven 

cases remained when the vessel entered the Mersey, two of which 

proved fatal in the course of the day, making the total number of 

deaths 83. Among the sufferers were four of the crew. The 

survivors were immediately, on their arrival at Liverpool, put on 

board the Newcastle, lazaretto ship. 

The intercourse between Liverpool and Dublin is now become so 

easy, by means of the numerous steam-vessels and other small 

craft which are constantly plying between them, that it was not to 

be expected Ireland should escape a contagion which had reached 

the shores of the Mersey. Accordingly, it made its appearance in 

Dublin about the beginning of May, where its ravages have been 

frightful. It has since spread into the interior of the country, and 

continues up to this time (the end of August,) to carry off numbers 

of our fellow-creatures. The following extract may serve as a 

specimen of its progress in that quarter. 

Central Board of Health for Ireland, May 28. 
Dublin, May 28. — New cases, 42 ; died, 3 ; recovered, 39 ; remaining, 331. 
Cork, May 25-27. — New cases, 91 ; died, 27 ; recovered, 88 ; remaining, 201. 
Tralee, May 23-26. — New cases, 10 ; died, 5 ; recovered, 3 ; remaining, 8. 
Galway, May 27. — New cases, 31 ; died, 12 ; recovered, 12 ; remaining, 72. 
Newry, May 26. — New cases, 4 ; died, 2 ; recovered, 1 ; remaining, 17. 
Dundalk, May 27. — New cases, 2 ; died 2 ; recovered, ; remaining, 11. 
Drogheda. — New cases, 48 ; died, 36 ; recovered, 6 ; remaining, 62. 

Board of Health, Ireland, June 27. 
New cases, 173 ; deaths, 62 ; recoveries, 91 ; remaining, 776. 

We take our leave of this distressing subject, by submitting a short 
paragraph from the Spectator of August 25, 1832, as exhibiting 
the latest report on the subject. 

" In Ireland, cholera seems to be abating : the only places in 
which it can be said to prevail are Dublin, Sligo, and Belfast. 
Among the more remarkable deaths reported during the weak, are 
those of Dr. Keene, son of Mr. Keene, of Beech Park, Clare : 
and Lieutenant Colonel Wetherington, brother-in-law of Wolfe 
Tone, at Dublin. The disease has again broken out at Newcastle, 
and has cut off several persons of a higher rank there than it had 
attacked on its previous visit. In Scotland it has spread at length 
to the shores of Fife, which hitherto had been free from any 
attack." 



STATE OF ENGLAND. 831 



Prospects of the Country. 



We turn with pleasure from the contemplation of the appalling 
ravages of disease and death, to a more cheering subject. It has 
pleased that gracious Being, whose delight it is to mingle mercy 
with judgment, to favour the country with one of the most 
abundant harvests ever remembered, and with the most favourable 
weather for gathering it in, whether hay or corn. 

In the southern and midland counties, the wheat was mostly 
housed by the 25th of August, as would appear from the following 
extracts : " The wheat crops in the neighbourhood of Chard 
(Somersetshire) are nearly all got in ; and their abundance ex- 
ceeds the most sanguine expectations. Mr. Culverwell, an exten- 
sive farmer at Chardstock, has reaped a field of wheat which pro- 
duced more than forty bushels to the acre ! And Mr. Bevis, a 
farmer of this town, has lately cut a crop from a piece of ground 
which has not been known to bear so plentifully for thirty years 
past." Bath Journal. " We are happy to find, that most satis- 
factory progress is making with the harvest in Yorkshire. At the 
beginning of this week (^August 20th) the farmers in the fine 
corn district extending from Wetherby, Borough bridge, and Ripon 
to the borders of Durham, were cutting their corn as fast as the 
reapers could get through their work. A few fields, though very 
few, were even led. It is generally represented in that extensive 
district, that the crops were never known to be finer. In the 
southern corn districts of Yorkshire, the harvest is now at its 
height; while in Cambridgeshire and the southern counties, the 
labours of the reaper have nearly ceased, and the farmers are 
celebrating their 'harvest home/ On Tuesday last, (21st of 
August,) two samples of new wheat were sold in our market. 
About East Retford, during the greater part of the week, the 
weather has been most propitious for gathering in the harvest, 
so much so, that nearly the whole of the wheat crop is safely 
housed in the very best condition. The produce is fine, and ex- 
ceedingly abundant." Leeds Mercury. All this is surely very 
cheering amidst the gloom that surrounds us, and presents a loud 
call to gratitude and praise from every reflecting mind. 



832 RETROSPECT OF 

Retrospect of Parliamentary Proceedings. 

The session of Parliament which has lately terminated, will be 
for ever memorable in the annals of the country ; and yet not 
many sessions have brought to completion so few legislative acts — 
but their magnitude and intense interest will be found abundantly 
to compensate for their paucity. Had no measure been considered 
but that of a reform in the representation of the people, that mea- 
sure alone, so vast in itself and in its yet dimly discovered con- 
sequences, would have sufficed to give to any session eternal fame 
But the late session has other claims to respect than the passing 
of the reform bills. Let us take a cursory glance of its main 
proceedings. 

The much opposed and much misrepresented tithe bill o 
Ireland, though local in its operation, has let in a principle 
scarcely less important than that which the reform bills estab 
lished. The English farmers appear desirous of imitating th< 
example of their brethren on the other side the channel, in re- 
sisting the payment of tithes; which cannot fail to bring the question 
again before a reformed parliament. The purification of the re- 
presentative system, and the inceptive amelioration of the eccle- 
siastical system, have been accompanied by two measures of great 
improvement in the criminal law — the cattle-stealing and forgery 
Acts, which, though altered in their progress by the aristocratic 
branch of the legislature, afford satisfactory evidence of that ho 
mage to the progress of humanity, which the least feeling are now 
content to offer. 

To the subject of the Education of the people — one of the most 
important objects of a statesman's study — a considerable portion 
of the session has been profitably devoted. For though the minis- 
terial plan of education in Ireland did not originate with par- 
liament, it has been wonderfully strengthened by the discussion 
which it there received. It is true that the taxes on knowledge 
still remain, but their speedy extinction may be considered as likely 
to take place. 

In the management of public business, an important step has 
been made towards a more simple and effective system, by the 
consolidation of the Naval boards. And though the abolition of 
the Scotch exchequer be a matter, considered in itself, of small im- 



PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. 833 

portance, yet, as an acknowledgment of the necessity and pro- 
priety of lopping off, in every department of the state, not merely 
what is injurious, but what is inefficient, the precedent is a valu- 
able one. 

These may fairly be ranked among the positive good deeds of 
the last session : the way to others has been opened, if not 
finished. The evidence taken on the Bank charter will add greatly 
to our knowledge on a subject of equal interest and complexity. 
Two bills of great utility, one public, the other private, have been 
delayed, we trust, only to be brought forward in such a form as will 
insure their success — these are, the general Registry bill, and the 
London and Birmingham railway bills. The law improvements 
of the Chancellor have proceeded slowly ; but those that have 
been effected are not without their value ; and for those which 
he has indicated, more especially that great one, the separation of 
the political and judicial functions of the Chancellor, it is to be 
hoped that next session will afford him ample leisure and oppor- 
tunity. 

Much has been effected, but much remains to do. His Majesty's 
speech of the 6th of December, 1831, commended to the serious 
consideration of parliament, the question of reform — it deplored 
the general distress — it spoke of cholera — of the opposition made 
to the payment of tithes — of the unsettled state of Portugal — of 
the disputes in Belgium. Reform has been carried, but the cry of 
distress has not ceased ; the cholera still afflicts the country, and 
with increased virulence ; tithes are more vehemently opposed 
than ever ; Portugal is the theatre of civil war; and the discussions 
respecting Belgium are yet unfinished. 

Of the future, however, we are not inclined to despond ; it may be, 
that the registry clauses, with which, in case of necessity, it is in the 
power of the ministers to dispense, from being indifferently under- 
stood and acted upon, will render the new parliament less effective 
than it otherwise would be : but the machinery is now in our hands ; 
and, in order to turn out good work, we have only to use it wisely 
and honestly. Our endeavours after improvement will no longer 
be neutralized by influences beyond our control. If the next House 
of Commons be not wholly the people's house, it must be the people's 
fault ; they can make it so, if they please. 

A few days before the prorogation, Mr. Manners Sutton announced 

ho 



834 RETROSPECT OF 

his intention of retiring from his arduous duties as Speaker of the 
House of Commons ; an office which he had filled with great dignity 
and honour to himself during the last sixteen years. He retires with 
a pension of 4,000£. from the nation, and a reversion of 3000£. 
for his son — and from the King he will, in all probability, 
receive a peerage. Few Speakers that have occupied the chair, 
have descended from it with more undivided approbation than Mr. 
Sutton. The office does not require, for its discharge, abilities of 
the very highest order ; but it demands a union of firmness and 
gentleness, of dignity and affability, which is no every-day quality. 
Mr. Sutton had the knowledge of forms and precedents which was 
requisite for his office ; and with the capacity, united a disposition to 
instruct, which being always accompanied by kindness of manner, has 
won him the personal regard of every shade and denomination of party 
in the house ; in the chair he was a very pattern of meekness and long- 
suffering. No tediousness of speech ever lulled him into negligence, 
no fretfulness or irritation ever called from him an angry retort. His 
impartiality was consummate. Whig or Tory, right hand or left, 
rich or poor, titled or common, his ready attention was never denied. 
In keeping the often conflicting elements of the house within the 
bounds of parliamentary order, his great secret lay in the kind and 
soothing appeal to the offending member, with which the annun- 
ciation of the trespass was accompanied. It. was impossible to 
refuse compliance with a command which bore so much the appear- 
ance of a fatherly entreaty. Something also might fairly be attributed 
to the effect of his magnificent voice ; whoever has heard him call 
out, " Order, Gentlemen, Order \" will readily understand what is 
here intended. The broad deep roll of it was irresistible. 

The prorogation took place on Thursday, August 16th, when the 
Speaker took the chair of the commons a few minutes before two 
o'clock. 

Precisely at two o'clock, the firing of the guns announced the 
King's arrival ; and the Lord Chancellor, Earl Grey, and the other 
officers of state, left the house to receive his Majesty. At ten 
minutes past two, his Majesty, accompanied by the great officers 
of state, entered the house in his robes and crown, and took 
his seat upon the throne. The space on the throne, to the right 
of his Majesty, was occupied by the Lord Chancellor, bearing 
the purse ; the Earl of Shaftesbury, with the cap of maintenance ; 



PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. 835 

and the Duke of Norfolk, with his baton, as Earl Marshal : to the 
left of his Majesty stood Earl Grey, bearing the sword of state ; the 
Marquis Wellesley, with his wand of office, as lord high steward ; 
and the Marquis of Cholmondeley, as deputy great chamberlain. 

The commons having come to the bar, the royal assent was 
given to several bills ; among them, the Chancellor's salary 
bill, and the Irish tithes and procession bills. 

The Speaker then presented the appropriation bill, and addressed 
the King as follows : — 

" May it please your Majesty — We, your Majesty's faithful commons of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, attend your Majesty at the 
close of a laborious and most important session. Your Majesty was graci- 
ously pleased, at the commencement of the session, to recommend to our care- 
ful consideration the estimates for the current year ; and, Sire, it is with sin- 
cere gratification that we have found ourselves enabled to accomplish your 
Majesty's paternal wish, by a great reduction in their amount. But, Sire, it 
would ill become me at this moment to attempt to enumerate all the various 
measures, however important and necessary in themselves, yet of usual ses- 
sional recurrence, which have come before us. This session, Sire, has been 
peculiarly marked by matters most difficult in themselves, most pressing in 
their immediate emergency, and yet lasting in their effects upon the highest 
interests of the country. Among these measures, I would advert to your 
Majesty's injunction upon us, that we should deliberate on the present state 
of Ireland, with reference particularly to the payment of tithes in that 
country. 

" Sire, we have deeply deliberated on that painful and difficult subject, and 
we have passed a bill, which we hope may afford the necessary protection of 
their legal claims to the established church, and which we hope may also 
form the basis of future measures calculated to remove the present causes of 
complaint. 

" But, Sire, of all the questions, that which has most engaged our time and 
attention, paramount to all, from the earnestness with which it was called for, 
from the difficulties and intricacies with which it was embarrassed, from the 
great change it was productive of, and from the lasting effects it was to pro- 
duce—of all the measures we have had to shape, to contend with, and to com- 
plete, the most prominent has been the great measure of the reform in the 
commons house of parliament. 

" Sire, it is not within the range of mortal intellect at once to embody and 
bring to maturity of perfection so vast a scheme ; but, Sire, we have laboured 
with incessant assiduity, with honesty of purpose, and, we hope results may 
prove, with security to the state, and contentment to the country. 

" Sire, I dare not longer address your Majesty than to present you with our 
last bill of supply, entitled " An Act to apply a Sum out of the Consolidated 
Fund, and the Surplus of Ways and Means, to the Service of the Year 1832, 
and to appropriate the Supplies granted in this Session of Parliament ;' to 
which, with all humility, we pray your Majesty's royal assent." 

The King then addressed both houses, in the following speech — 

"My Lords and Gentlemen, 
" The state of the public business now enabling me to release you from 
a further attendance in Parliament, I cannot take leave of you without 
expressing the satisfaction with which I have observed your diligence and 
zeal in the discharge of your duties during a session of extraordinary labour 
and duration. 



836 RETROSPECT. 

" Tke matters which you have had under your consideration have been 
of the first importance ; and the laws in particular which have been passed 
for reforming the representation of the people, have occupied, as was un- 
avoidable, the greatest portion of your time and attention. 

" In recommending this subject to your consideration, it was my object, 
by removing the causes of just complaint, to restore general confidence in 
the Legislature, and to give additional security to the settled institutions of 
the State. This object will, I trust, be found to have been accomplished. 

" I have still to lament the continuance of disturbances in Ireland, not- 
withstanding the vigilance and energy displayed by my Government there, 
in the measures which it has taken to repress them. The laws which 
have been passed, in conformity with my recommendation at the beginning 
of the session, with respect to the collection of tithes, are well calculated 
to lay the foundation of a new system, to the completion of which the atten- 
tion of Parliament, when it again assembles, will of course be directed. 

" To this necessary work, my best assistance will be given, by enforcing 
the execution of the laws, and by promoting the prosperity of a country bless- 
ed by Divine Providence with so many natural advantages. As conducive 
to this object, I must express the satisfaction which I have felt at the mea- 
sures adopted for extending generally to my people in that kingdom the bene- 
fits of education. 

" I continue to receive the most friendly assurances from all Foreign 
Powers ; and though I am not enabled to announce to you the final ar- 
rangement of the questions which have been so long pending between Hol- 
land and Belgium, and though, unhappily, the contest in Portugal between 
the princes of the House of Braganza still continues, I look with confidence, 
through the intimate union which subsists between me and my Allies, to the 
preservation of general peace." 

" Gentlemen of the House of Commons, 

" I thank you for the supplies which you have granted to me : and it 
is a great satisfaction to me to find, notwithstanding large deductions from 
the revenue occasioned by the repeal of some taxes which pressed most 
heavily on my people, that you have been enabled, by the exercise of a well- 
considered economy in all the departments of the State, to provide for the 
service of the year,without any addition to the public burdens." 

"My Lords and Gentlemen — 
" I recommend to you, during the recess, the most careful attention to 
the preservation of the public peace, and to the maintenance of the authority 
of the law, in your respective counties. I trust that the advantages enjoyed 
by all my subjects under our free constitution will be duly appreciated and 
cherished ; that relief, from any real causes of complaint, will be sought 
only through legitimate channels ; that all irregular and illegal proceedings 
will be discountenanced and resisted ; and that the establishment of internal 
tranquillity and order will prove that the measures which I have sanctioned 
will not be fruitless in promoting the security of the state, and the content- 
ment and welfare of my people/' 

Parliament was then prorogued in the usual form, until the 
16th of October; and the King retired, attended in the same 
way as he had entered. The Lords then broke up; and the 
Commons, after having returned to their own house, also 
broke up. 



lord Durham's embassy. 837 



APPENDIX. 



In the preceding pages of " Historical Register," a few topics 
of a political nature were touched upon, which being only, as it 
were, in progress, we promised to resume at a future period, and, 
if possible, to record the result : to that subject we now return, 
with the view of redeeming our pledge. The first thing that claims 
our notice is 

lord Durham's embassy to st. Petersburg. 

It was towards the end of June that the British public were first 
apprized of the intention of the cabinet to despatch the son-in-law 
of the noble premier, and one of their own diplomatic body, on a 
special mission to Russia. What the immediate and proximate 
causes are which induced the cabinet to send one of their most 
distinguished members to the court of Russia, cannot certainly be 
known to us ; but unquestionably they cannot be trivial ones. 
The abject condition of unhappy Poland is doubtless one of 
them. 

The affairs of that wretched country have been already adverted 
to in the preceding pages,* to "which our readers are referred, 
and enough is there said to harrow up all their sensibilities. 
Since that time, however, much has been related in the public 
journals, of the persevering measures that are in progress by their 
cruel oppressors, to depopulate the country, and, if possible, blot 
unhappy Poland out of the map of Europe. But on this affecting 
subject, perhaps we cannot do better than lay before our readers 
an extract from the speech of Count Plater, a Polish nobleman, 
delivered, on a recent occasion, to a meeting held at Leeds. 

"After so many years of most cruel oppression, Poland rose to vindicate 
her rights — to be free and independent. There are no sacrifices that she 
lias not submitted to — no effort that she has not made. Old men, women, and 

* See pp. 64G— 655. 



S3S APPENDIX. 

:hh ire-— every :re. izieed. his ; tired n:~: bri-e'j ir the ii:::-i' r. .-_-; 
E~erj vrifre th~ eirte erirts. the sejze L:-e c: ::tthtrr: :ii i: the 
victories ::" Ph.izi iid r.:t I:zzer : intone, ~e ~^=: ls: :ie :: :: the : 

fererre c:5:-er:~er5^h: rzirirteei the P:-liih _ir:rih-. - i ^h: hi 



ris P: 



-m; 






t; th:se ::ie.t:e; ?" 

If the mission of Lord Durham has for its object to check these 
monstrous aggressions, and mitigate the sufferings of the much- 
injured Poles, every feeling mind will applaud the object, and 
Lis !::iih:r recess. I„ bis iz:err::y i^i :iliz:s. — e rh:-.:r hi;- 
and deserred confidence ; and are sure that he will not fail in the 
object of his mission from any want of pressing it honestly and 
boldly. The diplomatists of Nicholas's court will find him com- 
posed of very different materials, both of head and heart, from 
the " red tape," protocolizing gentlemen, with whom they have 
long been in the habit of doing business. The result, ho^re~e:. 
of Lord Durham's mission is not likely to transpire before the 
meeting of parliament, which will be the close of the present, or 
beginning of the next year ; and till then we must be content to 
wait in hope. While the subject is before us, however, it may 
not be amiss to remark, that, previous to the late prorogation of 



lord Durham's embassy. 839 

parliament, the grievances of Poland were brought forward by 
Colonel Evans, member for Rye, who moved a resolution in the 
House of Commons, calling for the strict performance of the treaties 
entered into by Russia, and the other powers of Europe, with re- 
gard to Poland. 

The gallant colonel detailed the conduct of Russia since the last 
subjugation and overthrow of the Poles : — 

" On the faith of the amnesty which had been granted on the represen- 
tation of the Governor of Galicia, and at the request of Austria, the Poles, 
who had fled into Galicia for protection, returned to Poland. Immediately 
on their return, an ukase was issued by the Russian government, condemning 
all those Poles who had borne arms against Russia in the Polish insurrec- 
tion, either to serve as privates in the Russian army, wherever Russia 
pleased to send them, or to be thrown into prison. The consequence of the 
promulgation of this tyrannical edict was, that a number of Poles fled 
back into Galicia for protection. The Austrian government, thinking that 
their presence there would be productive of inconvenience, resorted to mea- 
sures, either to obstruct their entrance into Galicia, or to prevent them from 
remaining there. But the people of Galicia, united to them by that sym- 
pathy which a proximity of territory produced, were moved on behalf of 
the unfortunate Poles. The Diet of Galicia can address the Emperor of 
Austria through the medium of their governor ; and it appears that three 
hundred members of the Diet of Galicia drew up a representation on this 
subject, and sent it through their governor to be transmitted to the Emperor. 
He did not know whether that address had been transmitted to the Emperor 
or not : but this he did know, that it was an authentic document — that it 
was signed by the principal persons in Galicia, resident on the frontiers of 
Poland, and who must be considered good authorities as to what had 
recently taken place in Poland : and it was a remarkable fact, that it cor- 
roborated all the statements which had been made in a former debate in 
that house, with regard to the atrocious conduct of Russia towards Poland/' 

After adverting to the treaty of 1815 — of the provisions of which 
the treatment of Poland offered so striking an infraction, he went 
on to notice the general character of the Russian government : — 

" The conduct of Russia had been one series of unjustifiable aggressions 
on other nations — of territorial aggrandizement, and of violations of national 
law and national faith. The war with Persia, and the subsequent war 
with Turkey, were both instances of unjustifiable aggression on the part of 
Russia in the first instance, and the result of both those was the territorial 
aggrandizement of that overgrown power. Russia, it was well known, was 
the principal moving power in preventing the establishment of constitutional 
governments in Naples, Piedmont, and the other states of Italy, in 1823 ; 
and it was equally well known, that it was principally owing to the influence 
of Russia that France sent that unjustifiable expedition which she despatched 
dnto Spain. Next came the case which they were then discussing ; it was 
not necessary for him to dwell upon the atrocious conduct of Russia in 
that instance." 

The Colonel concluded by stating, that the great object of his 
motion was to give support and strength to those negociations 



840 APPENDIX. 

which were at present being carried on between the British cabinet 
and the Emperor of Russia. His resolution was of the following 
purport : — 

"That, in conformity to the spirit, though contrary to the letter, of a 
treaty dated 19th of May, 1815, his Majesty has agreed to renew certain ob- 
ligations to the Emperor of Russia ; that the said treaty and obligations were 
connected with, or arose out of, the general treaties between the allied 
powers of 1814 and 1815 ; that therefore, in the opinion of this house, the 
convention to the above effect affords his Majesty a special claim on the power 
profiting by it, for a faithful interpretation of other engagements, to which 
both parties may have been contracting parties, and especially with regard to 
that concerning Poland." 

Sir Francis Burdett also spoke strongly on the subject of the mis- 
fortunes and sufferings of Poland : — 

(l There was not to be found, nor could there be, one honest man in the 
civilized world, who would hesitate for an instant to deprecate the conduct 
of Russia towards Poland. It had been, and still was, most odious, tyran- 
nical, and detestable. How far it was connected with the subject before 
the house, he would not now stop to inquire : but it was impossible not to 
deprecate the crimes committed, and now committing, after the hopes which 
had been held out to the gallant Poles before Warsaw, and on its surrender, 
that some relief should be afforded to them : from which period there had 
been one continued series of tyranny exercised towards them, such as his- 
tory did not record any equal. It was true, that in early periods there were 
some instances where great conquerors had adopted abominable practices 
to exterminate a nation ; but in the nineteenth century, it could scarcely be 
believed that such a line or course of conduct could be pursued by one nation 
towards another, if the nation and the present age had not seen the attempt 
and the object perfected before their own eyes, in the very case of the 
conduct of Russia to the Poles." 

Sir Francis, after noticing an expression of Sir Charles Wetherell, 

that no treaty had been broken by Russia, went on to contend, that 

the independence of Poland would have been a much worthier 

object of English interference than the independence of Belgium, 

about which so much had been said and done. He strongly doubted 

the motives of Russia in respect of the latter : — 

" It really seemed to him that it had been a ntse on the part of Russia to 
divert the attention of England from that to which it should have been directed, 
and from the object which this country ought to have had in view. The ruse 
had succeeded ; and with that success, he thought that Russia had made 
England the laughing-stock of Europe." 

On general principles, and independent of any treaty, he thought 
England had a right to interpose, to prevent such aggressions as 
those of which Russia and Austria had been guilty : — 

" Independent of all treaties, England and France had a right to see that 
the other great powers, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, were not making con- 
quests under pretence of suffering injuries, of which this country could not 
judge, nor taking possession of whole territories on the ground of alleged 



lord Durham's embassy. 841 

■grievances. A claim was made now upon this country to establish the new 
state of Greece, and to place Prince Otho upon the throne. But why, he 
would ask, should this country be called upon to pay a single farthing for 
that object, but to maintain the balance of power and the independence of 
Europe ? Greece, so established, at the expense of this country, might be 
seized by Russia ; and that being done, the same argument which had been 
used with regard to Poland would meet such an event, and it would then, as 
now, be said that Greece was not worth a war." 

The speech of the honourable baronet, on this occasion, was a 
noble specimen of English feeling, and worthy the best days of 
British eloquence. As such, we are gratified in the opportunity of 
recording the substance of it on our pages. We readily admit 
the difficulty of obtaining all the advantages of a military inter- 
ference in favour of the oppressed, without the expenses and hazards 
of a war for their support ; but we must unequivocally denounce 
the barbarous indifference to tyranny and perfidy which is incul- 
cated by those who take the side of the Russian autocrat. If we 
are not to expose our resources, let us at least preserve our feel- 
ings ; if we are not to meet the barbarians on their way to Siberia 
with their victims, for the purpose of rescuing them, let us not 
surrender the right of denouncing the atrocities of the exile. The 
woes and the sufferings of Poland should never be allowed to es- 
cape from the view of the British public, till the nationality and 
freedom of its much- injured people are restored : the barbarities 
of Russia should be universally recorded for the detestation of 
mankind, till humanity be no longer able to tolerate their continued 
perpetration. 

But to return to Lord Durham and his mission : His lordship, 
accompanied by his family and suite, sailed in the Talavera, Cap- 
tain Brown, and, on his arrival at Cronstadt, was received by the 
Emperor of all the Russias with extraordinary courtesy and 
respect. His Imperial Majesty, it is said, happened, opportunely, 
to be in the neighbourhood at the time of the ship's arrival, and 
instantly proceeded on board, where he received the British 
minister very graciously, and professed the utmost anxiety to meet 
the views of the British government on the subject of Poland. 
For the rest we must content ourselves with subjoining a short 
paragraph which appeared in the Times Journal, on the report of 
what took place. 

«' Two or three papers contain a long and trashy account of an attempt 
made by the Emperor Nicholas to cajole the officers and sailors of the ship- 
of-war which took out Lord Durham to St. Petersburg. The Tartar auto- 

5 p 



842 APPENDIX. 

crat talked broken English, to please the captain— drank grog, to please the 
seamen — and, to make assurance doubly sure, feasted, it is said, all the offi- 
cers of the ship, to repletion. The Czar has, we suspect, taken a very wrong 
measure of the intellects, principles, and feelings, of any body of Englishmen, 
if he supposes that the endless variety of a Russian dinner, though cooked in 
a way to astonish even the bowels of an alderman, and backed by a donation 
of £500 sterling, can shut the eyes of an Englishman against the despotic 
policy of the Russian government, or their hearts against its horrible results 
in the destruction of Poland. The whole account is a disgusting exhibition 
of humbug, and will be read with contempt by every man possessing one 
particle of common sense." 

Germanic States. 
Another interesting subject which was brought before the House 
of Commons, immediately before the close of the session, was, the 
Affairs of Germany, on which something has been already said in 
this publication. Mr. H. L. Bulwer, member for Coventry, on 
Thursday, August 2, moved for an address to the King, requesting 
his Majesty to exert his influence with the Germanic Diet, in oppo- 
sition to the course pursued by them ; in doing which, the 
honourable member traced the outlines of the political history of 
Germany. Originally, a free government, suitable to the genius of 
the times, existed in the various states of the Federation ; which 
only terminated with the victories of Austerlitz and Jena, when the 
principle of oppressing the small states to aggrandize the larger 
ones was first avowed and applied. The defeat of Napoleon in the 
Russian campaign gave an opportunity to Germany to cast off a 
yoke which had been reluctantly borne. Russia and Prussia 
appealed to the former free constitutions of Germany, which they 
avowed their intention of restoring ; and the rising of Germany in 
mass, and the battle of Leipsic, with the downfall of the French 
power, rapidly followed. By the second article of the Congress of 
Vienna, the promises of Russia and Prussia were respected, and 
the rights of every class of the nation were solemnly guaranteed, 
with the opposition only of Wirtemburg. He then noticed the 
part which this country took in these affairs, on which he dwelt at 
some length, after which he came to the late protocol of the Diet ; 
and though we have already delivered our sentiments concerning 
it, we shall not hesitate here to introduce those of Mr. Bulwer. 
He stated the substance of that protocol* to be — 

" That the Sovereigns of Austria and Prussia are willing to give Germany 
just so much constitutional liberty as will not allow its writers to write — its 
professors to teach — its chambers to vote taxes and to make speeches, or to 

See p. 672. 



GERMANIC STATES. 843 

propose resolutions ; while every state shall be so inviolate, so independent, 
that, with or without the invitation of its sovereign, a deputation of Austrian 
or Prussian hussars may be sent to keep it in order." 

This was the question for consideration — Was it politic for 

England under such circumstances to interfere ? 

" She is placed by peculiar circumstances in such a situation, that if she 
do not interfere, by some expression of her opinion at all events, in favour of 
the German people, she must be thought to take the part of the German 
sovereigns. One of the misfortunes of the otherwise happy event of the 
accession of the present family to the British throne, was that by which 
George the First remained elector, as the present king now is, King of 
Hanover. It may be very well to say, that Hanover and England are two 
separate kingdoms — that the one has nothing to do with the other. This may 
be the case theoretically ; but it never has been, it cannot be, so practically. 
It is impossible to contend that an individual can be so little identified with 
himself as to have his troops as King of Hanover fighting on one side of a 
question, and his troops as King of England on another. The policy pursued 
by the King of Hanover must, without strong proofs to the contrary, be con- 
sidered as the policy of the King of England. So much, indeed, was this 
identity considered at the treaty of Vienna, that the plenipotentiary of 
Hanover strongly insisted, in urging the claims which that kingdom had to 
consideration, on the circumstance that it was closely connected with, and 
must in a great measure be supported by, the resources of Great Britain. 
The King of Hanover, it is said, during those three days in which the King 
of England was supposed to have adopted a new course of policy, and a new 
administration, signs and approves of the document which is the subject of 
our consideration. We cannot, therefore, at this moment — matters remaining 
as they are — be considered indifferent to, or aloof from, this question. All 
that moral influence, resulting from the supposition that the individual at the 
head of this government is favourable to the oppression of the Diet, is now in 
full operation against the resistance of the people. This consideration would 
call upon the house for some expression of its opinion. A hasty, foolish 
desire to interfere and intermeddle with foreign states, was as far from his 
idea of the course of policy that this country ought to pursue, as any thing 
he could conceive. Still he would not consent to England being a mere 
cipher, a nullity in the political combinations of Europe. He would not 
consent to the proposition, that she is to look with perfect indifference on 
the Continent, and think that no changes there can by possibility affect 
her. But if there is any thing which immediately affects the interests of 
England more than another, it is the fate of Germany. Unite that country 
under a good government, it is at once a check upon the aggrandizement 
of France and ambition of Russia. Leave it as it is, it is a tool in the 
hands of the one, or a prey to the other. The ancient empire was a grave 
and august body — always agitated, and never acting ; it crumbled to pieces 
at the first shock. But why did it do so ? Because it had no united 
national feeling — because it did not contain one nation, but two armies. 
This is the system which failed ; this is the system which, since the treaty of 
Vienna, Prussia and Austria have been labouring to re-establish. Is it pos- 
sible to imagine that the events of the revolutionary war would not have 
furnished a better lesson ? Was it the troops of Austria, was it the troops of 
Prussia, which rolled back the tide of French invasion ? The sapient coun- 
cillors of Austria were not once successful — the chivalry of Prussia was 
crushed in a single day. But the armies of these states, though so easily 
subdued themselves, had been sufficient to cramp and crush the energies of 
others. When they were defeated, the whole of Germany was lost— the 
South — the North ; and mark the hard fate of the minor powers, kept down 
by a tyranny sufficient to oppress them, but unable to keep off their enemies. 



844 APPENDIX. 

But when the armies of Germany were put down, then its people arose ; then 
they began to commune and to combine together ; a real confederation -was 
then formed ; then its plans were laid — their opportunities were watched — 
the occasion came. Here is the result of the two systems. It is seen what 
the armies of Germany did, and what the people. The one was swept down 
in a single battle — the other was victorious in a hundred conflicts. If England 
wish Germany to be strong — and it is the strength of Germany that makes the 
peace of Europe — is it not the wisdom of the house to address the sovereign 
according to the terms of the motion V 

Lord Palmerston complimented Mr. Bulwer on his zeal and 
ability, but dissented from his conclusions. Having alluded to the 
meetings and speeches which had led to the adoption by the Diet 
of so strong measures, he came to the only sound argument by 
which our interference could be justified : — 

" It was said that the resolutions of the Germanic diet would create such 
differences between parts of the Germanic body, as would compromise the 
peace of Europe ; and that, if a war were begun in consequence, it would be 
a war of opinion, which would spread far beyond its source. If it did, this 
country would be bound not only as a party to the treaty of Vienna, but, inde- 
pendently of that, by its extensive commercial relations, to take such steps as 
would best preserve her from the effects of such a war. Now, admitting the 
probability of our being drawn in by circumstances such as those to which he 
had referred, to take a part in such a contest, he would ask Mr. Bulwer, how 
any of those possible or probable events were to be prevented by the course 
which he proposed to the house? He concluded — That whatever he might 
think of the measure adopted by the Diet at Frankfort, and of its having 
greatly magnified the danger against which it proposed to guard (though he 
would admit that danger did exist 'to a certain extent,) still he must believe 
that the governments which were parties to that measure must themselves see 
the danger of such conflicts as might arise between the people and the govern- 
ment in some states ; and that while they might be sufficiently alive to the 
necessity of putting down any dangerous combinations, they could not pos- 
sibly be blind to the certain risks to which they would be exposed in the 
unjust and impolitic attempt to put down the free constitutions of the people." 

Colonel Evans complimented government for what they had 
done, while he thought they ought, by agreeing with Mr. Bulwer's- 
motion, to do a little more — 

" His noble friend Lord Palmerston admitted our right to interfere in this 
instance, but he denied the discretion of doing so. He believed, in fact, that 
his noble friend did not so much deny the discretion of our interference, as 
the discretion of interfering in the way proposed by the present vote. ("Hear, 
hear!'' from Lord pahnerston.) Indeed, he happened to know, from foreigners 
connected with the diplomatic missions in this country, that the noble lord 
and his Majesty's government, though they had not thought it prudent or 
expedient to say so in their places in parliament, had already interfered in a 
manner that did them much honour, and which he hoped might eventually 
lead to results of the most gratifying description." 

Mr. Hume said, the present government, though declaring 
against all interference with other states, had done so as often and 
on as light grounds as any that had gone before it. Its own con- 



BELGIUM. 845 

venience had formed, in that respect, its only rule. He depre- 
cated interference generally, which had done much ill to England, 
and little good to its objects ; but if we interfered in regard to 
Belgium and Italy, there seemed no reason why we should refuse 
to interfere respecting Germany : — 

" If we should ever allow the expediency of this country interfering in the 
affairs of Europe, it was when the liberties of Europe were about to be de- 
stroyed ; and if ever our interposition was justifiable and imperative, it was 
when it was required for the preservation of the privileges and rights of Ger- 
many. He, for one, thought that it was calculated to throw doubt and sus- 
picion on the head of the government of this country, that when the liberties 
of Europe and the rights of mankind were menaced with destruction by a 
conspiracy of armed despots, when every sort of freedom and independence 
was put down in the lesser states of Germany, when their different assemblies 
were no longer to be allowed the expression of their opinions, and when 
those states were about being placed under complete subjection by the 
military forces of the despots of Austria and Prussia, this country did not at 
once come forward, and raise its voice against such iniquitous proceedings." 



Belgium. 

We promised to resume this article ;* and though we now do so, 
the satisfaction is not yet permitted us, of recording an end to the 
long-pending dispute between that country and Holland. The 
prospect of war, indeed, seems in a good measure dissipated, 
and the grounds of dispute between the two countries considerably 
narrowed ; but matters remain in the same undecided condition 
in which they have been for the last two months. The evacuation 
of Antwerp, and the free navigation of the Scheldt, have not been 
consented to ; and so long as these points remain unsettled, no 
final arrangement can be hoped for. The prevailing opinion is, 
that the differences will not be settled before next spring. 

In the mean time, Leopold I. has been strengthening his govern- 
ment by a marriage alliance with the daughter of Louis Philippe, 
King of France. This event took place on Thursday, August 9th, 
at Compeigne. The persons officiating on the part of France 
were — the Baron Pasquier, president of the chamber of peers, 
and M. C. F. Couchy, keeper of the archives of the chamber, in 
the absence of the grand referendary : — for Leopold, there ap- 
peared M. Lehon, as ambassador extraordinary. To give the mar- 
riage its due effect in Belgium and elsewhere, it was celebrated 

* See p. G58. 



846 APPENDIX. 

according to both the Catholic and Lutheran forms. The letters 
from Compeigne are filled with descriptions of the festivities that 
accompanied a union which promises more happiness to the parties 
than most royal unions do. The bride is young and beautiful, 
and the bridegroom sensible and kind ; and, happily for them- 
selves, both have been reared in a private station. On the same 
day, the marriages of sixteen young women of Paris and the 
Banlieue, to whom dowries were given by the King of France in 
honour of the nuptials of his daughter, the Princess Louise, were 
celebrated in their respective parish churches with all due form. 

Leopold and his blooming bride entered Brussels on the 19th, 
amidst the universal acclamations of the people. The private 
letters describe the ceremony of their reception as extremely gay. 
The whole of the streets, at short intervals, were lined on each 
side with posts, united by draperies in gauze and other stuffs. To 
each tree was affixed the French and Belgian colours united. 
Some of the houses were adorned with garlands, and others 
covered with rich tapestry, on which was wrought the Belgic lion 
and the Gallic cock. At equal distances were placed escutcheons, 
with the double L.L. in cipher, the initials of Leopold and Louisa. 
At Malieubeck St. Jean, the extreme limit of the commune of 
Brussels, on the Lacken side, the people had erected a triumphal 
arch, bearing the inscription, " L'Union de Leopold et Louise rend 
les Beiges heureux." The royal pair were in an open caleche. 
The King was in a general's .uniform, and wore all his orders ; the 
Queen sat on his right hand, and was dressed with elegant sim- 
plicity in white, wearing diamonds, but not in profusion. 

As there is no felicity in this sublunary state without alloy, so 
we have to record that the festivities of Brussels have been sub- 
ject to the ravages of the epidemic which has traversed other 
countries. The cholera has raged in Belgium all the month of 
August, and the deaths average from sixty to seventy daily. It 
has also found its way into Holland, where it prevails to a con- 
siderable extent, while it is said to be greatly on the decline in 
Paris. Of its extent in Belgium and Holland, the following tables 
may serve to give some notion. 

Brussels. August 27 to 30. New cases, 117 — deaths, 68. 
Ghent. August 27 to 30. New cases, 30 — deaths, 42. 
Antwerp. August 27 to 30, New cases, 36— deaths, 23. 



PORTUGAL. 847 

The journals mention nearly thirty other places in which the 
cholera has appeared. 

Amsterdam. Sept. 1, 2, 3. New cases, 149 — deaths, 84 — recoveries, 59. 
The Hague. Sept. 1, 2, 3. New cases, 17 — deaths, 11 — recoveries, 13. 
Leyden. August 30 and 31. New cases, G6— deaths, 27 — recoveries, 30. 
Rotterdam. August 30, 31, and Sept. 1. New cases, 24 — deaths, 19 — 
recoveries, 27. 

The total cases in England and Scotland, from the commence- 
ment of the disease, up to the 15th of September, are 52,472 ; 
deaths, 19,047. The cases remaining amount to 2,309. 

Portugal. 

We return to this subject, after an interval of two months, 
but without the satisfaction of recording such a settlement of the 
affairs of the country as inclination would prompt, and the rights 
of justice and ' equity would dictate. Our narrative terminated 
with the arrival of Don Pedro and his squadron at Oporto, on or 
about the 9th of July.* Having landed his troops, and made the 
necessary arrangements, which occupied about ten days, Connt 
Villa Flor, the commander-in-chief, had his head-quarters, on the 
19th, at Fereiros, some twenty miles from Oporto, on the Coimbra 
road. On that day, he received information that the troops of 
Don Miguel were advancing in great force under the command of 
General Povoas. Their number was estimated at 16,000, of 
which 800 were cavalry — this was the flower of Miguel's army. 
The intention of Miguel's general was to get into the rear of 
Villa Flor, and so cut him off from the town of Oporto, and his 
communication with the fleet, in which case he could scarcely 
have failed to destroy the invading army. In this, however, he 
was defeated by the rapid, but orderly, retreat of Villa Flor on 
Vilk Nova, and subsequently across the river to Oporto. Povoas, 
on this, left 5,000 men at Villa Nova, with the view of preventing 
Count Villa Flor's escaping from him a second time, proceeded up 
the left bank of the Douro for about thirty-five miles, to a place 
named Passos de Souza, where, having crossed over to the right 
bank, he advanced upon Oporto. At Vallongo, a position ten 
or fifteen miles farther down the stream than Passos de Souza, 
his advanced guard fell in with the advanced guard of Villa Flor, 
* See p. 695. 



848 APPENDIX. 

commanded by our countryman, Colonel Hodges, by whom it 
was driven back at all points, with considerable loss to the enemy > 
and at a very small expense to himself, amounting to only three 
killed, and three wounded. 

In the mean time, the main body of Don Pedro's army, which 
had changed its front, took up a position of great strength, to the 
north-east of the city of Oporto ; its right wing resting on the 
Douro ; its left on the sea ; and its centre on the town, which 
was immediately on its rear, and to which, in case of check, it 
had an easy retreat. In this position, an action commenced on 
the 22d of July ; but it seems to have been little more than an 
affair of outposts. The reconnoitering party were driven back, 
or retired to the Tinto. On this occasion, a detachment of 
Pedro's army allowed itself to be surrounded, but cut its way 
back through the opposing enemy. Villa Flor was ordered to 
advance, for the purpose of covering their retreat ; and Don Pedro, 
who was proceeding to visit the posts on the south of the Douro, 
on the intelligence of the reconnoissance being worsted, took the 
same route as his general : and in this way, the reconnoisance, 
the troops under Villa Flor, and the royal staff, seemed to have 
reached the Tinto at the same moment. The remaining bands 
which were in the rear at Oporto, and those that had advanced on 
the Vouga road towards Coimbra, were hastily directed on the 
same point ; and the bridge of communication with Villa Nova 
was ordered to be destroyed, to prevent interruption on that side. 

On the 23d, the army of Don Pedro took the field in three 
columns — the right commanded by Colonel de Brito, the centre 
by M. de Fonseca, and the left by Colonel Hodges. The action 
began about eleven o'clock. In the commencement, the riflemen 
of Don Pedro were suddenly charged by a squadron of the ene- 
my's cavalry, and compelled to retreat : the left, which was early 
engaged, appears also to have been hard pressed by the Miguelites. 
The entire line was speedily in action, and continued so until 
dusk, when Povoas thought proper to retreat to the heights in 
his immediate rear, and afterwards to retire, by the Baltar road, 
upon Penafiel. The constitutional army occupied the field of 
battle on the 23d, and, on the following day, pushed forward a 
reconnoissance, which enabled them accurately to ascertain the 
new position of the enemy. Instead, however, of following up 



PORTUGAL. 849 

his victory, we are told that Don Pedro immediately directed his 
own troops to fall back on Oporto ! 

In the engagement of the 23d, Don Pedro owns to a loss of 
300 men— but estimates that of Povoas at 1,200. On the 18th, 
a party of light troops marched on Carvalhos and Grijo, of which 
the Oporto Chronica says they took possession without difficulty. 

The same journal of the 30th speaks of the volunteers and 
militia of Miguel's army as having been entirely dispersed, and his 
whole force as being reduced to four regiments and part of a fifth, 
with about 200 cavalry and five guns. His advanced posts, how- 
ever, even then, seven days after the battle, were still at Penafiel, 
his main body having fallen back on Almarante. 

The doubts entertained of Don Pedro's success, which these 
accounts do not remove, were strengthened by the arrival of the 
Marquis Palmella in London, early in August ; an event which 
gave rise to various conjectures. The object of his mission has not 
been made known, but there can be little room to doubt that it 
was to obtain assistance of some kind for the constitutional cause. 
Pedro found himself very deficient in cavalry ; and to his weak- 
ness in that great article of war, must be attributed his stay at 
Oporto during the period of six weeks, and his throwing up 
entrenchments and constructing lines of fortification for the protec- 
tion of the city. His force is evidently inadequate to his acting on 
the offensive ; but reinforcements have been raised in this country, 
and probably in France also, which on their arrival will strengthen 
his hands, and enable him to protect Oporto from assault, until the 
rainy season sets in, and compels the army of Miguel to go into 
winter-quarters. The contest, however, does not promise a speedy 
issue. 

The parties have had some little skirmishing by sea. Miguel's 
fleet, early in the month of August, put forth from the Tagus, 
where it had lain in quiet contentment for several months, with 
the twofold view of raising the blockade of Lisbon, and instituting 
a blockade of Oporto ; in both which objects it was foiled. Sar- 
torius, who had the command of Pedro's naval armament, consist- 
ing of two small vessels and a steam-boat, bore down boldly on 
Miguel's fleet, and had not the frigates of the latter sought shelter 
under the lee of the San Joao, a line-of-battle-ship, which carries 
tlie admiral's flag, he would, in all probability, have captured some 

5q 



850 APPENDIX. 

of them. Having poured two or three broadsides into the admi- 
ral's ship — with what effect is not known — he was obliged again to 
haul his wind. On the 14th of August the hostile squadrons were 
off Oporto, when Sartorious again offered battle, and the Miguel- 
ites again declined engaging. On the 17th, after they had been a 
fortnight at sea, the latter once more sought refuge in the Ta°-us, 
owing, it was said, to a shortness of provisions and water. 

Whether the issue of the present struggle will be the restoration 
of law and order, or the confirmation of despotism and misrule in 
Portugal, time alone can disclose. At present, we see nothing in 
the position of Don Pedro's army to warrant despondency ; the 
troops are said to be in excellent spirits ; they want for nothing ; 
and, in every rencontre with the enemy, they have been successful. 
Levies are making with a view to their reinforcement, and, accord- 
ing to report, an officer of high estimation and tried military talent, 
is expected to proceed from this country, to assume an important 
command under Don Pedro. 

The West Indian Colonies, and Colonial Slavery. 

This is a topic on which we have already said a good deal, but 
to which we intimated our intention of returning,* in a subsequent 
part of the volume, and discussing it more at large. Undoubtedlv, 
we feel some satisfaction at having given that intimation, in as 
much as it affords us the opportunity of recording in this place, 
some interesting particulars, which have since then taken place, 
connected with the subject. 

It must be well known to most of our readers, that, of all the 
towns or cities of the empire, Liverpool is entitled to the bad 
eminence of having encouraged the African slave-trade, and bat- 
tened on the growth of slavery in the West Indies. Yet, in that 
large and populous town, a public discussion has recently taken 
place on the subject of Colonial slavery, possessing a degree of 
interest which will cause it to be long remembered, and, as such, 
entitling it to a place in these pages. 

During the last week in August, conformable to arrangements 

previously entered into, four lectures were delivered, two on each 

side of the question, to an audience consisting of eight or ten 

thousand people, in the Amphitheatre in that town. On Tuesday 

* See page 723. 



WEST INDIA ISLANDS. 851 

evening, August the 28th, Mr. Thompson, the agent of the Anti- 
Slavery Society in London, delivered a lecture on the evils of 
Colonial slavery. Mr. Borthwick, the ostensible organ of the 
West India planters, replied to him on the following evening. On 
Thursday night Mr. Thompson rejoined to Mr. Borthwick, and the 
latter gentleman rejoined to the former on Friday. The place 
was crowded in every part with persons desirous of hearing the 
discussion, the anxiety for which seemed to increase from day to 
day until its close. So much attention has been paid to the dis- 
cussion by the public journalists of that town, that the reader 
cannot but be gratified at having laid before them, in this place, 
the substance of their animadversions. The following epitome we 
extract from the Liverpool Times, of Tuesday, September the 4th. 

" The speech of Mr. Thompson on Tuesday evening contained 
a full statement of his case, and of that of the advocates of im- 
mediate emancipation. The proposition which he set himself to 
prove, after rather a long introduction, was, that slavery, as it 
exists in the West Indian colonies, was injurious to all who were 
connected with it, that it was incapable of any material improve- 
ment, and consequently that it ought to be immediately abolished. 
On the second evening, Mr. Borthwick endeavoured to shew that 
slavery was not what Mr. Thompson represented it, and also to 
prove l the impracticability, the danger, the immorality, and the 
sin of any attempt immediately to emancipate, unconditionally, the 
slaves of the West Indian colonies.' The question of compensation 
to the planters was also touched upon ; the charges against the 
Baptists, of exciting the late insurrection in Jamaica, was boldly 
asserted, and as boldly denied ; and various other points were dis- 
cussed, on most of which we shall say a few words, after we have 
stated and examined the assertions of the rival lecturers as to the 
present condition of the slaves, and the expediency of immediate 
emancipation. 

fi The evils of slavery enumerated by Mr. Thompson were twenty- 
six : and Mr. Borthwick boldly denied that any of the circum- 
stances which his antagonist enumerated as evils, were in reality 
such, with one exception. The first evil stated by Mr. Thompson 
was, that slavery cursed with barrenness the soil on which it 
existed ; barrenness being the inevitable consequence of the inces- 
sant reaping of ripe crops. To this Mr. Borthwick replied, that, even 



852 APPENDIX. 

according to Mr. Thompson's own shewing, it was not slavery, but . 
a bad system of cultivation, which produced the barrenness, inces- 
sant cropping being as injurious in a free as an enslaved country. 
This, it must be admitted, is true ; and Mr. Thompson's argument 
on this point is worth little, unless it can be shewn that the exist- 
ence of slavery renders this ruinous mode of cultivation necessary. 
To a certain extent, we believe this to be the case. Slave labour 
supersedes the employment of cattle, and deprives the land of til- 
lage, without which it must soon become exhausted and barren. 
So far, however, as the cultivation of sugar is concerned, we doubt 
whether the introduction of free labour would make any material 
difference in this respect, as there cannot be on sugar estates that 
rotation of crops which preserves fertility in the English system of 
husbandry. The second evil enumerated by Mr. Thompson is, 
that slavery has been in all ages the origin of the slave trade ; to 
which his antagonist replied, that this was putting the cart before 
the horse, slavery being the consequence, not the cause of the 
slave trade. Mr. Borthwick, however, will scarcely deny, that if 
slaves were not wanted, they would not have been made, or that 
the desire to possess came before the possession. In the West 
Indies, however, it is especially true that slavery led to the slave 
trade ; for when the Spaniards landed in that part of America, they 
found it thickly peopled, and it was not until they had literally 
exterminated the aborigines by an intolerable system of slavery, 
that the African slave trade was thought necessary, to fill up the 
gap in the population which slavery had produced. In the West 
Indies, therefore, slavery did produce the slave trade, and in all 
parts of the world the desire of possessing slaves leads to a similar 
traffic. 

" The third evil stated by Mr. Thompson is, that it dooms the 
children of slaves, even before they come into existence, to eternal 
slavery. To this Mr. Borthwick replies, that this is nothing more 
than a mere statement of a fact of universal application, namely, 
that children are born to the same condition as their parents. This, 
however, does not make the matter any better. Children are, 
doubtless, born to the condition of their parents ; and as it is one 
of the greatest blessings of freedom, that the descendants of free- 
men are born in the same condition, so it is one of the greatest 
curses of slavery, that the children of slaves are born to the same 



WEST INDIA ISLANDS. 853 

sad destiny of toil, suffering, degradation, as their parents. If 
slavery ended with one generation, it might be endurable ; but as 
the same principle that communicates so many privileges and 
rights to the descendants of freemen, communicates so much evil 
to the descendants of slaves, it furnishes an additional reason for 
desiring the abolition of a system which is not only a curse now, 
but which must also continue to be a curse, so long as it exists in 
its present state. The next argument of Mr. Thompson is, that 
slavery depresses the body by extreme toil, whilst it deprives the 
mind of all motive for exertion. To this Mr. Borthwick replies, 
that the slave has a double motive — first, he labours for his master 
like the free labourer; second, he labours to purchase his own 
freedom. It is true, that the slave and the free labourer both toil 
for their masters; the latter, however, has a strong motive for 
exertion, namely, the hope of receiving wages, and living on them 
in comfort ; what the former hopes for, we know not, what he fears 
we know only too well. The cart whip is his stimulus. But it 
seems he may labour to secure his own freedom : why, so he may, 
if after toiling all day in a sugar plantation, under a tropical sun, 
he possesses strength to work. We suspect that Mr. Borthwick 
would not find it easy to discover one slave in a hundred capable 
of working out his freedom under such circumstances. 

" The fifth and sixth evils stated by Mr. Thompson were, that 
the slaves were exposed to poverty, nakedness, imprisonment, and 
stripes. To this Mr. Borthwick answered, that similar evils exist 
in this country, and that their existence in the West Indies 
no more proves the institutions of the colonies to be defective, 
than their existence in England proves ours to be so. Now, first, 
as to the fact. That many of the English peasantry are exposed 
to great privations, is quite true ; but that any of them are liable 
to be imprisoned and flogged at the whim or caprice of a hard- 
hearted master or brutal overseer, is totally false. But, even 
allowing that the condition of the lower classes in this country is 
as wretched as that of the negroes in the West Indies, what does 
that prove, except that there is as much occasion for reform here 
as there is in the West Indies ? Every one admits that the con- 
dition of the working classes in this country is bad, and that 
measures ought to be taken to improve it without delay ; though 
no one but an advocate of slavery would insult common sense by 



N?4 APPENDIX. 

minime ::ee Eiiisi lb: me: mm tie vm S t Iii.m sieve. 
mi nrne :m i mete sttbmst -. ■:::;:: :: irrie tbit me i::::::;: 
cf misery ii me :l~ :: me ~::li ms e reism -my m ifbrt 
sbiili le :m:e :: :emme it m ::::^:, 7if seiii.i. :: :^- 
tmis rbtm -.■■:•, rirems : 1:1 bmlirem mime :;.!:::: ismie: 
::' me merest mi ieimst ties. "bibi m: men times time in i 
state of slavery, is admitted by Mr. Borthwick himself 10 be an 
evil. The rapid and alarming decrease in the numbers of the 
slaves is the next of the evils of slavery to which Mr. Thompson 
referred, and perhaps the most important of all. He asserted that 
the destruction of human life on the sugar islands was proceeding 
with such alarming speed, that in something more than half a cen- 
tury the whole slave population would be annihilated, in the 
same manner in which the aboriginal inhabitants of the 
Indies were exterminated by the Spaniards ; and mentioned that, 
during the last ten years and a half, a decrease of 5*2,000 souls 
had taken place in the negro slave population. Mr. Borthwick 
himself admitted, in his reply to these statements, that the decrease 
was going on at the rate of 1\ per cent, per annum ; but this he 
said was to be accounted for by manumissions among the slave 
1 :p-ii:::i. mi by me ib:t :■:" me sues m me simm esiiies 1 m 
been mmy ml miles it me rme mim me si: .1 imie ms -_'-_■:- 
lished. With regard to the first feet, it is smb: em to state, that, 
me mmmmissims being- mlmei :::. me iemeise is still ib 
Wiib rermi :: me seimi. -timely, tie mei miermte :: me 

■e sim: estites it me time —be- tie slim mm mi b: bismi. 
though it maybe true to a :e::im extent, yet. as not lees mm 
memy-im yems beve elmsei sine met emit, tie mlmte :: 
me sexes 11 lit :: :e est mei. Mr. Borthwick limits, that 

it nesmt me ie.reise ... tie s 1 1 e 1:1.11:1 is semi mi : 
le: ten le: mum. mi me 1111 1 1 lb 1 1 . t: m.11 Mr. 
Tmmism refers, has taken place within the last dozen years. 
Tie i:t ::' 1 mi i mi temml ietteise m tie umbers ::' me 
mm emeus 1: is. meretbte. t: m ml. mi elm. mi b 
Emm-xim bimselt." 

~"e me mmle t: mme :::m :':: tie mm 1 m:s 1:1:1 
mi. mere:": re. tike le me :: tie 1:11:11 

biemml mm 1 mmime: me m 



WEST INDIA ISLANDS. 855 

u The lectures on Colonial Slavery which have during the past 
week, been delivered in the Amphitheatre have excited an extraor- 
dinary degree of interest amongst all parties. The meetings have 
been most numerously attended ; and the patience and forbearance 
with which the auditories have listened to statements so diametri- 
cally opposed to their preconceived notions on the subject at issue, 
and so calculated to shock their prejudices, especially those enter- 
tained by the abettors of the present system of slavery in the West 
Indies, certainly does them great credit. We cannot, indeed, but 
augur well from this tone of moderation, and the strong desire to 
hear both sides of the question which has marked this discussion. 
Such a spirit of forbearance proves, at least, that, on the grand 
question of the desirableness of abolishing the system itself, very 
iittle difference of opinion, except among the few persons interested 
in it, now exists. All classes seem to admit, that slavery, consi- 
dered per se, is an evil, which the sooner it be put an end to, the 
better. The only material question at issue between the parties is 
the how, and under what circumstances, this desirable consumma- 
tion is to be effected. The Anti- Slavery Society have, in Mr. 
Thompson, chosen a most able champion of the rights of the 
oppressed and suffering negro. His style of eloquence is of a very 
high order ; and his powers of wit and satire are such as we have 
seldom seen equalled. His physical powers of endurance, while 
engaged in protracted debate, are also extraordinary, as was 
evinced on Thursday evening last, when, for four hours, he sus- 
tained an animated and continuous discussion, and carried it 
through to the last with scarcely any perceptible diminution of 
vocal or mental vigour. His opponent, who is confessedly much 
inferior to Mr. Thompson in the requisites just named, is not an 
unpleasing speaker. He possesses coolness, good temper, and 
deliberation, and contrives to make a skilful use of such materials 
as he has. We can only regret, that his talents are not applied to 
a better cause than that of attempting " to wash the Ethiop 
white," — of trying to convince the people of this country, that 
West India slavery is, after all, a very harmless thing. A task 
this, which, we venture to assure him, will baffle all his efforts, 
though backed with the sophistry and the special pleading of 
Messrs. Macqueen, Hume, and the redoubtable Blackwood 
Jiimself. 



856 APPENDIX. 

" We have said, that on the main point, the moral evil of slavery, 
almost all are now agreed. Mr. Borthwick himself has virtually 
admitted the inexpediency of the system ; and we cannot but be 
surprised at the inconsistency which has led him, in the teeth of 
his own admission, to seek to bolster it up by a virtual denial of all 
its evils, and a justification of all and every part of its practice. 
Not content with denying the inhumanity, the cruelty, and the 
irreligious nature of the system, he has the temerity to assert the 
directly contrary to be the fact respecting it ! Slavery, in his view 
of it, is not only harmless, but positively beneficial, and abounding 
in comfort to the slave. Not only is the slave not tasked beyond 
his strength ; not only is he not punished, or punished but very 
slightly ; but his condition is, according to him, one of happiness 
and comfort, far superior to that of our peasantry at home ! So 
very happy and contented is the negro, indeed, that, even when 
liberty is tendered to him, he refuses it, preferring to remain as he 
is ; or, when he has escaped from what he once felt to be torture, 
he is eager to return and hug his chains ! Wonderful logic this, 
truly ! Pity, if such be the case, that the people of this country 
should so long have lain under a delusion as to the actual state of 
slavery ! Pity, if such be the real condition of slavery, and such 
the feelings of the negroes under it, that the mother country 
should, unfortunately, be deprived of a system so fraught with 
benefits and blessings to the fortunate people who have the happi- 
ness to live under its benignant shade ! Or that, long ere this, the 
misery of the lower orders in the sister island, Ireland, should not 
have been effectually relieved by drafting to the West Indies its 
superabundant and miserable population, not merely for the laud- 
able purpose of benefiting their condition, but as a means of sup- 
plying the annual deficiency in the numbers of the slaves abroad, 
whose population, notwithstanding their abounding comforts, are, 
very unaccountably, diminishing by some thousands annually. 

" Mr. Borthwick has, by the ground which he has chosen in this 
debate, prejudiced the cause which he seeks to support. By 
attempting to defend all the vulnerable points of the slavery sys- 
tem, he has given to his opponent a vantage ground, an opportu- 
nity for exposing in detail all the evils of the system, and of thus 
creating, in the minds of the public, a feeling which it should have 
been the especial aim of the West Indian party, by all possible 



west india islands. 857 

means, to avoid, that of an utter abhorrence of slavery, and a con- 
sequent indifference to the claims of the party interested in obtain- 
ing, what we are by no means disposed to deny, an equitable com- 
pensation for any loss of property which they can make out to have 
been sustained by the emancipation of their slaves. 

" Had the West Indian advocate, after a candid, a manly, and a 
christian admission of the injustice and the inexpediency of slavery, 
and a statement of the readiness of the planters and others con 
cerned to give up the system on a fair adjustment, appealed to the 
justice and the equity of Englishmen as to their claims to an 
adequate consideration, in the event of an abandonment of their 
present property, we verily believe he would have much more 
effectually served their cause than by the impolitic course he has 
adopted. But as he has sown, so must he reap. He cannot now, 
without dishonour, retrace his steps. He has imposed on himself 
the onerous task of supporting, through thick and thin, per fas et 
nefas, every part of a system which, the more it is considered, the 
more iniquitous and abhorent does it seem, and the more repugnant 
to every sentiment of Christianity, of right reason, and to every 
principle of that constitution under which it is the glory and the 
happiness of free-born Britons to exist. 

" Seeing, then, that the best and the holiest feelings of our nature 
are outraged by the mere attempt to prove that negro slavery, as it 
exists in the colonies, is neither inhuman, nor impolitic, nor sinful, 
we earnestly call upon the champions of the West India interest to 
shun, in future, an attempt so impious. They must be made to 
understand, that what shocks common sense and outrages religion, 
cannot be tolerated in this enlightened age, and in this free and 
christian country. They must be taught to address their appeals in 
defence, not of slavery, for that is indefensible, but of the planters, 
to the justice, and not to the selfishness of our nature. They must 
be made to acknowledge, unreservedly to acknowledge, that 
slavery is as contrary to the principles of natural right, as it is to 
the whole tenor of the gospel ; and to confess, that they and their 
employers are willing to co-operate in its complete abolition. All 
this, hard as may be the lesson, they must be taught. The 
planters and the mortgagees must discard their Borthwicks, their 
Franklins, cum multis aliis, who prejudice, instead of defend, their 
cause ; a circumstance, the truth of which the last week's discus- 

5r 



858 APPENDIX. 

sions in this town must, ere now, have fully convinced them. Re 
crimination, above all things, will do their cause no good whatever. 
Let them plead their case as one of simple justice between the 
colonies and the mother country ; let them claim compensation 
for the loss of the services of the slaves (if any loss they should 
sustain) on the common principles of equity between man and man ; 
let them do this, instead of shocking the common sense and the 
religious feelings of the British public by the wretched sophistries 
and the ill -disguised impiety of their hired advocates, and the 
colonists will drive a better bargain with the mother county, when 
she shall command the abolition of slavery, than they are likely to 
make by a repetition of the harangues of such advocates as Messrs. 
Borthwick and Franklin." 

These extracts may suffice for a specimen of the liberal tone of 
the leading journalists, and of the general feeling of the inhabit- 
ants, of that great commercial town, on the subject of West 
Indian slavery. When the writer of these lines looks back for a 
period of half a century, and calls to recollection what he then 
knew of the state of Liverpool — that little was to be heard of but 
Guinea ships, slaves, blacks, and the odious traffic connected with 
them — and now finds the entire system of Colonial slavery con- 
demned by the mass of its population, he feels thankful to that 
kind Providence which has lengthened out his days to witness the 
" march of liberal sentiments," in a town in which he passed 
twenty years of his life. And extending his views from a single 
town to the country at large, and from this country to a great 
part of Europe, as depicted in the volume now brought to a close, 
he cheerfully lays down his pen with heartfelt satisfaction on a 
contemplation of the present, and still more so on the bright and 
cheering prospect which opens upon the next generation. 



859 



INDEX. 



Addington, Mr., succeeds Mr. Pitt in office, 28. 

Albani, Cardinal, his recent proceedings, 661. 

Althorp, Lord, his family descent, 113 ; his birth and education, 115 ; enters 
parliament, 116: is fixed on by Lord Goderich as president of the finance 
committee, 123 ; advocates the repeal of the sacramental test, 127 ; and 
the Catholic relief bill, 136; his proposition respecting the civil list, 142; 
is made chancellor of the exchequer, 146 ; how taunted by Mr. Gouiburn* 
148 ; vindicates himself, 150 ; estimate of his talents and character, 152. 

American Revolution, origin of the, 637 ; produced by a resistance to Tory 
counsels, 639 ; paved the way for the French revolution, 640. 

Attwood, Thomas, Esq., addresses the Birmingham Union, 743 ; delivers 
an able address to an immense multitude at Newhall Hill, 755 ; his address 
on the recall of ministers, 810. 

Auckland, Lord, his family, &c, 563 ; appointed president of the board of 
trade, 564 ; his speech on the glove trade, ibid. 

Bainbridge, Dr., his speech at the Crown and Anchor, 773. 

Batik of England, how affected by the resignation of Earl Grey, 788. 

Bankes, Mr., loses his seat for Dorsetshire, 739. 

Baptist Missionaries, how grossly treated in Jamaica, 731, &c. 

Baring, Mr., Alexander, his explanations in parliament, 790 ; his second 
defence, 797 ; his explanations resumed, 802. 

Belgium, affairs of, briefly noticed, 655 ; history of its affairs resumed, 845. 

Birmingham Political Union, proceedings of the, 743 ; resolutions passed at 
the, 753 ; report of its grand meeting on the 7th of May, 755 ; their petition 
to the Lords, 756 ; resolution to pay no taxes, 780 ; another meeting at 
Newhall Hill, 781 ; meeting on the recall of ministers, 810 ; declaration 
of the council of the Union, 811. 

Brereton, Colonel, his death and character. 825. 

Bristol, proceedings of the Union, 812 ; special commission for the trial of 
rioters opened there, 822. 

Brougham, Lord, his descent, 39 ; distinguishes himself as an author, 40 • 
becomes an advocate at the Scotch bar, 41 ; removes to the metropolis' 
and practises in the English courts, 42 ; obtains a seat in parliament, ibid ; 
brings in a bill for making the slave trade felony, 43 ; moves for a repeal 
of the " Orders in Council," 44 ; condemns the " Holy Alliance," 45 ; 
espouses the cause of the Princess of Wales, 47 ; estimate of his speeches 
in her defence, 48 ; his plans for the education of the people, 49 ; various 
institutions projected by him, 52 ; his escapade with Mr. Canning, 54 ; 
takes up the cause of Smith the missionary, 55 ; his memorable speech 
touching the state of the law, &c, 56 : exerts himself for the repeal of the 
the Corporation and Test acts, 57 ; defends the Catholic Associ- 
ation, 60; his speech on the battle of Navarino, 63; brings in a bill to 
amend the system of jurisprudence, 65 ; is raised to the dignity of a baron 
and takes his seat as lord chancellor, 66 ; his address to Mr. Justice* 
Bayley, ibid ; estimate of Mr. Brougham's talents and character, 67 • 
sketch of his forensic powers, 72 : speech on Lord Althorp's proposal 
respecting the civil list, 143 ; his fracas with Mr. Peel, 144 ; how he 
repelled the charge, that the aristocracy were opposed to the reform bill, 
539 ; his opinion of the conduct of Charles the Tenth, delivered at Shef- 
field, 713. 



860 INDEX. 

Buckingham, Duke of, his reform bill, 746 ; quotes Shakespeare against the 
ministerial bill, 749 ; reminds noble lords of the fate of Charles the First, 
and Louis the Sixteenth, 750. 

Buhver, Mr. H. L., his speech on the affairs of Germany, 843. 

Burdett, Sir Francis, his address to the electors of Westminster, 771 ; his able 
speech in parliament on the resignation of Earl Grey, 798 ; his animadver- 
sions on the conduct of Lord Lyndhurst, 800 ; condemns the conduct of 
Russia towards Poland, 840. 

Carlisle, Earl of, his family, &c, 537 ; accompanied Lord Malmesbury on his 
embassy, 538 ; made a commissioner for India affairs, ibid ; and member 
of Earl Grey's administration, 539. 

Campbell, Dr. George, his opinion of sacramental tests, 95. 

Chandos, Marquis of, his opposition to the reform bill, 745. 

Charles X. of France, his brief history, 700. 

Cholera Morbus, its destructive ravages in Britain, 826 ; on board the ship 
Brutus for Quebec, 829 ; in Belgium, 846 ; in Holland, 847 •, total of cases 
in England and Scotland, up to Sept. 15th, 847. 

Colonial Affairs, interesting discussions at Liverpool respecting, 840. 

Court of Common Council, (London,) resolutions passed there, 767. 

Demerara and Essequibo, insurrectionary proceedings there, 733 

Denman, Sir Thomas, his family descent, 612 ; his birth and education, 613 ; 
made deputy recorder of Nottingham, ibid; enters parliament, 614 ; ap- 
pointed solicitor-general to Queen Caroline, ibid; compares her case to 
that of Octavia, 615 ; extract from his speech, 616 ; is returned member 
for Nottingham, 618 ; defends the reform bill against Sir Charles 
Wetherell, 619 ; quotation from Burke, 629 ; his reply to Mr. Alexander 
Baring, 794. 

Dillon, Mr., his speech in Guildhall, 770. 

Donna Maria, her right to the throne of Portugal vindicated, 695. 

Don Miguel, his proceedings in Portugal, 690. 

Don Pedro, endeavours to recover the crown of Portugal for his daughter, 694. 

Duchess of Berry, promotes disturbances in France, 718. 

Duncombe, Mr. Thomas, his powerful speech in the Commons, 791. 

Dundee, meeting of the inhabitants there, 814. 

Durham, Lord, (See Lambton, Mr.) defends Lord John Russell's reform bill 
against Lord Wharncliffe, 418 : his memorable reply to the Bishop of 
Exeter, (Phillpotts,) 440 ; also the Duke of Wellington and Lord Mans- 
field, 442 ; estimate of his talents, &c, 450 ; his embassy to Russia, 835 ; 
his reception, 839. 

Ebrington, Lord, his motion in the Commons, 742 ; and again on the 
resignation of ministers, 764 ; his reply to Sii Henry Hardinge, and 
Mr. A. Baring, 797. 

Edinburgh Political Union, makes a grand display, 783 ; their proceedings 
on the recall of ministers, 813. 

Ellenborough, Lord, his opposition to the reform bill, 748 ; proposes to par- 
liament an improved edition of the bill, 762. 

Ellis, Mr. his speech to the electors of Southwark, 780. 

England, its state in 1832, 824 ; favourable harvest, 831 ; epitome of parlia- 
mentary proceedings, 832. 

Erskine, the Honourable Thomas, supports Mr. Grey on parliamentary re- 
form, 15 ; and again, 25. 

Evans, Colonel, his speech at the Crown and Anchor, 773 ; his efforts on 
behalf of the Poles, 837 ; and the Germanic States, 844. 

Exeter, Bishop of, his conduct as a peer of parliament stricturized, 440, — 
750. &c. 

Fox, Charles-James, defends Mr. Grey, 9 ; his reply to Mr. Pitt on parlia- 
mentary reform, 18 ; his eulogy on Lord Henry Petty, 295. 

Francis, Sir Philip, quotes Lord Chesterfield on the price of seats in par- 
liament, 16. 



INDEX. 861 

France, sketch of its history since the return of the Bourbons, 697 ; the people 
of, want a reform bill, 716. 

French Revolution, how brought about, 644 ; particulars of a second revolu- 
tion in 1831, 705. 

Friends of the People, society of, its object, 9. 

Gascoyne, General, loses his seat for Liverpool, 739. 

George the Third, insulted by his subjects, 22 ; what he required as a pledge 
from Lords Grenville and Howick, 29. 

Glasgow Political L T nion, their proceedings on the recall of ministers, 814. 

Germany, States of, in quest of freedom, 667 ; how treated by the holy alli- 
ance, 669. 

Goderich, Viscount, his family connexions, '233 ; enters parliament, 234 ; 
presides at the board of trade, 236 ; his house attacked by a mob, 237 ; 
his exertions respecting the corn laws, 239 ; made chancellor of the ex- 
chequer, 245 ; and colonial secretary, 246 ; succeeds Mr. Canning as 
premier, 249 ; breaking up of his cabinet; 253 ; strictures on that event, 
255 ; his speech in favour of the Dissenters, 259 ; the Irish Catholics, 
264 ; and parliamentary reform, 271 ; summary of his talents and cha- 
racter, 285 ; his official transactions with the colonial governments, 724. 

Graham, Sir James, his family connexions, 545 ; birth and education, 546 ; 
his speech on the circulation of Scottish bank notes, 546 ; made first lord 
of the admiralty, 548 ; his defence against Mr. Dawson, 549 ; his reforms 
in the admiralty, &c, 550. 

Grant, Charles, his descent, &c, 374 ; succeeds his father as member for 
Inverness-shire, 373 ; is made vice-president of the board of trade, 374 ; 
advocates the cause of injured Ireland, 376 ; and Catholic emancipation, 
378 ; renews the subject with great effect, 380 ; his eulogy on Mr. Can- 
ning, 386 ; ably supports Sir Francis Burdett's motion for Catholic eman- 
cipation, 387 ; and Mr. Peel's bill on that subject, 393 ; his character, 397. 

Grey, Earl, some account of his family, 1 ; enters parliament, 3 ; his first 
speech, 4 : his first onset with Mr. Pitt, 5 ; joins the ranks of Mr. Fox, 8 ; 
his first motion for a reform in parliament, 9 ; presents a petition from the 
Friends of the People, 13 ; opposes Mr. Pitt's traitorous correspondence 
bill, 20; and the payment of the Prince of Wales's debts, 21; moves for 
an impeachment of ministers, 23 ; renews his motion for parliamentary 
reform, 25 ; opposed tbe Irish union, 27 ; takes the title of Lord Howick, 
28 ; succeeds Mr. Fox as foreign secretary, ibid ; loses his place by pro- 
posing the Catholic relief bill, 29 ; relaxes in his attendance on parlia- 
ment, ibid ; declines office during the regency, 30 ; refuses his support to 
Mr. Canning's administration, 31 ; supports the Duke of Wellington's bill 
for Catholic emancipation, ibid; advocates the cause of Queen Caroline, 33 ; 
estimate of his character and talents, 34 ; his speech on the affairs of 
Naples, 180—6; moves the second reading of the reform bill, 747; his 
retort on the Bishop of Exeter, 752 ; how he treated the Duke of Buck- 
ingham's new measure of reform, 762 ; resigns his office, but is recalled 
after one week's retirement, 763 ; his triumphant address on carrying the 
reform bills, 800 ; his speech on resuming office, 803 ; laments the irrita- 
tion of noble lords, 808. 

Hardinge, Sir Henry, defends the Duke of Wellington, 792. 

Hoadley, Bishop, his view of the Corporation and Test acts, 94. 

Hobhouse, Sir John Cam, his family and lineage, 483 ; signalizes himself as 
an author, 484 ; enters the House of Commons as member for Westmin- 
ster, ibid; supports Mr. Lambton's motion for inquiry into the representa- 
tion, 485 ; his difference with Mr. Canning, 485 ; his lampoon of that 
gentleman, 497 ; ably supports Lord John Russell's bill, 502 ; replies to 
Sir R. Inglis, 509; and to Horace Twiss, 517 ; made war secretary, 522. 

Holland, Lord, his family descent and education, 156; makes the tour of the 
continent, 156 ; takes his seat in the House of Peers, ibid; opposes the 
war with France, 157 ; censures ministers for subsidizing the continental 



862 INDEX. 

powers, 158; proposes a treaty with the French government, 160; visits 
Spain, 161 ; takes office in the Fox and Grenville administration, 162 ; 
advocates the cause of Catholic emancipation, 167 ; his inquiry respecting 
ex-qfficio informations, 168 ; his interview with the allied sovereigns in Lon- 
don, 173 ; again visits the continent, 175 ; parliamentary labours detailed 
180 ; his speech on the affairs of Naples, 186 ; supported Mr. Canning's 
ministry, 195 ; his defence of his conduct, ibid ; his exertions in favour of 
the liberties of the Dissenters, 207 ; and the Roman Catholics, 228 ; his 
lordship's character and talents, 231. 

Hume, Joseph, his address to the Metropolitan National Union, 760 ; on the 
affairs of Germany, 844. 

Hutton, Rev. Hugh, his prayer and thanksgiving, 811. 

Inglis, Sir Robert, condemns the Duke of Wellington, 794. 

Jones, Colonel, his speech at the Crown and Anchor, 778. 

Ireland, its wretched state in 1832, 818 ; opposition to the payment of tithes 
there, 819 ; parliamentary proceedings for its relief, 822 ; progress of the 
cholera in that country, 830. 

Irish Reform Bill, history of its passing, 818. 

Italian States, in pursuit of liberty, 659. 

Jamaica, insurrection of the black population there, 728. 

La Fayette, General, referred to, 645, 711, 721. 

Lamarque, General, insurrection at his funeral, 720. 

Lansdown, Marquis, (see the article Petty,) moves the abolition of the slave 
trade, 299 ; brings forward a plan for extending the foreign trade of the 
country, 303 ; renews his motion for the abolition of slavery, 307 ; calls the 
attention of parliament to the state of Ireland, 311 ; results of this motion, 
323 ; resumes the subject of our foreign trade, 325 ; particularly in refe- 
rence to South America, 328 ; joins Lord Goderich's administration, 330 ; 
supports the motion for repealing the Test and Corporation acts, 333 ; and 
that of Catholic emancipation, 338 ; advocates the cause of parliamentary 
reform, 347 ; abstract of his speeches on this subject, 348, &c. ; sketch of 
his character, 370 ; his remarks on the tithe question in Ireland, 821 ; his 
plan for the relief of the clergy there, 822. 

Leopold, King of Belgium, his marriage, 845. 

Lambton, Mr., his family descent, 398 ; birth and education, 399 ; enters 
parliament as member for Durham, 400 ; brings forward the state of 
our representation, ibid ; his history of the British parliament, 404. (See 
Durham, Lord.) 

La Vended, insurrectionary movements there, in favour of the Bourbons, 717. ■ 

Leeds Political Union, resolutions passed at the, 752 ; proceedings on the 
recall of ministers, 813. 

Liverpool Political Union, resolutions passed there, 782 ; proceedings on the 
recall of ministers, 812. 

Livery of London, proceedings of the, 767. 

London, proceedings of the Common Council, 767. 

Louis the Fourteenth, sketch of his character and reign, 640. 

Louis the Fifteenth, sketch of his character and reign, 641. 

Louis the Sixteenth, his unhappy reign, 642. 

Lucia, St. island of, recent proceedings there, 733. 

Lyndhurst, Lord, his sinister treatment of the reform bill, 761 ; his woful 
disappointment, 787 ; how castigated by Sir Francis Burdett, 800 ; his 
prophecy of the effects of the reform bill, 801 ; his explanation in the House 
of Peers, 802. 

Lyons, tumultuous proceedings at, 715. 

Magee, Archbishop of Dublin, his humble origin, &c, 579. 

Manchester Political Union, their petition to the Commons, 781; resolutions 
on the recall of ministers, 813. 

Melbourne, Lord, his family, &c, 569 ; educated at Eton, ibid : is made chief 
secretary for Ireland, 570 ; no favourite with the radicals, ibid ; defends the 



INDEX. 803 

reform bill, 571 ; his reply to the Duke of Wellington, 574 ; appeals to the 
Lords in defence of the bill, 578. 

Metropolitan National Union, meeting of, 760 ; resolutions moved, and peti- 
tion to the Lords, 761 ; proceedings on the resignation of ministers, 765 ; 
specimen of speeches on the occasion, 760. 

Milton, Lord, his strictures on the Duke of Wellington, 790. 

Molineux, Lord, presides at a meeting in Liverpool, 782. 

Murray, Mr. J. A., his address at the meeting in Edinburgh, 813. 

Mulgrave, Earl, his strictures on the Duke of Wellington's conduct, 806. 

O'Connell, Daniel, his eloquent address to the Westminster electors, 774. 

Oporto, recent proceedings at, 847. 

Parkes, Mr. one of the Birmingham delegates, 771. 

Paine's ' Rights of Man/ prosecuted, 12. 

Paisley, meeting there on the recall of ministers, 814. 

Palmer, Mr. Fyshe, his remarks on the passing of the reform bills, 817. 

Palmerstcn, Lord, his family and titles, &c. 451 ; education, &c. 452 ; is made 
war secretary, ibid; how chastised by Mr. Brougham, 453; his defence 
of himself, 455 ; his political career not very consistent, 456 ; disapproved 
of the Duke of Wellington's conduct towards Mr. Huskisson, 457 ; sup- 
ports the Catholic relief bill, 459 ; but opposed the repeal of the Corpo- 
ration and Test Acts, 463 ; advocates the cause of parliamentary reform, 
472 ; his reply to Mr. Bulwer, 844. 

Parliament, prorogation of, 834. 

Petty, Lord Henry, his family descent and education, 289 ; enters parlia- 
ment, 290 ; his reply to Mr. Pitt on Lord Melville's impeachment, 291 ; 
made chancellor of the exchequer, 296 ; raised to the dignity of peer, 297. 
(See Lansdown.) 

Peel, Sir Robert, refuses the premiership, 787. 

Pearson, Charles, his speech in Common Hall, 769. 

Perceval, Spencer, his strange conduct in the House of Commons, 745. 

Pitt, William, first advocated the cause of parliamentary reform, and then 
opposed it, 9, 11, 17; his bill to prevent seditious meetings, 22; how he 
subsidized the continental powers, 24; his death, 28. 

Philippe, Duke of Orleans, succeeds to the throne of France, 705. 

Plater, Count, his speech at the Leeds meeting, 836. 

Plunkett, Lord, his humble origin, 579 ; his education and call to the bar, 
580 ; opposes the union of England and Ireland, ibid ; is made attorney- 
general for Ireland, 581 ; is successful in his profession, Hid ; Grattan's 
partiality for him, 582 : his praiseworthy conduct during Lord Wellesley's 
government, ibid; his able defence of the first reform bill, 583 ; his reply 
to the Earl of Carnarvon, 584 ; to the Earl of Falmouth, 687 ; to the Duke 
of Wellington, 590 ; to Lord Wharncliffe, 594 ; refutes objections against 
the bill, 602 ; compared with Lord Brougham, 584. 

Polignac, Prince, his administration of the French government, 700 ; his 
curious letter to Baron Pasquier, 713 ; sentenced to imprisonment for 
life, 714. 

Poland, its history concisely sketched, 646 ; melancholy fate of, 655. 

Polish Refugees, their appeal to the British nation, 648. 

Portugal, its present condition described, 688 ; history of its affairs resumed, 

847. 
Reform Bills, history of the passing of the, 738 ; after the return of ministers 

to office, 815. 
Resignation of Ministers, 763 ; their recall, 8 

Richmond, Duke of, his family, &c. 523 ; enters the army under Lord Wel- 
lington, ibid ; some account of his services as a military man, 524 ; ap- 
pointed post-master- general, 526 ; defends the reform bill against Lord 
Wharncliffe, 527 ; vindicates the right of Brighton to the elective fran- 
chise, 529 ; how attacked by the Earl of Falmouth, 531 ; and vindicated by 
Earl Grey, 533 ; courted by the Tories, 535 ; character, &c, 536. 



864 INDEX. 

Russell, Lord John, his family, 74 ; birth and education, 75 : first parliamen- 
tary effort, 76 ; his mock lament over Grampound, 78 ; becomes the advo- 
cate of reform, SO ; defeated, but renews his efforts. 89 ; moves for the 
repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, 90 ; advocates the Catholic relief 
bill, 103 ; is appointed paymaster of the forces, 10-4 ; brings in the parlia- 
mentary reform bill, 105 ; his triumph in the cause, 110 ; estimate of his 
talents and services to his country, 111 : his censure of the Duke of Wel- 
lington's conduct, 793. 

Rutland. Duke of, his eulogy on the King, 807. 

Salisbury Marquis, defends the Duke of Wellington, 806. 

Scholeiicld. Air., one of the Birmingham delegates, 76S; addresses the West- 
minster National Union, 779. 

Scotch Reform Bill, history of the passing of the, 817. 

Scotland, progress of the cholera there, 827. 

Shrewsbury, Earl of, his defence of the reform bill, 748. 

Southwark. borough of, proceedings at a meeting there, 780. 

Spain and Portugal, their abortive efforts to procure liberty, 675 ; some ac- 
count of the present royal family of Spain, 679. 

Speaker of the Commons, his resignation, and able conduct, 833. 

Stanley, Mr. E. G., his family, <kc, 553 ; enters parliament as member for 
Preston, ibid ; obtains the office of Irish secretary, 554 ; opposes Mr. 
Hume's motion for an inquiry into the state of the Irish church, 555 ; his 
plans for the relief of Ireland, 556 ; ably defends the ministerial measure of 
parliamentary reform, 559. 

Sutton, Mr. 3Ianners, resigns the Speaker's chair, S33 ; estimate of his high 
qualifications, 834 ; his address to the Ring, 835. 

Taylor, Sir Herbert, his circular letter to the Tory peers. S16. 

Thurloic, Lord, pronounced the Scotch elections " a mockery," 15. 

Times Journal, quoted, 809. 

Tithes, the payment of, resisted in Ireland, 819, 823, 

Tories, their discomfiture on the recall of the ministers to office, 7S5. 

Torrijos, General, his history and unhappy fate, 682. 

Torrijos, Madame, letter of, 654 ; her history, 685 ; obtains sympathy in 
England, 6S8. 

Trade and Commerce, how affected by the reform bills, 788. 

Trinidad, island of, recent proceedings there, 736. 

Vyvyan, Sir Richard, loses his seat for Cornwall, 739. 

Watson, Bishop, what he thought of the Corporation and Test acts, 94. 

Waithman, Alderman, censures the Duke of Wellington, 793. 

Wellington, Duke of, protests against the reform bill, 751 ; subsequently 
truckles for office to pass it, 757 ; his explanation on the failure of his nego- 
ciation, S02. 

Westminster Political Union, their petition to the House of Commons, 777. 

West Indies, state of the British colonies there, 723. 

Whately, Archbishop, his evidence on Irish tithes, 822. 

Whitbread, Mr. Samuel, advocates parliamentary reform, 16. 

Winchilsea, Earl of, his memorable threat, 749 ; his opposition to the reform 
bill, 762. 

Wolverhampton, proceedings there, 812. 

Wrottesley, Sir John, his speech on Earl Grey's return to office, S07, 

Vork, archbishop of, his speech in parliament, 807. 



London : Fisner, ^oa, and Co., Printers. 



